Summary of Results Afrobarometer Round 6 Survey in South Africa, 2015 Compiled By: Plus 94 Research
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Lack of Safe Water, Sanitation Spurs Growing Dissatisfaction with Government Performance
Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from 36 African countries Dispatch No. 76 | 22 March 2016 Lack of safe water, sanitation spurs growing dissatisfaction with government performance Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 76 | Corah Walker Summary If water is fundamental to life and human dignity, no issue is more pressing for 663 million people for whom access is still lacking (United Nations, 2015). As World Water Day (March 22) reminds us, safe and readily available water is a human right and an important contributor to public health, whether it is used for drinking, washing, food production, or recreational purposes. Contaminated water and inadequate sanitation help transmit diseases such as diarrhea, cholera, dysentery, and typhoid; diarrheal deaths due to unclean drinking water are estimated at 502,000 each year, most of them of young children (World Health Organization, 2015). Improved access to safe water and sanitation boosts economic growth, contributes to poverty reduction, and is highly relevant to achieving all of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), from health and education to food security and environmental sustainability (World Bank, 2014). Substantial progress was made under the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) initiative; worldwide, the target of reducing by half the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking water was met in 2010. But in sub-Saharan Africa, most countries fell short, and achieving the new SDG No. 6 – ensuring access to water and sanitation for all by 2030 – will require intensive and sustained action. In observance of World Water Day, new findings from Afrobarometer’s Round 6 surveys in 36 African countries give voice to citizens who call on their governments to address inadequate water supply and sanitation as a top priority. -
Working Paper No. 130 RESOURCES: LAND, CHIEFS and COALITION-BUILDING in AFRICA by Kate Baldwin
Working Paper No. 130 WHEN POLITICIANS CEDE CONTROL OF RESOURCES: LAND, CHIEFS AND COALITION-BUILDING IN AFRICA by Kate Baldwin AFROBAROMETER WORKING PAPERS Working Paper No. 130 WHEN POLITICIANS CEDE CONTROL OF RESOURCES: LAND, CHIEFS AND COALITION- BUILDING IN AFRICA by Kate Baldwin April 2011 Kate Baldwin is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Florida and Visiting Scholar, Center for the Study of Democratic Politics, Princeton University. Mailing address: 308A Robertson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, 08544. Telephone: 917-375-7614. Fax: 609-258-5014. E-mail: [email protected] . Copyright Afrobarometer i AFROBAROMETER WORKING PAPERS Editor Michael Bratton Editorial Board E. Gyimah-Boadi Carolyn Logan Robert Mattes Leonard Wantchekon Afrobarometer publications report the results of national sample surveys on the attitudes of citizens in selected African countries towards democracy, markets, civil society, and other aspects of development. The Afrobarometer is a collaborative enterprise of the Centre for Democratic Development (CDD, Ghana), the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), and the Institute for Empirical Research in Political Economy (IREEP) with support from Michigan State University (MSU) and the University of Cape Town, Center of Social Science Research (UCT/CSSR). Afrobarometer papers are simultaneously co-published by these partner institutions and the Globalbarometer. Working Papers and Briefings Papers can be downloaded in Adobe Acrobat format from www.afrobarometer.org . Idasa co-published with: Copyright Afrobarometer ii When Politicians Cede Control of Resources: Land, Chiefs and Coalition-Building in Africa Abstract 1 Why would politicians give up power over the allocation of critical resources to community leaders? This article examines why many African governments have ceded power over the allocation of land to non-elected traditional leaders. -
Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy?
Briefing Paper 292 June 2012 Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy? 1. Introduction whole faces an existential crisis.4 As a result, concerns have been raised about whether South Africa’s electoral system is designed to opposition parties will survive, and equally, sustain a multiparty democracy.1 The about the quality of multiparty democracy in proportional representation (PR) system South Africa. facilitates the proliferation of political parties and, in turn, encourages electoral competition. The number of registered parties has increased 2. Background from around 157 in September 20082 to just over 190 in early 2011. Some 42 parties contested the A multiparty system is characterised by 2009 elections compared to the 26 parties in competition between more than two political 1999 and 27 parties in 1994; this number grew parties. Democratic theorists explain that under to 37 in 2004. In addition, there has been a this system many parties exist with equal significant increase in parties contesting at the chances of becoming governing parties, either local level. Last year, the Independent Electoral individually or through coalitions.5 Thus, in an Commission (IEC) announced that 121 parties ideal multiparty democracy, prospects for a one‐ contested the 2011 municipal elections, party state or a dominant party emerging are compared to 97 parties in 2006 and 79 in 2000. relatively small. A classic example is Germany: This growth in the number of parties is, some two major parties, the Social Democratic Party would argue, good for the sustainability of (SDP) and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), multiparty democracy; it certainly indicates that have ruled the country for over 60 years through people are free to form parties, to register them political coalitions which have also involved and to campaign for votes. -
Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition. -
Highlights of Round 6 Survey Findings from 36 African Countries
Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from across Africa Table of contents Priority problems and investments ........................................................................................ 2 Infrastructure............................................................................................................................. 3 Lived poverty............................................................................................................................ 4 Tolerance .................................................................................................................................. 5 Electrification ............................................................................................................................ 6 Water and sanitation ............................................................................................................... 7 Health care ............................................................................................................................... 8 Media freedom ........................................................................................................................ 9 Regional integration .............................................................................................................. 10 Youth engagement ............................................................................................................... 11 Trustworthy institutions .......................................................................................................... -
