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Ibadan Journal of Peace & Development Vols. 5 & 6 May 2015 pp. 70-84

Background to the Demise of Traditional Political Authority in

Isaac Olawale Albert

Introduction morgue) but rather that the system is anemic Titles are granted, but it's your behavior that and might eventually die unless there is a wins you respect (Kouzes and Posner 1997:12). reform somewhere. The paper focused on the three core factors responsible for the A major factor of underdevelopment of problem: colonialism of the 1850s to 1966, Nigeria today is the problem of leadership. the partisan politics of the 1960s and military As the country searches for altruistic rule of 1966 to 1999. leadership types, some folks call attention to The problem started with the British the role that the traditional political colonialism starting from the 1850s when institutions could play at making things look Lagos was occupied. The British established better. But these institutions are today a their hegemony by subordinating the natural shadow of their former selves and it appears rulers to their own colonial authority. things are getting worse. Only few people However, these traditional rulers were the hub today have respect for traditional rulers. Some around which the colonial system revolved. even question their relevance under the They were the sole Native Authorities in their modern democratic system practiced by Districts, which consisted of many a major Nigeria. This paper tries to unearth some of town and a number of subordinate towns and the ictors responsible for this increasing villages. The paramount ruler was responsible demise of traditional political authority in for the collection of taxes, execution of some Nigeria. The word "demise" simply means public works and granting of concessions for "death" or "collapse" of something. But the felling of timbers. All important matters in impression we seek to create in this paper is the District were brought to his notice. The not to demonstrate that the traditional powers of these traditional rulers over their political system in Nigeria is completely dead subjects were increased in terms of neutralising (and therefore already consigned to the some of the traditional checks and balances University oflbadan, Ibadan, Nigeria,

Professor, Institute for Peace and Strategic Studies,

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Background to the Demise of Traditional Political Authority in Nigeria 71 to the exercise of their authority. In Oyo, the most current, until the 1979 for example, the British increased the power Constitution reduced us again to "Chiefs", of the Alafin by eliminating the oversight without giving us a word for those on whom traditional rulers confer chieftaincy titles functions of the Oyo-Mesi on him. The ... So who then is the "traditional rulers". politicians who took over from the colonial masters in 1960 also manipulated the The of went ahead to define traditional rulers towards attaining their "traditional ruler" as reflected in the Bendel myopic political objectives. Traditional State "Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Law, rulers who appeared to be too assertive 1979". Here, a traditional ruler is defined as were removed from office with ignominy. "the traditional head of an ethnic unit or clan The military took over power in 1966. who is for the time being the holder of the Like the colonial masters and politicians of highest traditional authority within the ethnic the 1960s, they turned traditional rulers unit or clan and whose title is recognised as a into a wax, which was molded, in traditional ruler title by the Government of different unhealthy directions. They are the State". Based on his own belief that only denied of any specific constitutional role in people who were rulers before the coming the governance of the country. of British colonialism had the right to be Who is a traditional ruler? We are called traditional rulers, the Oba of Benin raising this question from the outset personally defined a traditional ruler as "the given the statement made by one of the traditional head of an ethnic community leading traditional rulers in Nigeria, the Oba whose stool conferred the highest of Benin, Omo N'Oba N'Edo, Uku traditional authority on the incumbent Akpolokpolo, Erediauwa (1985). since the time before the beginning of the According to him: British rule" (p. x.). Arewa (1978: 151) defined "traditional ruler" in a similar .. . people do not seem to know what even to manner. According to him, a traditional call us. In the pre-colonial days we went by various titles which, in the aggregate, could ruler "refers to an Emir, Oba, Obi or a be translated to' English as "King". But the paramount chief, who before the advent of colonial masters could not tolerate such the Colonial government in Nigeria, had translation that would have detracted from complete sovereignty over his territory and the position of the British Monarchy so they was not subject to any other higher authority settled for the nearest dictionary word within or outside his domain". Cap 19 of "Chief" which by my own dictionary means "leader or ruler". The colonial masters were the Laws of Western Region of Nigeria, nevertheless magnanimous enough not to 1959 makes no distinction between a tamper with our traditional titles and out traditional ruler and a "chief" appointed by traditional roles. They recognised some of him. They were all grouped together as us as "First Class Chiefs" by the presentation "chiefs" and a chief was defined as "a of the appropriate staff of office ... In the person whose chieftaincy title is associated early years of our independence, we were at with a native community and include a various times referred to as "natural rulers" . . . and "traditional rulers" which became 'minor' and recognised chief.

