Georgia's Struggle with Democratic Institution Building And
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Georgia: an Emerging Governance: Problems and Prospects
Chapter 12 Georgia: An Emerging Governance: Problems and Prospects Dov Lynch Introduction Even if the Republic of Georgia has existed independently since 1992, it remains logical to discuss security sector governance as an emerging question. For much of the early 1990s, applying the notion of ‘security sector governance’ to a state at war and barely on its feet stretched the concept too far. The Georgian state embarked on a process of consolidation from 1995 onwards, initiated with the approval of a Constitution, and Georgia experienced thereafter several years of growth and relative political stability. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the main lines of security sector reform were formulated on paper, and limited changes were effected in the Ministry of Defence and the armed forces. However, as a whole, security sector reform remains an emerging concern in so far as most of the work remains ahead for the new Georgian leadership in terms of addressing a distorted legacy, clarifying the scope of problems and prioritising amongst them, sketching out a coherent programme and implementing it. Two points should be noted from the outset. The first concerns the security sector in Georgia, the number of the agents involved and the nature of their interaction. Many have argued that the notion of ‘security sector reform’ is useful in drawing attention away from more limited understandings of military reform. Traditional discussions of civil- military relations tended to focus on the dyadic relationship between civilian political structures and a professional military agency. By contrast, reforming the security sector entails a more complex 249 understanding of these two poles and adds new actors to the picture1. -
Georgia: What Now?
GEORGIA: WHAT NOW? 3 December 2003 Europe Report N°151 Tbilisi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................. 2 A. HISTORY ...............................................................................................................................2 B. GEOPOLITICS ........................................................................................................................3 1. External Players .........................................................................................................4 2. Why Georgia Matters.................................................................................................5 III. WHAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION........................................................................ 6 A. ELECTIONS – FREE AND FAIR? ..............................................................................................8 B. ELECTION DAY AND AFTER ..................................................................................................9 IV. ENSURING STATE CONTINUITY .......................................................................... 12 A. STABILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD ...............................................................................12 B. THE PRO-SHEVARDNADZE -
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION in GEORGIA 27Th October 2013
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN GEORGIA 27th October 2013 European Elections monitor The candidate in office, Giorgi Margvelashvili, favourite in the Presidential Election in Georgia Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy On 27th October next, 3,537,249 Georgians will be electing their president of the republic. The election is important even though the constitutional reform of 2010 deprived the Head of State of some of his powers to be benefit of the Prime Minister and Parliament (Sakartvelos Parlamenti). The President of the Republic will no longer be able to dismiss the government and convene a new Analysis cabinet without parliament’s approval. The latter will also be responsible for appointing the regional governors, which previously lay within the powers of the President of the Republic. The constitutional reform which modified the powers enjoyed by the head of State was approved by the Georgian parliament on 21st March last 135 votes in support, i.e. all of the MPs present. The outgoing President, Mikheil Saakashvili (United National Movement, ENM), in office since the election on 4th January 2004 cannot run for office again since the Constitution does not allow more than two consecutive mandates. Georgian Dream-Democratic Georgia in coalition with Mikheil Saakashvili. 10 have been appointed by politi- Our Georgia-Free Democrats led by former representa- cal parties, 13 by initiative groups. 54 people registe- tive of Georgia at the UN, Irakli Alasania, the Republi- red to stand in all. can Party led by Davit Usupashvili, the National Forum The candidates are as follows: led by Kakha Shartava, the Conservative Party led by Zviad Dzidziguri and Industry will save Georgia led by – Giorgi Margvelashvili (Georgian Dream-Democratic Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili has been in office Georgia), former Minister of Education and Science and since the general elections on 1st October 2012. -
Kaliningrad: a Special Area in Central-Eastern Europe
