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Assessing China's Influence in Central Asia

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Assessing China's Influence in Central Asia Briefing Series œ Issue 53 ASSESSING CHINA‘S INFLUENCE IN CENTRAL ASIA: A DOMINANT REGIONAL POWER? Hak Yin LI and Zhengxu WANG July 2009 International House University of Nottingham Wollaton Road Nottingham NG8 1BB United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)115 846 7769 Fax: +44 (0)115 846 7900 Email: [email protected] Website: www.chinapolicyinstitute.org The China Policy Institute, part of the School of Contemporary Chinese Studies at The University of Nottingham, was set up to analyse critical policy challenges faced by China in its rapid development. Its goals are to help expand the knowledge and understanding of contemporary China in Britain, Europe and worldwide, to help build a more informed dialogue between China and the UK and Europe, and to contribute to government and business strategies. Executive Summary 1. China has greatly increased its trade and energy investments in Central Asia since the 1990s. Whether China‘s influence in the region has increased becomes an important question. 2. The Xinjiang province has figured prominently in China‘s Central Asia strategies. Trade between Xinjiang and Central Asian countries increased 130 percent in the first year after the end of the Soviet Union. 3. In 2005, Xinjiang accounted for 40 percent of the total volume of trade between China and the five Central Asian countries-Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. 4. Overall, China‘s trade with Central Asia remains small relative to its trade with other Asian neighbors, as well as compared to Russia‘s trade with Central Asia. 5. China is interested in exploring oil and natural gas in Central Asia to diversify its energy sources. In coming years several major deals will see large increases in oil and gas exports to China from Central Asia. 6. But Russia and European Union are also heavily involved in the energy game in Central Asia, greatly offsetting China‘s influences. Russia‘s Gazprom, for example, has a monopoly control over Central Asia‘s natural gas exports. 7. Despite China‘s rebuff, US troops maintain their presence in Central Asia. China‘s attempts to collaborate with Central Asia in cracking down extremism, separatism and terrorism in the region have not always been successful. 8. Drug trafficking is another non-traditional security challenge China faces in Central Asia. Reported opium seizures in Tajikistan increased by 83% in 2007, and almost 47 metric tons of precursor chemicals used to produce morphine and heroin were seized in the region in 2008. 2 9. China‘s efforts in engaging Central Asia are anchored by The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), formed by China, Russia, and the four Central Asian Republics. China treats the organisation as a testing ground for establishing cordial post-Cold War international relations. 10. But the Central Asian countries give higher priority to the Commonwealth of Independent States and the West rather than to China in forming their foreign policies. The SCO still falls short of becoming a powerful vehicle. 11. Chinese soft power is weak in the region, one Kazakh study found that 44 percent of surveyed experts believed that China could not achieve anything in Central Asia while only 20 percent believed China would be a major player in the region. 12. The rapid increase in trade and energy projects between China and Central Asian countries have so far failed to translate into Chinese influence. 13. In combating separatist and terrorist movements, Chinese leaders must note that using hard measures to suppressing unrests or crack down on activists cannot fully resolve the problems. Other soft measures are needed as well. 14. Unless China has a clearer plan or policy to deepen its relations with Central Asian countries, Chinese influence will remain limited, and the region will continue to present challenges for China. 3 Assessing China‘s influence in Central Asia: A dominant regional power? Hak Yin Li and Zhengxu Wang* China‘s interests in Central Asia: Trade, Energy, and Security 1.1 China‘s relations with the new Central Asian countries first began with territorial settlements. In 1992, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan reached a deal in resolving territorial disputes. Known as the —Shanghai Five“ then, these five countries with the addition of Uzbekistan, formally established the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2001. 1 1.2 Central Asian countries offer promising potential in boosting economic development in China‘s northwestern region. Central Asia is right in the middle of the Eurasian Continent and was part of the major trade route-the Silk Road-between the East and the West in the past. The revitalisation of the Silk Road can help overcome the development disadvantages of China‘s landlocked northwestern provinces. 1.3 One year after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1992, trade between China‘s northwestern Xinjiang province and the Central Asian countries increased by 130 percent. 