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The definitions provided above by the Oba of on the natural rulers. They used two methods for Benin and Dr. Arewa, respectively, cannot serve attaining this goal. The natural rulers were literally the whole of Nigeria as there are several traditional expected to choose between signing a treaty of political offices that were created during and after "friendship" or "protection" on the one hand, or the colonial era. Those created during the risk being attacked militarily. Many Southern colonial period include the Tor Tiv, OchTdoma, Nigerian communities chose the first option while and some other important chieftaincy titles a number of Northern Nigerian communities, most especially in the Middle Belt and Eastern because of the factor of Islam, had to be forced to Nigeria. More traditional institutions are still being accept the British colonialism. created in different parts of the country as the need Lagos was the first place to be colonised. The for them is felt. These people also have to be city was bombarded and occupied by the British in captured by our definition. We can thus simply 1851 on the grounds that the king, Oba Kosoko, define "traditional ruler", as the Oba of Benin did, was engaging in slave trade. The latter fled and was minus "since the time before the beginning of the replaced by Oba Akintoye who was forced to sign a British rule" plus, "before, during and since the treaty of protection with the British. A Consul was British rule". established. Ten years later, Oba Dosumu, Akitoye's son and successor, was literally forced to The Role of the British Colonialism cede Lagos to Britain. The administration of Lagos The contemporary legitimacy crisis suffered by now came under a British Governor, a legislative traditional rulers in Nigeria started since the council and an executive council. Commenting on the second half of the 19th century when the British administrative changes that Lagos experienced colonial rule started to take its root in the country. within a short space of the British colonialism, One of the things that the British observed at the Williams (1975:60) observes: earliest level of their interactions with the In 1866, it was included in the "West African Nigerian peoples was that they hold their natural Settlements" under a governor-in-chief rulers in high esteem. As noted in the resident in Sierra Leone to whom a local introductory part of this paper, Nigerian peoples administrator in Lagos and a legislative council perceived their rulers to be viceroy of the gods; were subservient. In 1874, the government of Lagos and Colony was placed under the Governor of they .were not considered to be mortals. In the Gold Coast. Twelve years later, in 1886, Lagos , some of the traditional rulers were was given a new charter and a separate even worshipped. It was therefore clear to the administration under a governor who was advised colonial entrepreneurs that once a king was by the Lagos Legislative Council. This conquered, his subjects would easily submit to the arrangement continued until 1914 when modern superior power of the colonising power. Rather Nigeria emerged as a single state with Lagos as its capital. than seeking to conquer the Nigerian communities they wanted to occupy, the British simply focused As Lagos was being pushed up and down, their "fire-power"

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Background to the Demise of Traditional Political Authority in Nigeria 73 the traditional chieftains of the city who rather than the traditions that brought have now been shoved aside, watched with him to power, or the people he ruled great trepidation from "hiding", being over. The more pliant a traditional ruler not sure what calamities could befall was, the better for the colonial political they if they attempted to protest against system. the "colonial reforms". The average The kings depended on the colonial Lagosian too watched with askance how officials for almost everything - including all the traditional political systems his their personal security. They gave too ancestors took generations to construct little consideration to the interests and were being ridiculed by the British. What aspirations of their subjects. In Yorubaland, happened in Lagos took place in several for example, Akintoye noted that, "Many other parts of the country. Commenting Oba came to feel that as long as they on the Benin situation, Igbafe (1979:75) pleased the Divisional Officer and the notes, inter alia: Resident they had nothing to fear"

The conquest of Benin meant the (Akintoye, 1970: 258). overthrow of Benin kingship, the dawn of a In Eastern Nigeria, most especially new era- the era of the white man which among the Igbo-speaking people, the was characterised by a new distribution of "traditional rulers" had no choice than to power in Benin, the enactment of a new do the biddings of the British colonial regulations and the establishment of a masters that created the artificial political new pattern of government. offices they occupied. This created a gulf Once a community was occupied, between them and their subjects. There whether by conquest or through signing of were traditional political systems in a treaty, the British colonial officials Igboland in the pre-colonial period but not simply arrogated to themselves the power in the elaborate form that we had and to install, promote, demote and remove still have in Hausaland and Yorubaland. As kings. To make this possible, some Afigbo (2001:20) rightly notes, the Eze "traditional elements" the of kings' power (king) in pre-colonial Igboland were taken away and replaced with new ... was barely little more than a titular ones. The "civilising missioners" trained official except in a few communities that the kings' subjects to shun could be counted on the fingers of the hand. "superstitions"- some of which helped in Indeed the archetypical Igbo Eze then, as the pre-colonial past to sustain the today, was a weak-kneed ruler - if indeed political legitimacy of the kings. The he was a ruler. traditional checks on some of the kings were In all, the traditional rulers consider carefully removed. This made the kings to their colonial experience to be a blessing be sufficiently pliable. The traditional whereas their subjects and academic analysts ruler now started to take political like Igbafe (1979), Ikime (1970) and a few dictations from the colonial officials, which others interpret the whole thing as the must be faithfully carried out among his beginning of the demise of true traditional subjects. In other words, the colonial political authority in Nigeria. The Oba of experience now forced the traditional Benin noted for example that the traditional ruler to become answerable to the colonial rulers in Nigeria enjoyed under the - officials British:

