The Challenge of China
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Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Waldron Spring 2014
University of Pennsylvania Department of History History 412 The Republic of China, 1911-1949 and After Professor Arthur Waldron Spring 2014 Summary: This seminar treats the history, politics, and culture of the Republic of China, which ruled China from 1911/12 until its overthrow by the Communists in the Civil War (1945-49) who established a new state, the People’s Republic of China (1949-). This was a time of political contention, considerable progress in education, the economy, and other areas: also of comparative openness compared to what followed. After 1931, however, all was dominated by the menace of Japan, which exploded into full scale warfare in 1937-1945. The course consists of readings, seminar discussions, and a research paper. We meet from 3:00-6:00 on Thursdays in Meyerson Hall B-6. Introduction: The last of the traditional dynasties that had ruled China for millennia, the Qing, was overthrown by a series of uprisings that began in October of 1911, It abdicated on February 24, 1912, and was succeeded by the Republic of China, which ruled China until 1949. Its history is fascinating and full of questions. How does a society that has had an emperor for thousands of years set up a new form of government? How do people, who have long operated in accord with well defined “traditions” in everything from the arts to family organization, become “modern”? In fact, for a long time, many believed that was impossible without a revolution like that which created the Soviet Union in 1917. What sorts of literature, arts, fashion, etiquette, and so forth could be both “Chinese” and “modern”? (Again, many have thought this impossible). -
The Emergence of Poland As a Regional Leader
America’s protégé in the east? The emergence of Poland as a regional leader MARCIN ZABOROWSKI AND KERRY LONGHURST* The evolution of the United States over the past decade into a hyperpower means that it now shoulders a far greater degree of responsibility for maintaining international order than in former years. In this context, the US has sought to manage its international relations through a mixture of multilateralism and unilateralism. At the core of this emerging strategy is the concept of ‘regional leadership’ for those states with which Washington seeks to work or to which it may occasionally delegate some security-related tasks. Clearly, this has not been possible in all parts of the world, given that any such partner needs to share and uphold, to some degree, the same view of the world as the US, including a proclivity to use military force. The US has managed to establish close relation- ships with a number of states that may be viewed as regional leaders. In western Europe the special relationship with the UK, underpinned by the sharing of common intelligence, has endured, which means that Britain is set to remain the US’s key partner in the region. Australia, too, enjoys a close relationship with the US, also based, to a large extent, upon intelligence-sharing. Thus, after September 11, with a very similar threat perception to that of the United States, Australia became a significant regional leader and one of the closest allies of the US following its involvement in the early stages of the US-led operation in Afghanistan. -
The Politics of Walls: Barriers, Flows, and the Sublime
William Callahan The politics of walls: barriers, flows, and the sublime Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Callahan, William A. (2018) The politics of walls: barriers, flows, and the sublime. Review of International Studies. pp. 1-26. ISSN 0260-2105 DOI: 10.1017/S0260210517000638 © 2018 British International Studies Association This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/87781/ Available in LSE Research Online: May 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 The Politics of Walls: Barriers, Flows, and the Sublime William A. Callahan International Relations Department London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE [email protected] Review of International Studies, 2018 https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/review-of-international- studies/article/politics-of-walls-barriers-flows-and-the- sublime/45425AECD7676628480A3FD400694C00 Abstract As Donald Trump’s presidential campaign showed, walls are a hot topic. -
The Strongmen Strike Back Robert Kagan
POLICY BRIEF The strongmen strike back Robert Kagan Authoritarianism has returned as an ideological and strategic force. And it returns at just the moment when the liberal world is suffering a major crisis of confidence. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION Today, authoritarianism has emerged as the Of all the geopolitical transformations confronting greatest challenge facing the liberal democratic the liberal democratic world these days, the one world—a profound ideological, as well as strategic, for which we are least prepared is the ideological challenge. Or, more accurately, it has reemerged, and strategic resurgence of authoritarianism. We for authoritarianism has always posed the most are not used to thinking of authoritarianism as a potent and enduring challenge to liberalism, since distinct worldview that offers a real alternative the birth of the liberal idea itself. Authoritarianism to liberalism. Communism was an ideology—and has now returned as a geopolitical force, with strong some thought fascism was, as well—that offered a nations such as China and Russia championing comprehensive understanding of human nature, anti-liberalism as an alternative to a teetering politics, economics and governance to shape the liberal hegemony. It has returned as an ideological behavior and thought of all members of a society in force, offering the age-old critique of liberalism, every aspect of their lives. and just at the moment when the liberal world is suffering its greatest crisis of confidence since We believed that “traditional” autocratic the 1930s. It has returned armed with new and governments were devoid of grand theories about hitherto unimaginable tools of social control and society and, for the most part, left their people disruption that are shoring up authoritarian rule at alone. -