Cultural Relations Quarterly Review Winter 2014 Kaliningrad: a special area in Central-Eastern Europe Kitti Mária Tádics Abstract: The main objective of this work is to analyse in detail Kaliningrad territory, focusing on the current political situation, separation tendencies and features of the national identity. The content of the work is divided into separate parts. The ambition of the first part is to define basic facts that make this area specific in the Central and Eastern Europe. The aim of the second part is to identify significant milestones in the history of Kaliningrad that substantially shaped Kaliningrad’s contemporary political picture, particularly Kaliningrad after the Russian regime change. The thesis also emphasizes the inclination of Kaliningrad to the West and the EU instead of Russian Federation and attempts to define causes that led to this particular tendency. The author of the work also would like to concentrate on the considerable alteration of Kaliningrad since the first presidency of Vladimir Putin. The intention of the last part is to resolve Kaliningrad-EU-Moscow relations. The author concluded that most profitable policy for Kaliningrad would be to help balance these two seemingly antagonistic positions and attempt to urge Russia and the EU to adopt measures most convenient for Kaliningrad. Keywords: Kaliningrad, Russia, sovereignty, European Union, regional policy Introduction In this essay I would like to summarize the current political situation, the separation tendencies and the features of the national identity in Kaliningrad oblast. First I would like to lay out some basic statements regarding to the area: 1. Kaliningrad oblast is a small Russian enclave which is inhabited by 1 million people and bordered by Lithuania and Poland at the coast of the Baltic Sea. -
The Case of Mukhtar Ablyazov the Case of Tatiana Paraskevich The
www.odfoundation.eu The case of Mukhtar Ablyazov The case of Tatiana Paraskevich The case of Alma Shalabayeva The case of Muratbek Ketebayev The case of Alexandr Pavlov www.odfoundation.eu Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… (page 3) 2. The case of Mukhtar Ablyazov……………………………………………………………………………….. (page 7) 3. The case of Tatiana Paraskevich……………………………………………………………………………… (page 14) 4. The case of Alma Shalabayeva……………………………………………………………………………….. (page 17) 5. The case of Muratbek Ketebayev…………………………………………………………………………… (page 21) 6. The case of Alexandr Pavlov…………………………………………………………………………………… (page 23) 7. The cooperation of the intelligence services of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Ukraine and the Russian Federation and the prevalence of torture in these (page 28) countries……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 8. Examples of misuse of the Interpol system by the countries in which human rights are violated………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… (page 32) 9. Conclusions and recommendations……………………………………………………………………….. (page 35) Appendix 1. Documents relating to the cooperation between Kazakh and Italian security agencies through Interpol channels on the case of Alma Shalabayeva………….. (page 39) Appendix 2. The inquiry of the members of the Polish Sejm, Marcin Święcicki and Ligia Krajewska to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, Radosław (page 43) Sikorski, regarding the deportation of activists of political opposition to Kazakhstan… Appendix 3. The response of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland to the inquiry of the members of the Polish Sejm, Marcin Święcicki and Ligia (page 45) Krajewska…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2 www.odfoundation.eu 1. INTRODUCTION During its 22nd annual meeting, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly expressed its regret that some OSCE participating states, seeking the arrest of opponents on politically motivated charges, continue to misuse the Interpol system. -
Chronicle: the Caucasus in the Year 2013
Chronicle: The Caucasus In the Year 2013 January 9 January 2013 The Georgian State audit agency launches a probe into the alleged violation of funding political parties’ rules by the United National Movement during the electoral campaign of 2012 11 January 2013 Russian President Vladimir Putin congratulates the head of the Georgian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Ilia II, on his 80th birthday 18 January 2013 During an official visit to Armenia, Georgian Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili promises to the head of the Holy Armenian Apostolic Church Catholicos Karekin II that Armenian history will soon be taught in Georgian schools 19 January 2013 police in Baku clash with shopkeepers protesting a rent increase by the managers of Azerbaijan’s largest shopping center 24 January 2013 The Azerbaijani police break up protests in the town of Ismayilli demanding the resignation of the local governor Nizami Alekberov 26 January 2013 Hundreds of people demonstrate in Baku to express their solidarity with the protests in the town of Ismayilli and some 40 participants are detained by the police including the blogger Emin Milli and investigative journalist Khadija Ismayilova 26 January 2013 A statue of Azerbaijan’s late President Heydar Aliyev is removed from a park in Mexico City 27 January 2013 Three activists involved in a 26 January protest in the Azerbaijani capital of Baku are given prison sentences 28 January 2013 The Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers meet in Paris for talks mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group and aimed at settling the conflict -