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With the introduction of the Native system. The grassroots support that the Administration, the traditional ruler still held traditional rulers enjoyed made it difficult for on to all his pre-colonial roles except that he them to be totally ignored by the politicians. lost his sovereignty to the British Monarch and operated under the guidance (or as the The 1963 Nigerian Constitution thus masters put it, the advice) of the British provided for each region of the federation to officials. Although the Oba had lost power of have a House of Chiefs as a second chamber life and death he wielded over his subjects, he or upper house to the House of Assembly still exercised a great measure of his executive, with which it shared the legislative power of judicial and legislative powers, in all aspects the State. This made it possible for the chiefs of local administration particularly in to have a say on how their states were matters of customs and traditions which the British administrators recognised could not governed. Maximum loyalty was however be wiped off outright. expected from the rulers. The traditional rulers were 'expected to either support the Traditional Rulers and Party Politics policies of the ruling party in their region or The end of colonialism led to a drastic quit office. A few traditional rulers were given reduction in the political influence of ministerial appointment on the account of the traditional rulers in Nigeria. Whereas the loyalty to the party in government in their colonial administrators worked directly with regions. Those of them (traditional rulers) the traditional rulers to carry out their who tried to play "double standard", either policies, the politics of the First Republic in by sitting on the fence politically or siding Nigeria (1960-1966) was dominated by the with the "opposition" were booted out of educated or political elite. The latter consisted office. of "veritable radicals, products of schools In 1963, Mohammed Sanusi, the Emir of which within a generation of the British was removed from office by the late occupation, had become nurseries of Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of Northern agitators" (Ayandele, 1970: 239). They, the Region because of his lukewarm attitude to educated elite, held the traditional rulers in Northern People's Congress (NPC). Chief great contempt most especially for the way Obafemi Awolowo, the late Premier of they allowed themselves to be manipulated Western Region and leader of Action Group by the British during the colonial rule. The (AG) equally dealt harshly with some arrogance, presumptuousness and self- traditional rulers in his region during same confidence of these politicians were based period. The traditional rulers in this part of entirely on their ability to read and write. To Nigeria were not only required to openly them, the traditional rulers used by the British support AG that was in power in the region, colonial officials were a bunch of illiterates. they contributed huge sums of money to the The politics of the first republic thus political party and helped to mobilise the required that the traditional rulers should be Yoruba masses in its support (Sklar, 1983). placed "where they belong" namely at the The AG was intolerant of the opposition. Any peripheral of the post-colonial political traditional ruler whose loyalty to the party