Vicious Cycles HOW DISRUPTIVE STATES and EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS FILL POWER VACUUMS and FUEL EACH OTHER
Vicious Cycles HOW DISRUPTIVE STATES AND EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS FILL POWER VACUUMS AND FUEL EACH OTHER EMILY ESTELLE AUGUST 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Executive Summary strategy oriented on great-power competition and long as their support base faces an existential threat, A managing terrorist threats must focus on Africa which protracted conflicts create.4 and the Middle East rather than pull away from them. This expansion and protraction of conflict are These regions are home to one of the world’s largest most advanced in the Syrian and Libyan civil wars. and densest concentrations of Salafi-jihadi groups, What began as domestic conflicts have become including al Qaeda and the Islamic State. They have regional proxy wars with global implications, includ- also become the epicenter of proxy and sometimes ing humanitarian disasters, mass displacement, and direct competition among great powers, including emerging threats to NATO’s security. The Syrian and Russia and China, and important regional states such Libyan conflicts are now merging, moreover, making as Egypt, Iran, and Turkey. The interactions of these them even more difficult to resolve and raising the states and non-state actors create a number of vicious stakes even higher. cycles that perpetuate and expand conflict while feed- The growth of extremist movements is a cat- ing the Salafi-jihadi movement and giving it room to alyst, not just a result, of multisided proxy wars. expand. Embracing the need to engage in great-power Extremist movements and disruptive states form a competition makes sense. Pulling away from Africa mutually reinforcing vicious cycle. The presence of and the Middle East to do so does not. -
Bridging the Foreign Policy Divide
Bridging the Foreign Policy Divide The America and the Use of Force: Stanley Sources of Legitimacy Foundation By Ivo Daalder and Robert Kagan June 2007 Ivo H. Daalder is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC. From 1995 to 1996 he was director for European affairs on President Clinton’s national security council staff. Daalder has authored eleven books, including the award-winning America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (with James M. Lindsay). His forthcoming books include (with James M. Lindsay) Restoring Trust: How to Reverse the Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (John Wiley, 2008) and (with I. M. Destler) In the Shadow of the Oval Office: The President’s National Security Adviser and the Making of American Foreign Policy (Simon & Schuster, 2008). Robert Kagan is senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Transatlantic Fellow at the German Marshall Fund. His most recent book is Dangerous Nation: America’s Place in the World from its Earliest Days to the Dawn of the Twentieth Century (Knopf, 2006). His previous book was Of Paradise and Power (Knopf, 2003), an international bestseller that has been translated into more than 25 languages. Dr. Kagan writes a monthly column on world affairs for The Washington Post and is a contributing editor at both The New Republic and The Weekly Standard. Many American and foreign observers believe that These three factors have already produced a 15-year the painful and so far unsuccessful intervention in post-Cold War period in which the United States has Iraq will make the United States more reluctant to taken military action with greater frequency than go to war in the future. -
History History 670-301
1 University of Pennsylvania Department of History History 670-301 Nationalism in History and in Theory Professor Arthur Waldron Fall 2016 Introduction: This course surveys instances of nationalism in the history of European and Asian countries and the United States. Although I am by training an Asianist, nationalism-everywhere—is one of my abiding interests. We will meet nearly every Tuesday in my office College Hall 311C from about 1:45 to 5:30- 4:30/4:45. As this is a graduate course, the main event is a research paper: this is not a thesis or other terrifying event; it is simply a piece of research and analysis on something that above all interests you. Figure 25-30 pages double-spaced. More is just fine. Nationalism covers everything from politics (tell me, who today is an American nationalist?) to music (Is it a universal language accessible to all? Or is it firmly rooted in the soil of its native place?)—so I am certain you can each find a topic you like genuinely. I am available for discussion, indeed eager, but I am also busier than I once was so we have to plan ahead. Each class will begin with a presentation—30 minutes or so—of the reading and of its background. Then the “speaker”—can you think of a better word?—will raise issues and questions, try to read the text against itself, draw connections to other course issues, etc. Discussion will follow. In the last meetings of the course, each of you will make a presentation – 45 minutes of so—of your research so far, both the substance and the questions. -
Chinese Strategic Cultures: Survey and Critique
CHINESE STRATEGIC CULTURES: SURVEY AND CRITIQUE Christopher P. Twomey Prepared for: Defense Threat Reduction Agency Advanced Systems and Concepts Office Comparative Strategic Cultures Curriculum Contract No: DTRA01-03-D-0017, Technical Instruction 18-06-02 This report represents the views of its author, not necessarily those of SAIC, its sponsors, or any United States Government Agency 31 October 2006 2 Chinese Strategic Cultures: Survey and Critique Christopher P. Twomey In contrast to international-security studies, within the China field there seems to be little controversy about the proposition that “deep” history and culture are critical sources of strategic behavior. Indeed, most students of Chinese strategic thought and practice could be placed safely in a strategic-culture school of analysis, though few use the term explicitly. —Alistair Iain Johnston1 INTRODUCTION Chinese culture is extensive and pervades everyday life throughout the country. As a society with millennia of history that is actively woven into the educational system, this substantial effect is not surprising. Beyond the effects on everyday life, however, is there also an effect of this deep, historically rooted culture on China’s international affairs? In this paper I will lay out the traditional arguments made about Chinese strategic culture and pave the way for future evaluation of those arguments in explaining several important events in recent Chinese foreign policy. One mini-case is also attempted here, considering the possible implications of strategic cultural arguments for Chinese nuclear force posture. Some elements of Chinese strategic culture do clearly appear in the historic record, but this paper will call into question the uniqueness of those forms of culture. -
