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Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’S 2017 Elections
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-34761 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa is an independent not-for profit organization that promotes freedom of expression and access to information as a fundamental human right as well as an empowerment right. ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa was registered in Kenya in 2007 as an affiliate of ARTICLE 19 international. ARTICLE 19 Eastern African has over the past 10 years implemented projects that included policy and legislative advocacy on media and access to information laws and review of public service media policies and regulations. The organization has also implemented capacity building programmes for journalists on safety and protection and for a select civil society organisation to engage with United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) mechanisms in 14 countries in Eastern Africa. -
A Conversation with Dance History: Movement And
A CONVERSATION WITH DANCE HISTORY: MOVEMENT AND MEANING IN THE CULTURAL BODY A Dissertation Submitted to The Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By Seónagh Odhiambo January, 2009 © by Seónagh Odhiambo 2009 All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT A Conversation with Dance History: Movement and Meaning in the Cultural Body Seónagh Odhiambo Doctor of Philosophy Temple University, 2009 Doctoral Advisory Committee Chair: Dr. Kariamu Welsh This study regards the problem of a binary in dance discursive practices, seen in how “world dance” is separated from European concert dance. A close look at 1930s Kenya Luo women’s dance in the context of “dance history” raises questions about which dances matter, who counts as a dancer, and how dance is defined. When discursive practices are considered in light of multicultural demographic trends and globalisation the problem points toward a crisis of reason in western discourse about how historical origins and “the body” have been theorised: within a western philosophical tradition the body and experience are negated as a basis for theorising. Therefore, historical models and theories about race and gender often relate binary thinking whereby the body is theorised as text and history is understood as a linear narrative. An alternative theoretical model is established wherein dancers’ processes of embodying historical meaning provide one of five bases through which to theorise. The central research questions this study poses and attempts to answer are: how can I illuminate a view of dance that is transhistorical and transnational? How can I write about 1930s Luo women in a way that does not create a case study to exist outside of dance history? Research methods challenge historical materialist frameworks for discussions of the body and suggest insight can be gained into how historical narratives operate with coercive power—both in past and present—by examining how meaning is conceptualised and experienced. -
Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020
Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020 Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020 Nic Newman with Richard Fletcher, Anne Schulz, Simge Andı, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Supported by Surveyed by © Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / Digital News Report 2020 4 Contents Foreword by Rasmus Kleis Nielsen 5 3.15 Netherlands 76 Methodology 6 3.16 Norway 77 Authorship and Research Acknowledgements 7 3.17 Poland 78 3.18 Portugal 79 SECTION 1 3.19 Romania 80 Executive Summary and Key Findings by Nic Newman 9 3.20 Slovakia 81 3.21 Spain 82 SECTION 2 3.22 Sweden 83 Further Analysis and International Comparison 33 3.23 Switzerland 84 2.1 How and Why People are Paying for Online News 34 3.24 Turkey 85 2.2 The Resurgence and Importance of Email Newsletters 38 AMERICAS 2.3 How Do People Want the Media to Cover Politics? 42 3.25 United States 88 2.4 Global Turmoil in the Neighbourhood: 3.26 Argentina 89 Problems Mount for Regional and Local News 47 3.27 Brazil 90 2.5 How People Access News about Climate Change 52 3.28 Canada 91 3.29 Chile 92 SECTION 3 3.30 Mexico 93 Country and Market Data 59 ASIA PACIFIC EUROPE 3.31 Australia 96 3.01 United Kingdom 62 3.32 Hong Kong 97 3.02 Austria 63 3.33 Japan 98 3.03 Belgium 64 3.34 Malaysia 99 3.04 Bulgaria 65 3.35 Philippines 100 3.05 Croatia 66 3.36 Singapore 101 3.06 Czech Republic 67 3.37 South Korea 102 3.07 Denmark 68 3.38 Taiwan 103 3.08 Finland 69 AFRICA 3.09 France 70 3.39 Kenya 106 3.10 Germany 71 3.40 South Africa 107 3.11 Greece 72 3.12 Hungary 73 SECTION 4 3.13 Ireland 74 References and Selected Publications 109 3.14 Italy 75 4 / 5 Foreword Professor Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Director, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ) The coronavirus crisis is having a profound impact not just on Our main survey this year covered respondents in 40 markets, our health and our communities, but also on the news media. -
ELECTIONS and VIOLENCE: the Kenyan Case