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was in doubt was removed from office longer a Minister of State. Chief Festus immediately and sent on exile. One of the Okotie-Eboh, a prominent figure in the traditional rulers removed from office at this NCNC and the Federal Minister for Finance time was the Alafin of Oyo, Oba Adeniran saw this as an opportunity to wrest the Adeyemi. He was accused of having political control of Warri and its provinces sympathy for the National Council of from the Olu. The Olu was humiliated out Nigerian Citizens (NCNC)'. The Alafin was of office in 1965 and immediately replaced given four days within which to vacate his by Akengbuwa II at a public ceremony that throne. When he refused to comply with was only attended by Okotie-Ebohs friends this order, some policemen invaded his (Ikime, 1970:307-8). The major problem palace and ejected him. Raji Adebowale, the that the Erejuwa II had with Okotie-Eboh Aseyin of Iseyin, was equally deposed and was that he was a dogged supporter of banished. Oba Samuel Akinsanya, the AG. This development mirrors the kind of Odemo of Ishara, was subjected to a problems faced by traditional rulers at this different form of humiliation by the AG time. If he had refused to support AG, the government in the Western Region. He political party would have removed him was placed on a salary of one penny per from office. He supported the political annum. Oba Olateru Olagbegi the Olowo of party and now confronted by NCNC Owo, a strong supporter of the AG fell thereafter. Whether left or right, the path of out with the political party during the the average traditional ruler at this time was political crisis in the Western Region in the laced with different types of landmines. 1960s. He sided with Chief Akintola's Commenting on the Olu's deposition and Nigerian Democratic Party (NDP) and this the others before and after it, Ikime notes, cost him his office. He was removed from inter alia: office in 1966. He regained his throne in 1993. That politicians could thus get rid of The Macpherson Constitution of 1951 'stubborn' chiefs was a pointer to the new provided for a House of Chiefs for each of and extremely delicate position of the chief the three regions of Nigeria. The Olu of in independent Nigeria. The 'chiefs' subjects Itsekiri (Olu of Warri as from 1952), Erejuwa no longer have the final say as to whether II became a member of the House. He was an they want their ruler or not. That say now ardent supporter of Action Group which was rests with the new political masters just as it had begun to rest with the British in the in government in Western Nigeria and was colonial period. Involvement in party politics compensated with the office of a Regional exposes the chiefs to all the occupational Minister without portfolio and President of hazards of that trade. Abstention from Warri Divisional Council. He was thus a very party politics does not necessarily save powerful man. The fortunes of the Olu them from the fury of hard pressed party started to suffer reverses when the Middle politicians. This is the dilemma of Nigeria's modern chief. West State was created. The new state was controlled by the NCNC. The Olu became The experiences of traditional rulers in a member of the Middle West House of different parts of Nigeria during the second Chiefs but was no republic (1979-1983) were not too different

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from what was experienced during the first. the grassroots population. It is therefore not The welfare support that the traditional rulers too difficult to understand why the Nigerian got was dependent on the support they gave to military since 1966 worked very closely with the political party in power. Thus an Oba in the traditional rulers in the country. One of Ogun state got accolades for campaigning on the first things that the military did in 1966 the television screen in support of Chief was to deal with cases of traditional rulers Obafemi Awolowo, the leader of the Unity removed from office. Where the removal was Party of Nigeria (UPN). The Awujale of politically motivated and did not enjoy the Ijebu-Ode, Oba Sikiru Adetona who was support of the grassroots people, the deposed found in same state to be sympathetic towards traditional ruler was reinstated. This was what the ideology of the National Party of Nigeria happened in the case of Erejuwa II, the Olu of (NPN) was suspended from office by Warn who was removed from office by the Governor Bisi Onabanjo. In 1979, Governor NCNC in 1965. As soon as the military seized Bola Ige of compensated the Ataoja of power in 1966, Akengbuwa II who succeeded , Oba lyiola Matanmi III with the Erejuwa as the Olu was removed from office to position of a Commissioner as a compensation enable Erejuwa II continue his reign. This for his "absolute support" for the UPN which singular act was attended by great rejoicing by was in government in the State. Governor the Itsekiri people (Ikime 1970:308) and it Abubakar Rimi suspended the Emir of Kano, helped to shove up their support for the Ado Bayero, from office in July 1982 on the military rulers. The situation at Owo was account of the political differences between the different. Here the people had chased their two. The Governor of , Chief king, Oba Olateru Olagbegi, out of his palace in Jim Nwobodo, was for over two years (during the early 1960s for working against the AG. the second republic) locked in a The Military Governor of Western State was disagreement with the Igwe of Ogbunike, left with no option in 1966 than to officially Chief John Umenyiorah. So frustrated were approve the removal of the Olowo of Owo from the traditional rulers in Nigeria at this time office. The newly installed military regime scored that the Oba of Lagos, Oba Adeyinka another point from this singular act. The point Oyekan II, threatened to form a "trade union" also has to be noted that General Aguiyi Ironsi, that would champion the autonomy and the Nigerian military Head of State fr6m constitutional recognition of the traditional January to July 1966, was holding a consultation political institutions in the country (Daily with the traditional rulers in Nigeria when he was Sketch, 17 March, 1980: 17). abducted and killed in Ibadan. General Yakubu Gowon (the Head of State from 1966-1976), Traditional Rulers and Military Rule who took over from Ironsi, made it a point of The military first came into Nigerian politics in duty throughout his regime to always pay courtesy 1966 following the military coup d'etat of call on traditional rulers whenever he visited any January 15. Before this lime, the Nigerian state of the Nigerian federation. military did not have any strong contacts with