Sitting(Link Is External)
1 THURSDAY, 10 MAY 2018 PROCEEDINGS OF THE WESTERN CAPE PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT The sign † indicates the original language and [ ] directly thereafter indicates a translation. The House met at 14:15 The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and read the prayer. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: You may be seated. [Interjections.] Order! I see the Chief Whip first. (Notice of Motion) Mr M G E WILEY: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I give notice that I shall move: That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 198, precedence be given to the Subject for Discussion. Thank you. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you. No objection to that? Agreed to. 2 We will then start with the Subject for Discussion in the name of the hon member Gillion. I see the hon Gillion. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Hoor-hoor! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Hear-hear!] Ms M N GILLION: Mr Deputy Speaker, 2018 marks the tail -end of this administration’s term and the DA’s decade of misrule is representative of a period of regression in service delivery for the poor. Reality is that th is protracted period of disservice to our people has been marked by the deteriorating living conditions for the poor and marginalised, which forced thousands of people to take to the streets on Freedom Day, calling on the DA Government to break with the past and focus on service delivery. The most pressing challenges faced by the people in this province include inadequate living conditions, crime, poverty, dread diseases and unemployment. These challenges seem to be colour -conscious as they affect the black majority, while the minority is well taken care of. -
Hate Crimes Against Black Lesbian South Africans: Where Race, Sexual Orientation and Gender Collide (Part Ii)
HATE CRIMES AGAINST BLACK LESBIAN SOUTH AFRICANS: WHERE RACE, SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND GENDER COLLIDE (PART II) Kamban Naidoo BA LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) Michelle Karels LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) SUMMARY This article, which is the second of a two-part submission, examines the South African legal position pertaining to sexual offences and murder as a continuation of the theme introduced in Part One. The authors then examine the concept of motive before providing a brief overview of hate crime legislation and/or policy in the United States of America and Germany. The core of the article examines three possible routes for South Africa to curb hate crime. Firstly, the creation of substantive hate crime law in the form of legislation, secondly, the amendment of current legislation to incorporate protection against this form of crime and thirdly, the retention of the current status quo coupled with the roll-out of civil society initiatives to curb hate- motivated crime. The conclusion of the article provides recommendations from a civil society and criminal justice perspective. A INTRODUCTION This article seeks to extend the foundational framework laid in Part I within the context of criminal legal doctrine generally and the potential for hate- crime legislation in South Africa specifically. At the time of writing, the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development had appointed a task team to investigate hate-crime legislation and to submit proposals with regard to such legislation in South Africa. 1 The research is, however, still in 1 Anonymous “Speech by Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mr Andries Nel, MP, on the occasion of the official opening of the first networking session of the national task team on LGTBI Crime-related issues” October 2011 http://www.info. -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
Highlights of Round 6 Survey Findings from 36 African Countries
Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from across Africa Table of contents Priority problems and investments ........................................................................................ 2 Infrastructure ....................................................................................................................... 3 Lived poverty ...................................................................................................................... 4 Tolerance............................................................................................................................. 5 Electrification....................................................................................................................... 6 Water and sanitation .......................................................................................................... 7 Health care ......................................................................................................................... 8 Media freedom ................................................................................................................... 9 Regional integration ......................................................................................................... 10 Youth engagement .......................................................................................................... 11 Trustworthy institutions ..................................................................................................... -
Where to Start? Aligning Sustainable Development Goals with Citizen Priorities
Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from across Africa Dispatch No. 67 | 17 December 2015 Where to start? Aligning Sustainable Development Goals with citizen priorities Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 67 | Thomas Bentley, Markus Olapade, Pauline Wambua, and Nora Charron Summary On 1 January 2016, the United Nations’ new development agenda will take effect. Titled “Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development,” it extends and supplements the 2015 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) with Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) aimed at addressing social, economic, and environmental challenges facing citizens around the globe. The SDGs set high targets on a very broad range of issues: ending poverty, achieving food security, ensuring healthy lives, high-quality education, gender equality, sustainable water management, and affordable and reliable energy, among others – 17 goals in all, supported by 169 targets (UN, 2015). Where to start? What to prioritize, amidst so many needs and ambitions? The UN notes that implementation will require “the participation of all countries, all stakeholders and all people,” taking into account “different national realities, capacities, and levels of development and respecting national policies and priorities” (UN, 2015, pp. 2-3). One place to start in identifying priorities is to ask the people. For governments and civil- society activists, country-level data on popular priorities (publicly available for analysis at www.afrobarometer.org/online-data-analysis) can help guide agenda-setting and investment decisions to address the most important sustainable development challenges. In its sixth round of surveys (2014/2015), Afrobarometer asked citizens in 36 countries, who together represent more than three-fourths of the continent’s population, what they consider the most important problems that their governments should address and what their priorities are for investing their country’s resources.