2 Today, Xinjiang serves as the bridgehead between China and Central Asia. 3 In 2005, Xinjiang accounted for 40 percent of the total volume of trade between China and the five Central Asian countries.4 * Hak Yin Li is a PhD candidate in the School of Politics and International Relations at The University of Nottingham. Dr. Zhengxu Wang is Senior Research Fellow and Research Co-ordinator at the China Policy Institute, The University of Nottingham. The authors would like to thank Dr. Matthew Rendall for his comments on this article. 1 Chung Chien-Peng, —The Shanghai Co-operation Organisation: China‘s changing influence in Central Asia“, The China Quarterly , vol.180, 2004 and Sun Zhuangzhi, —New and old regionalism: The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and Sino-Central Asian relations“, The Review of International Affairs , vol.3, no.4, 2004. 2 James P. Dorian, Brett H. Wigdortz and Dru C. Gladney, —China and Central Asia‘s volatile mix: Energy, trade, and ethnic Relations“, The AsiaPacific Issues , no.31, May 1997, p.4. <http://www.eastwestcenter.org/fileadmin/stored/pdfs/api031.pdf >, accessed on 9 June 2009. 3 —Northwest China region becomes bridgehead for trade ties with Central Asia“, People‘s Daily Online , 23 September 2005, <http://english.people.com.cn/200509/23/eng20050923_210367.html >, accessed on 9 June 2009. 4 —Xinjiang steps up trade ties with central Asian countries“, People‘s Daily Online , 18 October 2005, <http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200510/18/eng20051018_215052.html >, accessed on 9 June 2009. 4 1.4 China is interested in exploring for oil and natural gas in Central Asia in order to diversify China‘s energy sources. Central Asia offers the potential of relatively safe energy supplies that are less likely to face blockade threats such as those faced by shipments passing through the Malacca Strait. 5 1.5 Therefore, Central Asia is not only an energy supplier to China, but it is also an energy transit region. China is keen on building pipelines through Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan to Bandar Abbas, a city of the southern part of Iran which is just next to the Persian Gulf. This enormous project would allow China to transport oil from the Middle East to Xinjiang.6 1.6 China‘s greatest security concern in Central Asia is the spread of extremism, separatism and terrorism (the so-called —Three Evil Forces“ by Chinese). The Muslim Uighurs are the main ethnic minority group in China‘s Xinjiang province. As other ethnic groups such as the Tajiks, Kazaks and Kyrgyzs have already established their own countries in Central Asia, the Chinese government fears that the Uighurs may seek independence as well. 7 1.7 China currently faces the challenges of Uighur insurgent groups, such as the United Revolutionary Front of Eastern Turkestan, Xinjiang Liberation Organisation, and Uighur Liberation Organisation. 8 There are an estimated 300,000 Uighurs living in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, who are potential targets of the insurgents‘ political mobilisation efforts.9 1.8 On 5 July 2009, a violent riot broke out in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, which resulted in 184 deaths and more than 1600 people injured. The Chinese government believed that the riot was engineered by extremists and separatists 5 Currently, more than 85% of China's oil passes through the Malacca Strait, see —The risk of Malacca Strait and China‘s strategy on energy“, The Sun (Hong Kong), May 12, 2006. 6 Niklas Swanström, —China and Central Asia: A new great game or traditional vassal relations?“, Journal of Contemporary China , vol.14, no.45, 2005, p.576. 7 Ibid, p.574. 8 There are other Uighur insurgent groups such as Wolves of Lop Nor, Free Turkistan Movement, Home of the East Turkistan Youth and Organisation for the Liberation of Uighuristan. See Russell Ong, —China and US war on terror“, The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis , vol.18, no.2, 2006, p.102. 9 Niklas Swanström, —China and Central Asia: A new great game or traditional vassal relations?“, Journal of Contemporary China , vol.14, no.45, 2005, p.575. 5 outside China. 10 To tackle insurgencies, China has to work with other Central Asian countries. 1.9 Another non-traditional security challenge facing China in Central Asia is drug trafficking. Drug-related activities are expanding rapidly in Central Asia, heavily affecting China. Reported opium seizures in Tajikistan increased by 83% in 2007, and almost 47 metric tons of precursor chemicals (which are used to produce morphine and heroin) were seized in some Central Asian countries, including Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in 2008. 11 1.10 China, India and Russia have noticed the drug related problems in Central Asia as Afghanistan accounts for around 90 percent of global supply in heroin. The three countries have created a security belt in the region in order to crack down drug trafficking.
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