By Paul Okong’o Why are elections in Kenya associated with death and tragedy? At what point in our history as nation, did bloodletting become part and parcel of the Presidential and General elections? In Kenya today, elections are synonymous with shootings, death, sorrow and destructions in some parts of the country. Kisumu and the counties of Homa Bay, Siaya and Migori, where the Luo ethnic group is dominant have become associated with police shootings and killings during and after elections. A look into the history of elections in Kenya can help us understand the triggers of these conflicts. Karl Marx said, “History repeats itself, first as tragedy and second as farce”. From 1960 to 1963 in the years leading to independence, the battleground was a contest between the two nationalist political parties, the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), competing for the Senate, Parliamentary or Regional assembly seats. The competing political ideologies were for a Centralist Government as espoused by KANU and Majimbo (Federalism) as propounded by KADU. There were other parties too, Paul Ngei’s African Peoples Party (APP) and Sir Michael Blundell’s New Kenya Party but the real supremacy battle was between KANU and KADU. In 1963, KANU consisted of the Agikuyu and Luo led by Jomo Kenyatta, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Tom Mboya among others. KADU was led by Ronald Ngala, Daniel arap Moi, Masinde Muliro and Martin Shikuku and was composed of the Coastal peoples, the Kalenjin of the Rift Valley and parts of Western Province with the Bukusu and a smattering of other Luhya sub-tribes. -
Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community
Statelessness and Citizenship in the East African Community A Study by Bronwen Manby for UNHCR September 2018 Commissioned by UNHCR Regional Service Centre, Nairobi, Kenya [email protected] STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY 2 September 2018 STATELESSNESS AND CITIZENSHIP IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY Table of Contents List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... i List of Boxes ................................................................................................................................ i Methodology and acknowledgements ...................................................................................... ii A note on terminology: “nationality”, “citizenship” and “stateless person” ........................... iii Acronyms .................................................................................................................................. iv Key findings and recommendations ....................................................................... 1 1. Summary ........................................................................................................... 3 Overview of the report .............................................................................................................. 4 Key recommendations .............................................................................................................. 5 Steps already taken .................................................................................................................. -
Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft. -
African Journal of Co-Operative Development and Technology ASSESSMENT of ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION and WATER QUALITY in SOUTHERN
African Journal of Co-operative Development and Technology ASSESSMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION AND WATER QUALITY IN SOUTHERN VIHIGA HILLS OBOKA A. Wycliffe1 & OTHOO O. Calvince2 1The Co-operative University of Kenya, School of Cooperatives and Community Development, P.O. Box 24814- 00502 Karen – Nairobi, Kenya, Email: [email protected], or 2The Co-operative University of Kenya, School of Cooperatives and Community Development, P.O. Box 24814- 00502 Karen – Nairobi, Kenya, Email: [email protected] Abstract Southern Vihiga hills present a case of an intriguing history of land degradation in Kenya that has over the years defied all efforts to address. In 1957, as a measure to curb environmental degradation in southern Vihiga, the colonial government through the legal notice number 266 of the Kenya gazette supplement number 28 established Maragoli Hills Forest without the acceptance by the local communities. The forest was over time degraded, and completely destroyed in 1990s. Efforts to rehabilitate the forest have continually been frustrated by the local community. The study set out to determine the extent of environmental degradation; and establish water quality in streams originating southern Vihiga hills. Data for the study was collected using GPS surveys; photography; high temporal resolution satellite imagery; and interviews. Data on environmental degradation was analyzed through ArcGIS 10.3.1. Analysis of biological and physiochemical parameters of water was undertaken at the government chemist in Kisumu. The study found total loss of forest cover on Edibwongo Hill (Maragoli forest), with extensive areas of bare surfaces, and gulleys. The study also found very high population of Coliform and E.Coli in water in all the three streams sampled in both dry and wet seasons; and very high turbidity; water color; and iron (Fe) concentrations in water from the sampled streams. -
History of the Parliament of Kenya
