DOCUMENT RESUME ED 293 484 IR 013 006 AUTHOR Bailey, Adrian; Leaman, Oliver TITLE Television and the Construction of Myth: Liverpool 1985. PUB DATE Jul 86 NOTE 23p.; Paper presented at the International Television Studies Conference (London, England, July 10-12, 1986). PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Speeches/Conference Papers (150) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Athletics; Cultural Images; Foreign Countries; Imagination; Local History; *Mass Media Effects; *Media Research; *Mythology; *News Media; Soccer; Social Behavior; Socioeconomic Influences; Television Research; *Violence IDENTIFIERS Belgium; *England (Liverpool) ABSTRACT This document analyzes the construction of a mythical representation through television, focusing on the British Broadcasting Company's (BBC) television coverage of the violence which took place at the Heysel Stadium in Brussels prior to the 1985 European Cup Final between Juventus and Liverpool. As bac:mround for this analysis, a concept of Liverpool--variously interpreted and produced to explain local political, economic, social, and sporting events--is examined. The study directs special attention to the way in which commentators coped with the violent scenes which occurred before the football (soccer) match began. It was found that: (1) much of the commentary seemed to be an emotional response tc the unpleasant events that happened; and (2) the particular discourse that resulted was characterized by dominant images of Liverpool, working class youth, and leisure in British society, anda particularly strident attitude which facilitated the production of the television report. Analysis of the BBC reverage revealed that, far from being an objective, balanced, and transparent view of events, the spectacle served to function as a basis for a sustained attack upon Liverpool. The paper looks in detail at how this came about, examines the concept of myth as an exploratory vehicle in media studies, and points out some difficulties in its use. (34 end notes/ references) (CGD) ******************************t**************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. *********************************************************************** U ti. DEPARTMENT Or EDUCATION Office of Educational Research and Improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) This document has been reproduced as received from the person or organization originating iit. CO C Minor changes have been made to improve reproduction quality Points of new or opinions statad in this docu re\ ment do not necessarily represent official C:h OERi position or policy c 1.4-1 Television and the construction of myth:Liverpool 1965 by Adrian Bailey and Oliver Leaman Paper presented to the 1966 InternationalTelevision Studies Conference "PERMISSIONTOREPRODUCETHIS MATERIAL '1AS BFfN GRANTED IT Richard Paterson 9 TO THE EOUCATIONAL RESOORCES INFORMATION CENTER (Er.ICL" In this paper we shall analyse aparticular instance of the construction of been a mythical representationthrough television. A conceptof Liverpool has variously interpreted nd produced toexplain local political, economic, social and sporting events. We shallexamine some of the ways in which television has tried to reconcile possibledifferent readings to present an apparently coherentand unified view which constitutes a satisfactory programme from a production andaudience perspective. Particular attention wall be paid to the BBC coverage of the violencewhich took place at the Heysel Stadium in Brussels Orior to the 1985 EuropeanCup Final between Juventus and Liverpool. We shall draw outin conclusion the theoretical implications of this discussion for cur understandingof the notion of television myth. 3 I In this paper we are concerned with theanalysis of a particular instance of the construction of what might becalled a mythical representation through television. We are particularlyinterested in the coverage of the Liverpool- juventus football match at theHeYsel Stadium on May 29th 1985, and the ways in which the commentators coped with theviolent scenes which took place for some time before the game started.The particular discourse which resulted was crucially characterised by dominant images ofLiverpool, working class youth and leisure in British society, and aparticularly strident political attitude which facilitated the production of the televisionreport. As well as looking in detail at how this came about, we shallexamine the concept of myth as an explanatory vehicle in media studies, andpoint to some difficulties in its use. Liverpool as a concept has a powerfulgrip on Britishimagination.") The concept is essentially one of extremes.There is without doubt a good dealof empirical basis to the notion of Liverpool as asite of particularly extreme deprivation And change. The history of the cityand its port is characterised by traumatic labour relations stemmingfrom a tradition of casual labour and the decline of the shipping economy.Despite the introduction of new industries to the satellite towns, theeconomic decline of the city and the rapid emigration of its population continued unabated afterthe Second World War..Due to its association with theCatholic Church, the local Labour Party was initially unsuccessful in an environment moreakin to that of Belfast than mainland Britain. Eventually a right-wingLabour administration came into power, so right-wing anddistrusted that its main opposition came from a large populist Liberal Party. The seventiesand eighties were marked.by political instability and a disinclination toaddress directly the severe problems of the city. The 1981 riots bv.....ightLiverpool very much back into public awareness again, with representationsof the city as a hopeless case, in permanent and irreversible decline,with collapsing houses and schools as its main architectural feature. Thepolitical instability did not come to an since end with the election of majorityLabour administrations in 1983 and 1984, these were represented as Militant,extremist and in continual struggle with the Government. The image of extremepolitical opposition to central government has become thoroughly internalised by thelocal Labour Party, which represents itself as in the vanguard of the struggleof the working class against the present Conservative administration. Contrasting, and yet connected with thesenegative extreme images is a set of positive extreme images. These represent acultural vibrancy in terms 4 of music, drama, film and especiallyfootball. The images of Liverpool in the 'Swinging Sixties' were of a dynamic andcreative city whose youth had purchasing power :and produced a succession of highlysuccessful pop groups. There has been a long tradition of Liverpoolcomics and playwrights, and Harold Wilson sat for a Liverpool parliamentary constituency for mostof his career. The city's football clubs,Liverpool and Everton, have been particular- ly dominant in the last twenty five years. With thearrival of Wilson in Downing Street in 1964 and the Beatles in the charts from the earlysixties onwards, northern (including Liverpool) accents became r ciallyacceptable. The image of Liverpool was of a lively, cosmopolitanand interesting environ- ment, inhabited by good-natured and humorouspeople. Economic difficulties in the seventies began to shift theimage, Liverpool being represented as a 'strike city', and a turning point seems tohave coincided with the 1981 riots, which occurred in a number of cities butcaused the most physical and personal damage in Liverpool. The cultural centreof the (2) city, Liverpool 8 , suddenly came tobe known as Toxteth and the media fell on the city to photograph damaged buildings andDickensian living conditions. A German film crew even filmed as riot damage ruins caused by Germanbombings in the last war. As Michael Hesseltine's Task Force set off to paint the slums, a series of documentaries and news items on the poverty,unemployment, deindustrialisation, policing and ethnic minorities was produced. The national popularity of writers such as Alan Bleasdale and Willie Russell ensured that the troubles of the city were given a large dramaticaudience. Vestiges of the previous positive images did survive, in particular the humour (which could now be represented as ironical) and the football. Both Everton and Liverpool had very successful seasons the eighties, and the behaviour of their supporters was represented by the media in a very favourable light. This was by contrast both with local political and economic chaos, and the apparent growth of violence ass4,ciated with football in England. The moral panic over football violence (in itself an interestingly ambiguous phrase) was skillfully combined by Mrs Thatcher with the Bradford fire tragedy in the setting up of the Popplewell Enquiry, which ensured thatby the time of the May 29th match in the Heysel Stadium football in Britain was in considerable public opprobrium. But there was no reasoninitially to expect the Liverpool supporters to behave at the match in an objectionable manner despite memories of the violence by Roma supporters at the previous year's European Cup Final, and the early reports leading up to the match on the day gave the impression of a normal build-up to the eventitself. Fortunately for the commentators, there were sufficient images of Liverpoolin their conceptual baggage to enable them to make sense of what transpired on the evening itself. 414.1 II the few British Some time after eventsin