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The foregoing notwithstanding, the Nigerian military promulgated the Land Use Nigerian military made their own significant Decree (Decree No. 6 of 1978) in 1978, which contributions to the demise of traditional divested these traditional rulers of their political authority in Nigeria. The military raled "ownership" of community land. The control of by the use of force. Traditional rulers were not urban land now became vested in State left out in this use of military force. The royal Governors and that of rural lands on Local fathers in different parts of Nigeria were forced Government Chairmen. This development was to carry out acts which were inimical to the a big blow on the powers of traditional rulers in interests of their subjects. In :he process, several Nigeria. The decree made them to become traditional rulers became more enstranged from bereft of power and influence, and those who their subjects. A few of these traditional rulers need land for large scale farming in the rural that stood their grounds against some of the areas or for building industries in cities no longer military men got orutally dealt with. The go to the royal fathers but Local Government Military Governor of Benue State, Colonel Chairmen or Governors respectively. Abdullahi Shelleng, tried to break the The traditional political institutions in traditional councils in Igaland into smaller units Nigeria suffered their greatest assaults during the in 1977. This would have broken the ties between Babangida and Abacha regimes. The problem the different Igala groups and left the Ata (the started with the annulment of the June 12 1993 paramount ruler in Igala) to be less powerful. The election by General Ibrahim Babangida. present Ata of Igala, Aliyu Obaje, opposed the Nigerians were really unhappy about this step and this brought him on collision course with unfortunate incident. Much was expected from the Governor. The Ata was arrested and the traditional rulers in terms of siding with the detained by the Governor. This was the first time wishes of the people. The contrary happened in that any Ata had ever been detained by the many cases. The Sultan of Sokoto, because of his government (Miachi, 1985). ObaSijuwade personal friendship with General Ibrahim Olubuse II, the Ooni of and Ado Bayero, the Babangida, simply asked Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Emir of Kano were both suspended from office the winner of the election to accept the and confined to their domains for six months in annulment as the handiwork of God. Most 1984 for traveling to Israel without obtaining other Northern Emirs simply sided with the official permission from the Federal Government position of the military junta and the Sultan of Nigeria. leaving their subjects who were agitated One of the major patronages available to the about the annulment, in the cold. traditional rulers in Nigeria for retaining loyalty The most embarrassing of the situations was of their subjects was their control of land. As a how the Ooni of Ife conducted himself popular Yoruba adage goes "Oba lo n'ile" (the throughout the June 12 crisis. This was the first land belongs to kings). The traditional rulers time that a Yoruba man had ever won an election in the country held community lands in trust m Nigeria. The for the people. The

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expected the Ooni, as the leading traditional in any part of Yorubaland he visits. This is ruler in Yorubaland and the present occupier the first time that any Ooni will be so treated of the stool left behind by the with ignominy and disdain. progenitor of the Yoruba race, to use his The most monumental of the blows dealt influence to effect the de-annulment of the on the traditional political institution in election results. What the people got was a Nigeria by the military was probably the 1996 rude shock. For selfish reasons, the Ooni deposition of Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, the 18th decided to side with the military (both Sultan of Sokoto. Several people were killed Babangida and Abacha). It all started with the before the British could achieve same feat in official invitation sent by the Sultan of Sokoto 1903. Until the position was demystified by in July 1993 to the paramount traditional the Abacha regime, the office of the Sultan of rulers in Nigeria for a meeting at Abuja. Sokoto was accorded the official status of the Babangida, who was the unseen hand behind most important traditional political position the meeting, had wanted to use it to gain the in Nigeria. Every regime in Nigeria, even the support of the traditional rulers (hence the British, "feared" the Sultan and tried to court grassroots people) for the annulment. Before his friendship. the traditional rulers in South-western Nigeria Dasuki's problem started in the afternoon (Yorubaland) left home they all resolved to of April 20,1996. He received a message from speak with one voice at Abuja: they would the Sokoto State Military Administrator, settle for nothing but the de-annulment of Colonel Yakubu Muazu urgently summoning the election. The Ooni of Ife was appointed him to the Sokoto State Government House. as the spokesperson for the traditional rulers. On getting to the Government House, the At Abuja, Babangida presented the traditional Sultan was met with a terse sack letter as the rulers with documents relating to the many Sultan of Sokoto. The sack letter dropped contracts that Abiola executed for the from Dasuki's hand and Alhaji Aboki, the government of Nigeria, the huge sum of Sokoto State Director of State Security Service money the government was owing him and picked it up and shoved it back into his hand. why it should not be in the interest of Nigeria "Why would you disgrace the Uthman Dan for Abiola ("a government contractor") to rule Fodio family like this", the deposed Sultan the country. The Ooni was swayed by sought to know from the Governor. He was Babangida's argument. To the bewilderment literally ignored (Agbo 1996:10). In the of the other Yoruba traditional rulers and characteristic Abacha fashion, all members of their subjects back home, the Ooni came out the Sultan's entourage consisting of his of the meeting, and standing in front of security guards, the Secretary to the Sokoto television cameras told the whole world that Emirate Council and a few "hangers-on" were the annulment was justified. The Yoruba race, rounded up by security men and sent into as Uwujaren (1997:10-17, 33) rightly observes, detention. The deposed Sultan was squeezed "will not in a hurry forget this open treachery into a waiting Peugeot 505 Saloon car, of the Ooni". He is today treated with disdain sandwiched between the Director of State