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Ill DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY CAREER 1919-1928 The Ruling Prince of His Own Banner After the old Prince Namjilwangchug died, there was not an actual ruling prince of the Sunid Right Banner for almost seventeen years. Therefore, Demchugdongrob’s assumption of power as jasag was a momentous and happy occasion for the whole ban ner. It also relieved, at least ostensibly, his “ official” mother (the Turned khatun, the first wife of his father) and the elderly officials of the banner of their heavy responsibilities.' During 1919, Prince De’s first year in charge of the banner administration, a group of Buriyad Mongolian intellectuals initiated the Pan-Mongolian movement, and in late February convened a meeting of delegates from Buriyad and Inner Mongolia at Dau- ria, in Siberia. They decided to organize a government for all Mongolia and sent repre sentatives to the Paris Peace Conference to strive for international recognition ofMon golia’s independence. Because it had already established its own government. Outer Mongolia rejected the invitation, but some Inner Mongols, especially the leaders of the Hulunbuir area in the far north of Inner Mongolia, were willing to Join, and the Naiji- Toyin Khutugtu of Hohhot Turned (Inner Mongolia) was recognized as their leader. Though this movement failed to achieve its goal of recognition at the Paris con ference, it influenced all of Mongolia. Even though the activities of Japanese militarists and the White Russian leader, Semenov, overshadowed this movement, it still helped to rouse a common Mongolian desire for unity and independence. Although Demchugdong- rob was not involved in these matters, he was inevitably influenced by them. -
OF PARADISE and Power ROBERT KAGAN
OF PARADISE AND PowER America and Europe in the New World Order ROBERT KAGAN Alfred A. Knopf NEW YORK 2003 IT Is TIME to stop pretending that Europeans and Americans share a common view of the world, or even that they occupy the same world. On the all-important question of power-the efficacy of power, the morality of power, the desirability of power-American and Euro pean perspectives are diverging. Europe is turning away from power, or to put it a little differently, it is moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation. It is entering a post-historical paradise of peace and relative prosperity, the realization of Immanuel Kant's "perpetual peace." Meanwhile, the United States remains mired in history, exercising power in an anarchic Hobbesian world where international laws and rules are unreliable, and where true security and the defense and promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might. That is why on major strategic and inter national questions today, Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus: They agree on little and understand one another less and less. And this state of affairs is not transitory-the product of one Anierican OF PARADISE AND POWER 5 election or one catastrophic event. The reasons for the such as the United Nations, less likely to work coopera transatlantic divide are deep, long in development, and tively with other nations to pursue common goals, more likely to endure. When it comes to setting national priori skeptical about international law, and more willing to ties, determining threats, defining challenges, and fash operate outside its strictures when they deem it necessary, ioning and implementing foreign and defense policies, the or even merely useful.1 United States and Europe have parted ways. -
Terrorism and the Future of Atlanticism
Matan Chorev WHEREIN THE DIVIDE? TERRORISM AND THE FUTURE OF ATLANTICISM Matan CHOREV1 This article argues that the tactical and strategic divergence in the approach to counterterrorism across the Atlantic is best understood through the prism of strategic culture. The different experiences with international terrorism have contributed to vastly different perceptions of the terrorist threat and in turn to different counterterrorism approaches. The paper introduces the concept of strategic culture, outlines the two continents’ experience with terrorism and explains why the end of the Cold War brought new tensions to the fore. It suggests that a strategic culture analysis of the divergent approaches to terrorism will help inform and enrich the ubiquitous one-dimensional realist rendering of the Atlantic divide and demonstrate that under the right conditions, international terrorism, rather than leading to permanent divorce might paradoxically be the very thing that transforms the Atlantic relationship back towards a consolidated Atlantic community. Keywords Terrorism, U.S. foreign policy, Common Security and Foreign Policy, strategic culture, trans-Atlantic relations. Introduction The “Unipolar Moment” poses significant challenges to the transatlantic relationship.2 The defining security environment of the restructured international order is as distinct as the system itself: the prime military threat facing major powers does not come from other first tier powers but rather from transnational actors able and willing to carry out “grand terror”– operations using conventional, radiological, nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons aimed at killing thousands if not millions of non-combatants.3 Failed states, wherein “disorder, anomic behavior, 1 Matan Chorev is a candidate for a Master’s of Law and Diplomacy at the Fletcher School, Tufts University.