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“TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
“TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan ....................................................................... -
The Taliban Conundrum
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 22, Issue 1, Ver. 2 (January 2017) PP 21-26 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Taliban Conundrum Mudassir Fatah Research Scholar, Department of Political Science, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi-110025 Abstract: - National interests do guide the foreign policy of a nation. A state can go to any extent for fulfilling the same. Same had been reflected in the proxy wars played in Afghanistan. It is these national interests of some states which are responsible for the rise of the Taliban movement. Although there are some internal factors who also played a crucial role while giving birth to the Taliban movement, but these internal circumstances were created so to be the part of the conflict which eventually gave rise to the Taliban movement. The cold war power politics played in the poor and a weak nation like Afghanistan resulted in such a force which is still haunting the millions in the world. Keywords: - Afghanistan, Civil War, Peace, Power Politics, Taliban. I. INTRODUCTION Taliban is the plural of ‘Talib’, which has its origin from Arabic. The literal meaning of Talib is seeking something for one’s own self. The word Talib has been derived from the word ‘Talab’ which means desire. The word Taliban, in Pushto, generally denotes, students studying in Deeni Madaris (religious schools).1 These Deeni Madaris were (mostly) Deobandi schools in Pakistan. II. RISE OF THE TALIBAN MOVEMENT-INTERNAL FACTORS After the Soviet departure, the factor which united all the Mujahedeen groups against the common enemy, no longer existed, which resulted into chaos, looting and finally civil war. -
G.N. 4820 UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS ORDINANCE (Chapter 537) Pursuant to Section 10 of the United Nations Sanctions (Afghanistan)
G.N. 4820 UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS ORDINANCE (Chapter 537) Pursuant to section 10 of the United Nations Sanctions (Afghanistan) Regulation (Chapter 537 sub.leg.), the Chief Executive the Honourable TUNG Chee Hwa has designated the following persons, undertakings and entities as persons, undertaking and entities referred to in the list maintained by the Committee of the Security Council of the United Nations established pursuant to Resolution 1267 for the purposes of Resolution 1390. A. Resolution 1267 (1999) Individuals: 1. Mullah Mohammad Rabbani, Chairman of the Ruling Council, Head of the Council of Ministers; 2. Mullah Hadji Mohammad Hassan, First Deputy, Council of Ministers; Governor of Kandahar; 3. Maulavi Abdul Kabir, Second Deputy, Council of Ministers; Governor of Nangahar Province; Head of Eastern Zone; 4. Mullah Mohammed Omar, Leader of the Faithful (‘Amir ul-Mumineen’), Afghanistan; 5. Mullah Mohammad Tahre Anwari, Administrative Affairs; 6. Maulavi Sayyed Haqqan, Minister of Administrative Affairs; 7. Maulavi Abdul Latif Mansur, Minister of Agriculture; 8. Mullah Shams-ur-Rahman, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; 9. Maulavi Attiqullah Akhund, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; 10. Maulavi Abdul Ghafoor, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; 11. Akhtar Mohammad Mansour, Minister of Civil Aviation and Transportation; 12. Hadji Tahis, Deputy Minister of Civil Aviation; 13. Mullah Mohammad Naim, Deputy Minister of Civil Aviation; 14. Hidayatullah Abu Turab, Deputy Minister of Civil Aviation; 15. Mullah Yar Mohammad Rahimi, Minister of Communication; 16. Mullah Haji Alla Dad Tayeb, Deputy Minister of Communication; 17. Maulavi Abdul Razaq, Minister of Commerce; 18. Maulavi Faiz Mohammad Faizan, Deputy Minister of Commerce; 19. Maulavi Nik Mohammad, Deputy Minister of Commerce; 20. -
Afghanistan Assessment
AFGHANISTAN COUNTRY REPORT April 2005 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Afghanistan April 2005 CONTENTS 1 Scope Of Document 1.1 - 1.12 2 Geography General 2.1 – 2.2 Languages/Main ethnic groups/Religions 2.3 - 2.5 3.Economy 3.1 - 3.8 4 History Overview to December 2001 4.1 Post Taliban 4.2 – 4.13 January 2004 – December 2004 4.14 – 4.59 January 2005 onwards 4.60 – 4.66 5.State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.8 The Constitutional Loya Jirga 5.9 – 5.13 Citizenship and Nationality 5.14 – 5.16 Political System Overview 5.17 – 5.26 Elections: - General 5.27 – 5.29 - Presidential Election 5.30 – 5.40 - Presidential Election Results 5.41 – 5.42 - Lead up to Parliamentary Elections 5.43 – 5.47 Political Situation in Herat 5.48 – 5.50 Judiciary 5.51 – 5.64 Land Court 5.65 – 5.66 Legal Rights/Detention 5.67 - 5.83 Death Penalty 5.84 - 5.86 Internal Security Developments following 11 September 2001 5.87 - 5.90 Security Sector Reform (SSR) 5.91 - 5.94 General security situation 5.95 – 5.112 Security situation in different regions: - Kabul 5.113 – 5.116 - Central 5.117 - South and Southeast 5.118 - 5.122 - North 5.123 – 5.124 Internal Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Provincial Reconstruction 5.125 – 5.150 Teams (PRTs) Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (DDR) 5.151 – 5.166 National Security Directorate (Amniat) 5.167 – 5.170 Army 5.171 – 5.174 Police 5.175 – 5.184 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.185 - 5.208 Military Service 5.209 - 5.212 Medical Services -
UNITED NATIONS General Assembly Security Council
UNITED NATIONS AS General Assembly Distr. Security Council GENERAL A/54/536 S/1999/1145 16 November 1999 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECURITY COUNCIL Fifty-fourth session Fifty-fourth year Agend item 50 THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY Report of the Secretary-General I. INTRODUCTION 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 53/203 A of 18 December 1998, in which the Assembly requested me to report to it at its fifty-fourth session on the progress made in the implementation of that resolution. In the same resolution, the General Assembly also requested me to report every three months during its fifty-third session on the progress of the United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan (UNSMA). Three progress reports have been submitted: the first on 31 March 1999 (A/53/889-S/1999/362), the second on 21 June 1999 (A/53/1002-S/1999/698) and the third on 21 September 1999 (A/54/378-S/1999/994). 2. The present report, which covers developments since the issuance of the last annual report on 23 November 1998 (A/53/695-S/1998/1109), is also submitted in response to requests by the Security Council for regular information on the main developments in Afghanistan. The report describes the principal events that have taken place in Afghanistan, including the major military and political developments in Afghanistan as well as the activities of the Special Mission and the missions of Lakhdar Brahimi, who continued to serve as my Special Envoy during the period under review. -
I NEW YORK UNIVERSITY Separating the Taliban from Al-Qaeda: The
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY i CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan Alex Strick van Linschoten Felix Kuehn February 2011 NYU Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan | A CIC Study CIC NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict, insecurity, and scarcity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict, insecurity, and scarcity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. Table of Contents Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan | A CIC Study Key Findings 1 1. Overview 1 2. September 11 and the Taliban 5 3. An Avoidable Insurgency 6 4. Engaging Taliban on al-Qaeda 7 5. U.S. Policy and al-Qaeda 9 6. Conclusion 11 Endnotes 13 Key Findings 1. Overview • The Taliban and al-Qaeda remain distinct groups For much of the international community, relations with different goals, ideologies, and sources of recruits; between the Taliban and al-Qaeda – as well as the Taliban’s there was considerable friction between them before ties to the wider universe of jihadist groups – pose the September 11, 2001, and today that friction persists. -
Country of Origin Information Report: AFGHANISTAN
COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT AFGHANISTAN 29 AUGUST 2008 UK Border Agency COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION SERVICE AFGHANISTAN 29 AUGUST 2008 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN AFGHANISTAN FROM 15 AUGUST TO 29 AUGUST 2008 REPORTS ON AFGHANISTAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED SINCE 15 AUGUST 2008 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY........................................................................................1.01 Maps .............................................................................................. 1.08 2. ECONOMY............................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY.............................................................................................. 3.01 Overview to December 2001........................................................ 3.01 Post-Taliban.................................................................................. 3.02 Presidential election 9 October 2004 and the new Cabinet...... 3.08 Parliamentary and provincial elections 18 September 2005 .... 3.10 Afghanistan Compact 31 January 2006...................................... 3.14 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS ..................................................................... 4.01 5. CONSTITUTION..................................................................................... 5.01 6. POLITICAL SYSTEM .............................................................................. 6.01 Overview ...................................................................................... -