Representation of Political Forces in the Legislative Body of Georgia in the Period Between 1990 and 2016
Representation of Political Forces in the Legislative Body of Georgia in the period between 1990 and 2016 Since 1990, parliamentary elections have taken place nine times in Georgia. The ones held in 2016 resulted in election of the Parliament of the 9th convocation by the population of Georgia. 2016 parliamentary elections brought along concerns whether concentration of the constitutional majority in a single party in the legislative body is well justified or vice versa, whether diversity of political parties can lead to positive outcomes for the country. According to the Election Code of Georgia, a subject which represents a registered party, an election bloc, an initiative group of voters or independent candidate to majoritarian membership is entitled to run for elections. Transparency International – Georgia explored representation of political forces in the legislative body of Georgia in the period between 1990 and 2016 as well as number of elected members and election threshold stipulated by the law. ● The 2nd convocation of Parliament (1992-1995), with 24 parties overcoming the election threshold, was the one with the greatest number of political subjects. ● In terms of the number of MPs, the Supreme Council with 247 members was the most numerous. ● 2% represented the lowest election threshold, whereas 7% - the highest. ● The parliament of the 8th convocation (2012-2016) included just two election subjects, though the bloc “Georgian Dream” was comprised of six parties. th ● Since 1990, including the parliament of the 8 c onvocation, the legislative body has had 1216 members ● The following members were most frequently represented in different convocations of the Parliament: Akaki Bobokhidze (member of six convocations) and Giorgi Baramidze (member of five convocations) Number of MPs in the legislative body and the election threshold Number of elected MPs as well as the election threshold have experienced a number of changes over time along with amendments to the law. -
Georgia: the Death of Zurab Zhvaniya "A Setback for President, Government & Country"
Conflict Studies Research Centre Caucasus Series 05/08 Georgia: The Death of Zurab Zhvaniya "A Setback for President, Government & Country" C W Blandy Key Points * The loss of Zhvaniya removes the balance of power between ambitious factions in the government. * Presidential control could be increased without the restraints imposed by the partnership of Zhvaniya and Burjanadze. * With hawks in the ascendant, more extreme policies may be followed over issues such as Abkhazia and South Osetia. * Observance of the law and the constitution could be further flouted if it suited the executive. Contents Introduction 1 Doubts Over the Circumstances of Zhvaniya's Death 2 Table 1 – Changes to Senior Ministers in Georgian Cabinet 3 The Future 3 The Government of Zurab Nogaideli 4 Table 2 – Prime Minister Nogaideli's Cabinet 4 Box 1 – Opinions on Nomination of Zurab Nogaideli 5 Flaws in Government 5 Box 2 – Synopsis of Situation in Georgia by Davit Usupashvili, Legal Expert 5 Box 3 – Comments on Military Affairs by Kakha Katsitadze 6 Conclusion 7 Appendix: Georgia – Drivers of Instability 12 05/08 Georgia: The Death of Zurab Zhvaniya "A Setback for President, Government & Country" C W Blandy Introduction “Without overstatement it can be said that Zurab Zhvaniya was one of the pillars of Georgian politics in recent times. It is obvious that without the late premier, would there have been a 'Rose revolution'[?] – if Mikheil Saakashvili was its face, then Zhvaniya was its brain centre. Even enemies acknowledged his outstanding talent as an organiser -
A N N E X E S
13255/07 Georgia v. Russia (I) A N N E X E S Annex 1 Summary of documents submitted by the applicant Government I. In their application of 27 March 2007 A. Summary of documents in English and Russian C. Summary of statements of Georgian citizens B. + D. Summary of media coverage of events II. In their observations in reply of 5 May 2008 Summary of documents in Georgian / Russian Annex 2 Summary of documents submitted by the respondent Government I. In their observations of 26 December 2007 . Summary of documents in Russian II. In their additional observations of 23 September 2008 . Summary of documents in Russian Annex 3 Report of 22 January 2007 by the monitoring committee of the Parliamentary Assembly 1 13255/07 Georgia v. Russia (I) Annex 1 I. A. Summary of the documents in English and Russian submitted by the applicant Government in their application of 27 March 2008 number Document type date 1 Summary/Translation The applicant Government submitted the Agreement between Georgia and Russia on the Terms and Rules of the temporary functioning and withdrawal of Russian Military Bases and other military facilities belonging to the Group of Russian Military Forces in Transcaucasia deployed on the Territory of Georgia. The Agreement was drawn up in Russian and Georgian and signed by both parties in Sochi, Russian Federation, on 31 March 2006. number Document type date 2 A. Council of Europe press release 6 October 2006; B. Council of the European Union press release 16-17 October 2006; C. Speech by Ms Benita Ferrero-Waldner, member 25 October 2006 of the European Commission with responsibility for and 6 March 2007 External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy D. -