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Security Service (SSS) and the Commissioner of not see eye to eye. The two hated each other Police for Sokoto State, and whisked to over issues that cannot be fully discussed in this Sokoto airport from where he was flown to kind of paper. The opportunity to hit at Sambo Vola, capital of Gongola State. From Yola, ze came in 1988 when the vacant stool of the Sultan was taken to Jalmgo and later Wukan in Taraba of Sokoto was to be filled. His father, Alhaji State. The 79-year-old traditional ruler "as left in Ibrahim Dasuki, was interested in the office and exile until 1998 when General Abacha died and had the backing of Babangida. General Abacha, some political detainees in Nigeria were released like the Sokoto kingmakers and most indigenes of (Kehinde, 1996:10). Sokoto, wanted the late Sultan's eldest son Some of the security men that escorted Alhaji Muhammadu Maccido, for the office. Alhaji Dasuki to the airport came back to the Babangida had his way and Dasuki was palace to deal with the deposed Sultan's appointed as the Sultan. Abacha became more personal staff and family members. All his embittered. personal staff were driven away and his family There was another major problem. members were given a 24-hour ultimatum to General Babangida resigned from office in 1993 pack out of the palace with their personal following the political crisis that followed his oelongings. The Governor came on air annulment of June 12 (1993) presidential immediately to announce the deposition. election. An Interim National Government Eight reasons were given for his deposition. (ING) headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan was put These include what was characterised as in place. Sambo's father Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, apparent disregard for constituted authority, in his capacity as the Sultan of Sokoto presided engaging in diplomatic matters without over a meeting of traditional rulers from the 16 clearance from the government, failure to Northern Nigerian states on the political crisis account for monies donated by foreign in Nigeria. The traditional rulers resolved to governments and organisations for the support the ING and resist any attempt by the advancement of Islam in Nigeria, selfishness, Nigerian military to seize political power. desecration of Islam, poor leadership, causing Abacha, who had made up his mind to take disaffection among the Nigerian Muslims, etc. over power from the ING took offence at this. There was more to the deposition than both He seized power on 17 November, 1993. The the Sokoto and Abacha governments were Sultan refused to pay him a courtesy call as willing to openly confess. The deposition is some other traditional rulers in the country believed to be the final phase of the "cold war" did. This further annoyed Abacha. The 1996 between the Sultan and General Sani Abacha. The deposition was Abacha's way of dealing the acrimonious relationship between Abacha and final blow on the fortunes of the Dasuki family. Dasuki started during the Babangida regime Sambo the Sultan's son, was dismissed from (1985-1993). The deposed Sultan's first son, Lt. office immediately Abacha came to power. He Colonel Sambo Dasuki, was the aide de camp was also declared wanted in 1995 in connection to General Ibrahim Babangida. Sambo and with 1995 military coup alleged to have been Abacha did