Gn 6402 United Nations Sanctions Ordinance
G.N. 6402 UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS ORDINANCE (Chapter 537) Pursuant to section 3(3)(b) of the United Nations Sanctions (Afghanistan) Regulation (Chapter 537 sub. leg.), the Chief Executive the Honourable TUNG Chee Hwa has authorised the publication of the following designation by the Committee of the Security Council of the United Nations established pursuant to Resolution 1267:— • Mullah Mohammad Rabbani, Chairman of the Ruling Council, Head of the Council of Ministers; • Mullah Hadji Mohammad Hassan, First Deputy, Council of Ministers; Governor of Kandahar; • Maulavi Abdul Kabir, Second Deputy, Council of Ministers; Governor of Nangahar Province; Head of Eastern Zone; • Mullah Mohammed Omar, Leader of the Faithful (‘Amir ul-Mumineen’), Afghanistan • Mullah Mohammad Tahre Anwari, Administrative Affairs; • Maulavi Sayyed Haqqan, Minister of Administrative Affairs; • Maulavi Abdul Latif Mansur, Minister of Agriculture; • Mullah Shams-ur-Rahman, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; • Maulavi Attiqullah Akhund, Deputy Minister of Agriculture • Maulavi Abdul Ghafoor, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; • Akhtar Mohammad Mansour, Minister of Civil Aviation and Transportation; • Hadji Tahis, Deputy Minister of Civil Aviation; • Mullah Mohammad Naim, Deputy Minister of Civil Aviation; • Hidayatullah Abu Turab, Deputy Minister of Civil Aviation; • Mullah Yar Mohammad Rahimi, Minister of Communication; • Mullah Haji Alla Dad Tayeb, Deputy Minister of Communication; • Maulavi Abdul Razaq, Minister of Commerce; • Maulavi Faiz Mohammad Faizan, Deputy Minister of Commerce; • Maulavi Nik Mohammad, Deputy Minister of Commerce; • Mullah Matiullah, Kabul Custom House; • Maulavi Dadullah Akhund, Minister of Construction; • Mullah Hadji Ubaidullah Akhund, Minister of Defence; • Mullah Fazel M. Mazloom, Deputy Chief of Army Staff; • Mullah Baradar, Deputy, Minister of Defence; • Mullah Abdul Rauf, Commander of Central Corpus; • Mullah Amir Khan Motaqi, Minister of Education; • Mullah Mohammad Nasim Hanafi, Deputy Minister of Education; • Maulavi S. -
The Human Rights of Minorities
••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••AFGHANISTAN: The human rights of minorities There are no definite statistics about the size of the Afghan population or the distribution of Afghan ethnic groups. The only population survey (sponsored by the UN) was aborted in mid-1979 when the civil war broke out. The war, which has gradually taken an ethnic outlook, has caused people from various localities to flee in search of safety either to other countries or to parts of the country other than their traditional homeland. As a result, various localities have periodically seen fluctuations in the numbers of one or another minority. For example, from mid-1980s, there was a continued decrease in the number of Pushtuns in the central highlands of Hazarajat, where members of the Hazara minority sustained a degree of autonomy from the central administration. Now that the area has come under Taleban control, Pushtuns are returning to settle there. Estimates by ethnic groups themselves vary as they tend to overestimate the size of their own minority and underestimate the size of the others. The preliminary results of the incomplete 1979 survey suggests a general population of up to 15.4 million with the following ethnic composition.i Group Approx. number Location Pushtun 7 000 000 concentrated in south and south-east but settled far and wide Tajiks 3 500 000 north and north-east and Kabul region Hazaras 1 500 000 centre (Hazarajat) and in Kabul Uzbeks 1 300 000 north Aimaq 800 000 west Farsiwan/Heratis 600 000 west and south Turkmen 300 000 north Brahui 200 000 south-west Baluchi 100 000 west and north-west Nuristani 100 000 east Population of Afghanistan: main ethnic groups, 1979ii Personal experiences of aid workers, journalists and other visitors to Afghanistan suggest that in the last 20 years, there have been significant changes in the size and location of the ethnic groups in the country. -
Taliban List 5.11.02