Vanishing Rights
1 2 Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) Vanishing Rights Behind the Façade: Georgia, events of 2009 This project is funded A project implemented by the European Union by the Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) Tbilisi, 2010 3 Prepared by: Ana Natsvlishvili, Nona Salagaia Nino Andriashvili Bakar Jikia Nino Tlashadze Edited by: Ucha Nanuashvili, Bianca Cseke On the cover: Police dismantling demonstration in Tbilisi, June 15, 2009 Courtesy photo by information agency InterPRessNews 4 Non-governmental organization the Human Rights Centre (HRIDC), formerly Human Rights Information and Documentation Center (HRIDC) was founded on December 10, 1996 in Tbilisi, Georgia. The Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) is dedicated to protection and promotion of human rights, rule of law and peace in Georgia. It is free of any political and religious affiliation. The Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) believes that everyone is entitled to exercise her/his civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights freely and without any discrimination as guaranteed by national and international law. We consider that protection and promotion of these rights and respect for rule of law are the key preconditions for building sustainable peace and democracy in Georgia. The Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) has five priority areas of action: strengthening the rule of law, supporting freedom of expression and media, promoting equality and social inclusion, reinforcing democratic processes and supporting transitional justice. 5 The publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union to the project “South Caucasus Network of Human Rights Defenders.” The Network unites 30 organizations in the South Caucasus region; Human Rights Centre (HRIDC) coordinates the Network. -
Tion Media Monitoring
Election Media Monitoring July 17-30, 2012 Key findings identified during the media monitoring for the period of July 17-30: According to the time allocated by Rustavi 2 and Imedi, the sequence of the first top five subjects and time distribution coincide to one another. These are: the President, the Government, the Coalition Georgian Dream, Christian-Democratic Movement and New Rights. Likewise, the time distribution is similar on Maestro and the Ninth Channel. Here the following sequence is present: Coalition Georgian Dream, the government, United National Movement, the President and local NGOs. According to the time allocated by the First Channel, Kavkasia and Real TV, the Coalition Georgian Dream ranks first. However, there are big differences from the standpoint of time distribution. Distribution of the time allocated to the subjects on the first channel is the most equal of all, and the least equal on Real TV. On the First Channel, all the subjects, except the government, have a more than 50% share of direct speech. Distribution of direct and indirect speech on Rustavi 2 and Imedi is similar, like it is the case of distribution of allocated time. In both cases the Coalition Georgian Dream has the lowest share of direct speech out of those subjects to which more than 5 minutes were allocated. The Coalition Georgian Dream has very similar distribution of direct and indirect speech on Maestro, Kavkasia and the Ninth Channel – almost half of the allocated time. The government has a very little share of direct speech on the Ninth Channel. Such indicator has not been observed on any other channel among those subjects to which more than 4 minutes were allocated. -
Annex E.4.13 Public
ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.13 13-10-2015 1/39 EK PT Annex E.4.13 Public ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.13 13-10-2015 2/39 EK PT GEORGIA'S SOUTH OSSETIA CONFLICT: MAKE HASTE SLOWLY Europe Report N°183 - 7 June 2007 lnternationa Crisis Group WORKING TO PREVENT CONFLICT WORLDWIDE GEO-OTP-0001-1276 ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.13 13-10-2015 3/39 EK PT TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS i 1. INTRODUCTION 1 II. COMPETING GOVERNMENTS 2 A. SANAKOEV'S EMRRGF.NCF. 2 B. SANAKOEV'S DTSPlITED PRESENCE 4 I. Tbilisi's view 4 2. The Tskhinvali view 6 3. The international view 7 C. THENEWTEMPORARY ADMrNISTRATIVEUNIT 7 III. STALLED NEGOTIATIONS 9 A. THR JO TNT CONTROT, COMMlSSTON 9 B. PF:ACF: PLANS 11 rv. SE.CURlTY ·1sstJES 12 A. TllREATS l 2 1. Perceptions 12 2. lncidents 14 8. PEACEKEEPING 17 C. LAW ENfORCE:MENTAND POLICE COOPERATION 19 V. ECONOMIC REHABILITATION 20 A. THE OS CE-LED PROGRAM 21 B. 0TllliR1NlTlATlY.L::S 22 1. Tbilisi's package for Kurta 22 2. Moscow's support for Tskhinvali 23 C. FROM ENERGY INTERDEPENDENCE TO CONFLICT OVER REsOURCES? 23 VI. CONCL.USION 25 APPENDICES A. M/\P OF GEORGI/\ 26 B. MAP OF THE SOlJTH OssETIAN REGION 27 c. JPKF MAP OF GKOIWIAN-CONTROLLKI) AREAS IN SOlJTH Oss1-;nA 28 D. TBILISI'S MAP OF GEORGIAN-CONTROLLED AREAS IN Sourn OSSETIA 29 E. ABOITTTHE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROlW 30 F. lNTERNA TIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS ON EUROPE 31 G.