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80 Isaac Olawale Albert organised by General , to Nnaji, had resolved to support General and others. Abacha to transmute into a civilian president. Our interest in this presentation is not All that Abacha needed was to just remove on why and how Dasuki was deposed in 1996 his military uniform and put on a civilian but rather the implications of the incident on dress. This in the wisdom of Nnaji would the demise of traditional political authority mark the beginning of "African democracy" in Nigeria. Before the 1996 incident, the in Nigeria. Nnaji came back few days later to Sultan of Sokoto as the head of the Muslim announce that the traditional rulers in all the community and the most popular traditional Eastern States of Nigeria had endorsed the ruler in Nigeria, was considered "untouchable". candidacy of Abacha. His image among his Nigerian rulers who had any business with people nose-dived, but his material fortunes the Sultan went to Sokoto to see him. His shot up immediately as a result of the largesse deposition sent a warning signal to Nigerians from Abuja. General Abacha started to treat that traditional political personalities had him as the most prized traditional ruler in become an endangered species. As expected, Nigeria. He was given a permanent suit at the traditional rulers in different parts of Nicon Hilton Hotel at Abuja. Nnaji died Nigeria became cowed. They became more inside the Nicon Hilton Hotel in 1998 busy pliable to the military dictators in the country. running errands for Abacha and his boys. He Many of these royal fathers started to take was returned to his people in a casket. on different forms of "dirty assignments" The Alafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi from the Abacha boys who wielded their was one of the few traditional rulers in Nigeria influence up to 1998 when the late Nigerian that chose to distance themselves from the dictator died. Abacha project. He suffered for it. Unlike One of the traditional rulers who turned many of his peers, he refused to allow pro- themselves into a laughing stock during the Abacha rallies (popularly referred to by Abacha regime and in the process made a Nigerians as "rent-a-crowd") to be held in his significant contribution to the demise of domain. He spoke openly against the traditional political authority in Nigeria was continuous detention of Chief M.K.O. Igwe Emeka Nnaji. Eze (1998:21), a fellow Abiola, who was his Are Ona Kakanfo Igbo man described him as "a master of double- (Generalissimo). General Abacha decided to speak" and a man "who elevated political use him as an example for others to see. He jobbery to higher arts"; "an epitome of was arrested on 20 March, 1998 at Gatwick sycophancy and betrayal of the Igbo cause". Airport, London, with 12.27kg of cocaine and He shot himself to national limelight in 1997 37.3kg of cannabis inside three of his luggage. when he appeared on NTA Channel 8, Enugu He denied ownership of the luggage in which with a communique purported to have been the hard drugs were found. The luggage was written at the end of a meeting of the Enugu reported by the Alafin's aides to have been State Council of Traditional Rulers. The checked into the Cameroun Airline plane in paramount rulers in Enugu state, according his (Alafin's ) name by the protocol officers

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Background to the Demise of Traditional Political Authority in Nigeria 81 that saw him through the airport formalities in Implications of the "Demise" of Lagos. Shortly after the Alafin's plane took off in Authority Lagos, the officials of the Nigeria Drugs Law The point made in this paper is that the Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) alerted the British legitimacy crisis suffered by the traditional Customs and Excise about the "drugs rulers in Nigeria started with the British importation" and asked for a thorough search of colonial rule in Nigeria from 1851 to 1960. The the Alafin's luggage. The official explanation colonial masters cut these traditional rulers to from the NDLEA in Lagos was that two size but at the same time gave them the powers members of the Alafin's entourage were detained that put a gulf between them and their subjects. in connection with the crime. This was not In all, the British colonial administrators had brought to the attention of the Alafin before his a good working relationship with the departure from Lagos. He too was not stopped traditional rulers and they defended the from traveling. The luggage in which the drugs institutions they represented from attacks of the were found was allowed to be loaded into the intelligentsia. The politicians that finally took aircraft. It was not too difficult for Nigerians and over power from the colonial masters between the probably the British government to see this as a 1950s and 1960s gave the traditional rulers typical Abacha set-up (Akinrinade, 1998; limited recognition and manipulated them in a Ojewale, 1998a; Ojewale, 1998b; Abimbaye, 1998). manner that ridiculed some of the royal The Alafin was interrogated and was released seven fathers. The military came to power in 1966. hours later. His son, who was supposed to be in They too subjected the traditional rulers to charge of the monarch's luggage was however, different forms of physical, psychological and not lucky. He was taken into custody. structural violence and in the process turned The Alafin received a heroic welcome back to several of them into a laugh-stock of the his domain on 30 March, 1998. He blamed his Nigerian masses. problems on his detractors: The questionable social, economic and How will anybody think that the Alafin could be political activities of the traditional rulers largely involved in drug trafficking... No matter •what derive from the fact that they have no people do to shoot you down, if you stand on the constitutional roles other than the ill-defined path of truth, they will never succeed. I know that traditional authority that their subjects confer on the spirit of my ancestors will make sure that they them. This strikes us as a deliberate policy of (my enemies) do not succeed in their attempts to ridicule the sacred institution of the Alafin. I cant do politicians (whether in military or civilian dress) anything to desecrate it. But anybody who to have the traditional rulers perpetually tries to desecrate it would be punished by the subordinated to the modern political gods (Ojewale, 1998b:22). authority. Several of the traditional rulers engage in social, economic and religious activities that further question their personal and institutional credibility. They sell