NOTIFIKAZZJONIJIET TAL-GVERN GOVERNMENT NOTICE Nru. ________ No.______ ATT DWAR POTERI LI JSIRU NATIONAL INTEREST REGOLAMENTI (ENABLING POWERS) ACT FL-INTERESS NAZZJONALI (CAP. 365) (KAP.365) Regolamenti ta’ l-1999 dwar United Nations Sanctions (Taliban) Sanzjonijiet tan-Nazzjonijiet Regulations, 1999 Uniti fir-Rigward tat-Taliban FOR the purposes of the United Nations GHALL-finijiet tar-Regolamenti Sanctions (Taliban) Regulations 1999, (Legal ta’ l-1999 dwar Sanzjonijiet Notice No. 214 of 1999) and further to the lists of tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti fir- persons or entities drawn up by the Committee rigward tat-Taliban, (Avvi] established in terms of paragraph 6 of Resolution Legali Nru. 214 ta’ l-1999) u 1267 (1999), and further to paragraph 8 (c) of aktar mal-listi ta’ persuni Resolution 1333 (2000) and paragraph 2 (a) of jew entitajiet elenkati mill- Resolution 1390 (2002), published in the said Kumitat stabbilit skond il- Legal Notice, the following consolidated list, paragrafu 6 tar-Ri]oluzzjoni which supersedes the previous consolidated list 1267 (1999), u aktar mal- published in Government Notice No.835 of the paragrafu 8 (c) tar- 24th September 2002, and Government Notices Rizoluzzjoni 1333 (2000) u 2 No.926 and No.951 of the 15th October 2002 and (a) tar-Ri]oluzzjoni 1390 of the 25th October 2002 respectively, is hereby (2002), ippubblikati fl-Avviz bein g published for general information:- Legali msemmi hawn aktar qabel, qieg[da ti;i ppublikata l-lista konsolidata li ;ejja, liema lista tissostitwixxi l- lista konsolidata pre/edenti ippublikata fin- Notifikazzjoni tal-Gvern Nru. 835 ta’ l- 24 ta’ Settembru, 2002, u n-Notifikazzjonijiet tal-Gvern Nru. -
Afghan Political Parties: a Short Outline by René Teijgeler
Afghan Political Parties: a short outline By René Teijgeler Summary Political parties are controversial in Afghanistan. Associated with recent conflict and ethnic or military factions, they are not considered a potentially positive force by the public or the Afghan Government. Strong ties to tribal, regional, religious, or ethnic identities, the lack of class awareness, and the very small size of the intelligentsia limited the formation of political parties in Afghanistan. Besides patron-client relationships (qawm) are still striving and stalling the full development of political parties. As a matter of fact qawm is so important that is overrides any ethnic, religious or family ties. Therefore, the term ‘political party’ has a number of connotations. It does not necessarily denote an organization that is politically active in the way parties are in established democracies. While distinguishable, ideological currents of political activity exist today, few parties hold individualized, identifiable platforms or have cohesive internal structures. Many have connections to ex-mujahidin military factions previously active in Afghanistan’s civil conflict. A more accurate term for these parties is ‘proto parties’, as they lack the institutionalization more commonly associated with parties in the conventional sense. The New Democratic Parties (NDP) that came into being after the Bonn Conference in 2001 are different from the mujahideen parties in that they are more likely to embrace moderate state-building or national unity platforms. They have no direct ties to the power structures from the former resistance movement but in the contrary are supported by NGOs, lawyers or socio-political associations. After the 2005 parliament elections the NDPs, however, did not manage to get any seats upon which the International Community (IC) decided not to support them anymore. -
Taliban Views on a Future State
TALIBAN VIEWS ON A FUTURE STATE BORHAN OSMAN AND ANAND GOPAL Introduction by Barnett Rubin N Y U CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL C I C COOPERATION July 2016 CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict and insecurity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict insecurity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections between politics, security, development and human rights and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. TABLE OF CONTENTS TALIBAN VIEWS ON A FUTURE STATE By Borhan Osman and Anand Gopal ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4 ABOUT THE AUTHORS 5 INTRODUCTION 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 KEY FINDINGS 6 INTRODUCTION 8 POWER SHARING: WHO BELONGS IN THE NEW ORDER? 10 Power Sharing Today 12 ISLAM AND THE FUTURE STATE 16 Political Representation 19 WHOSE ISLAM? 22 Evolution 25 CONCLUSION 30 ENDNOTES 33 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank Edmund Haley for helping conceive of this project and the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (UK) for its support. The Afghanistan-Pakistan Regional Program of the Center on International Cooperation would like to thank the government of Norway for its support, without which it would not have been able to publish this report.