The National Assembly History of The Parliament of Kenya FactSheet No.24 i| FactSheet 24: History of The Parliament of Kenya History of The Parliament of Kenya FactSheet 24: History of The Parliament of Kenya Published by: The Clerk of the National Assembly Parliament Buildings Parliament Road P.O. Box 41842-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 221291, 2848000 Email: [email protected] www.parliament.go.ke © The National Assembly of Kenya 2017 Compiled by: The National Assembly Taskforce on Factsheets, Online Resources and Webcasting of Proceedings Design & Layout: National Council for Law Reporting |ii The National Assembly iii| FactSheet 24: History of The Parliament of Kenya Acknowledgements This Factsheet on History of the Parliament of Kenya is part of the Kenya National Assembly Factsheets Series that are supposed to enhance public understanding, awareness and knowledge of the work of the Assembly and its operations. It is intended to serve as easy guide for ready reference by Members of Parliament, staff and the general public. The information contained here is not exhaustive and readers are advised to refer to the original sources for further information. This work is a product of concerted efforts of all the Directorates and Departments of the National Assembly, and the Parliamentary Joint Services. Special thanks go to the Members of the National Assembly Taskforce on Factsheets, Online Resources and Webcasting of Proceedings, namely, Mr. Kipkemoi arap Kirui (Team Leader), Mr. Emejen Lonyuko, Mr. Robert Nyaga, Mr. Denis Abisai, Mr. Stephen Mutungi, Mr. Bonnie Mathooko, Maj. (Rtd.) Bernard Masinde, Mr. Enock Bosire, and Ms. Josephine Karani. -
Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity
Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rhodes, Christopher. 2015. Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity A dissertation presented by Christopher Edward Rhodes to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts November 2014 © 2014 Christopher Edward Rhodes All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Robert Bates Christopher Edward Rhodes Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity Abstract This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This -
The Case of East Bunyore Location, Emuhaya Division, Vihiga District, Kenya
INSTITUTE OF AFRICAN STUDIES (I.A.S) UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI (U.O.N) RESEARCH PROBLCM THE INFLUENCE OF THE FAMILY ON SCHOOL DROP-OUT AMONG THE YOUTH: THE CASE OF EAST BUNYORE LOCATION, EMUHAYA DIVISION, VIHIGA DISTRICT, KENYA. A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS IN ANTHROPOLOGY. IN THE INSTITUTE OF AFRICAN STUDIES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI IN THE 1996/97 ACADEMIC YEAR. University of NAIROBI Library UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI INST. OF AFRICAN £TUDIE* I IRRAK-v BY: OKUSI KETRAY SUPERVISOR: DR. LEUNITA A. MURULI DECLARATION This is my original work and has not been presented by anybody anywhere for examination. SIGNATURE: OKUSI KETRAY (N06/1421/92) This dissertation has been submitted for examination with my approval as a University supervisor. SIGNATURE: a (c ) % 1 1 3 * Dr. Leunita A. Muruli University Supervisor I . A. S 1 DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my father, Mr. Jairus Okusi who injected in me a sense of hard work, honesty, obedience and above all discipline and respect for others. 11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I acknowledge the unrelenting support and intellectual advice extended to me by my supervisor, Dr. Leunita A. Muruli. I thank Mr. Nyamongo and Dr. Nang'endo for their constructive criticism and suggestions during the course of my research. I also thank my fellow classmates for their encouragement. I am indebted to the Institute staff both academic and non-academic for the invaluable support. Special thanks go to the school drop-outs and key informants who without their co-operation this research would not have been a success. -
The Kenya General Election
AAFFRRIICCAA NNOOTTEESS Number 14 January 2003 The Kenya General Election: senior ministerial positions from 1963 to 1991; new Minister December 27, 2002 of Education George Saitoti and Foreign Minister Kalonzo Musyoka are also experienced hands; and the new David Throup administration includes several able technocrats who have held “shadow ministerial positions.” The new government will be The Kenya African National Union (KANU), which has ruled more self-confident and less suspicious of the United States Kenya since independence in December 1963, suffered a than was the Moi regime. Several members know the United disastrous defeat in the country’s general election on December States well, and most of them recognize the crucial role that it 27, 2002, winning less than one-third of the seats in the new has played in sustaining both opposition political parties and National Assembly. The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition Kenyan civil society over the last decade. (NARC), which brought together the former ethnically based opposition parties with dissidents from KANU only in The new Kibaki government will be as reliable an ally of the October, emerged with a secure overall majority, winning no United States in the war against terrorism as President Moi’s, fewer than 126 seats, while the former ruling party won only and a more active and constructive partner in NEPAD and 63. Mwai Kibaki, leader of the Democratic Party (DP) and of bilateral economic discussions. It will continue the former the NARC opposition coalition, was sworn in as Kenya’s third government’s valuable mediating role in the Sudanese peace president on December 30.