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chieftaincy titles, sometimes to criminal political system in Nigeria from the context elements in the Nigerian society. They sell of praxis and the realities of the contemporary community land without recourse to the society and concluded that the institution is traditions of their people. In the Niger Delta, irrational. He is of the opinion that Nigeria the traditional rulers are constantly criticised would lose nothing by scrapping the by the militant youths for taking bribes from traditional political institutions. He supported the multinational oil companies operating in the his argument with the following reasons: communities. The traditional rulers in Nigeria (1) Vacant chieftaincy stools are filled are now so unpopular in Nigeria that people by anyone who has money and some are even calling for the scrapping of the connections in the ruling political traditional political institutions they represent. circles. Many of them are believed to be propelled by selfish greed for power and money. (2) Some modern traditional rulers are Jagun (1985), for example, argues that the so young and ignorant of any aspect institution of traditional political authority of the tradition of their people, e.g. 1 in Nigeria is archaic, typically feudalistic and Ben Keagboekuzi and 2 A year-old totally antithetical to the objectives of modern 18th Obi of Agbor who was democratic ideals. He considers the process crowned amidst protests. of selection of the traditional rulers to be (3) Some traditional rulers regard some questionable: aspects of their job-ministering to In a situation where ascription rather than traditional deities on behalf of their achievement determines the choice of people, for example - as primitive. traditional rulers, such a procedure becomes (4) Contrary to tradition, Yoruba Obas antithetical to modern democratic principles today are seen in public at almost and Nigeria being the second largest democracy on earth can hardly afford to every available opportunity, ranging wallow in the idyllic world of rulers who do from television interview, wedding not have to test their popularity at the polls. ceremonies to beauty contest. They take summer holidays in Europe and The Analyst (1987) describes Nigeria seek for newspaper publicity. traditional rulers as: (5) Contrary to tradition, Efik . . . big time contractors and commission traditional chiefs are now crowned agents; they are fronts for multi-national in Churches instead of in the Ekpe companies; they aid and abet organised crime; they promote moral decadence; they thwart shrines. every genuine move towards national (6) They lack genuine domains since cohesion and democracy; in short, theirs is in their subjects own varied allegiance many senses a role actually subversive to the to organisations and institutions unity, progress and stability of this country. outside their communities and little Ekong (1985) looked at the traditional or none to them.

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(7) The rise of the new elites in the The explanation of this phenomenon is perhaps Nigeria society and the super - not too far to seek. In the first place, traditions die imposition of a new system of hard - particularly among a large illiterate and non-cosmopolitan population. The fear of the democratic government and adminis unknown to be strongest among the very poor. tration, the elaboration of codified There is therefore at the vest grassroots of the laws and the establishment of a Nigerian society a great belief in this traditions of modern judiciary with its accom chieftaincy particularly in those places where it has panying law enforcement outfit have always existed. Where it is a novelty, all combined to strip the traditional fractionalisation of the community into those for and those against the institution has drawn far more rulers of ruling responsibilities. attention to the institution of traditional (8) As Alhaji Abubakar Rimi told the chieftaincy than it actually deserves. There are Emir of Kano, the modern tradi also the poor who need leadership and whether tional ruler is a civil servant outside rightly or wrongly, these had tended to seek and find fulfillment in the mere presence of these rulers the ministry, getting salaries and (Ekong, 1985:102-103). agitating for the formation of "union of traditional rulers" in order Ekong seemed to have missed the point by to wrest better conditions of service trying to create the impression that only the poor from a non-existent employer. clamour for the traditional political stools. Most of (9) The present day traditional ruler is those competing for the vacant stools today are big a pawn to politicians in party time industrialists, politicians, top ranking retired military officers, university professors, etc. politics.

(10) They have become vendors of References chieftaincy titles to whoever is Abimbaye, D. (1998). "Royal drug trafficking", The willing to buy. Thus they have News, 6 April. Adeleye, R.A. (1971). Power and prostituted tradition to the point in Diplomacy in which a son of a person becomes a Northern Nigeria. London: Longmans. Aderibigbe, "Chief while his father is still a A.B. (1975). Lagos: The Development of commoner or a nonentity! an African City. London: Longman. Afigbo, A.E. (2001). Igbo Enwe Eze: Beyond (11) The Local Government Reforms of Onwumechili and Onwuejeogwu. Okigwe: 1976 have reduced traditional rulers Whytem Publishers Nigeria. Agbo, N. (1996). to mere advisers of their local "Dasuki's Fall", Newswatch, 6 May. Akinrinade, S. (1998). government councils. "For their sins", Newswatch, 6 April. Akintoye, S.A. (1970). "Obas of the Ekong is however, faced with a paradox. He Ekiti observes that in spite of all the "complaints" Conferederacy Since the Advent of the British", listed above, Nigerians still continue to clamour in Michael Crowder and Obaro Ikime (eds.), for vacant chieftaincy stools. Why?:

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