The ANZUS Alliance in an Ascending Asia
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Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation Policies on Asian Immigration and Multiculturalism
Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation policies on Asian immigration and multiculturalism 仍然反亚裔?反华裔? 一国党针对亚裔移民和多元文化 的政策 Is Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party anti-Asian? Just how much has One Nation changed since Pauline Hanson first sat in the Australian Parliament two decades ago? This report reviews One Nation’s statements of the 1990s and the current policies of the party. It concludes that One Nation’s broad policies on immigration and multiculturalism remain essentially unchanged. Anti-Asian sentiments remain at One Nation’s core. Continuity in One Nation policy is reinforced by the party’s connections with anti-Asian immigration campaigners from the extreme right of Australian politics. Anti-Chinese thinking is a persistent sub-text in One Nation’s thinking and policy positions. The possibility that One Nation will in the future turn its attacks on Australia's Chinese communities cannot be dismissed. 宝林·韩森的一国党是否反亚裔?自从宝林·韩森二十年前首次当选澳大利亚 议会议员以来,一国党改变了多少? 本报告回顾了一国党在二十世纪九十年代的声明以及该党的现行政策。报告 得出的结论显示,一国党关于移民和多元文化的广泛政策基本保持不变。反 亚裔情绪仍然居于一国党的核心。通过与来自澳大利亚极右翼政坛的反亚裔 移民竞选人的联系,一国党的政策连续性得以加强。反华裔思想是一国党思 想和政策立场的一个持久不变的潜台词。无法排除一国党未来攻击澳大利亚 华人社区的可能性。 Report Philip Dorling May 2017 ABOUT THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE The Australia Institute is an independent public policy think tank based in Canberra. It is funded by donations from philanthropic trusts and individuals and commissioned research. Since its launch in 1994, the Institute has carried out highly influential research on a broad range of economic, social and environmental issues. OUR PHILOSOPHY As we begin the 21st century, new dilemmas confront our society and our planet. Unprecedented levels of consumption co-exist with extreme poverty. Through new technology we are more connected than we have ever been, yet civic engagement is declining. -
Strategic Assessment 2020: Chapter 3A
Chapter 3a Contemporary Great Power Geostrategic Dynamics Relations and Strategies By Thomas F. Lynch III and Phillip C. Saunders This chapter provides a comparative assessment of the strategic objectives for the three contemporary Great Powers: the United States, China, and Russia. It first traces the evolution of each power’s strategic interests from 2000 to 2017, indicating where important milestones transitioned the powers’ relations from relative coop- eration and collaboration into de facto rivalry (by 2014 to 2015) and then a for- mally acknowledged rivalry (in 2017). The chapter next outlines the Great Powers’ current strategic viewpoints and how they contrast across the five major categories of state interaction: political and diplomatic, ideological, informational, military, and economic. It demonstrates that each power has many divergent strategic inter- ests, making rivalry inevitable. The chapter indicates where varying strategic inter- est intensity combines to make risks of Great Power clashes most worrisome in the coming 5 years: the Indo-Pacific, cyberspace, outer space, and, to a receding degree, the Middle East. It concludes that Russian strategic aims make Moscow a transient security risk to U.S. geopolitical dominance, while China’s ideological vision and aspirations make it the most important, albeit presently less threatening, rival to the U.S. status as the head of the global liberal international order. his chapter focuses on the three modern Great Powers—the United States, China, and TRussia—and the broad framework of their contemporary interactions. It provides an overview of the ongoing major debates about the nature and degree of challenges posed by these three major states. -
AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPER HISTORY GROUP NEWSLETTER ISSN 1443-4962 No
AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPER HISTORY GROUP NEWSLETTER ISSN 1443-4962 No. 49 October 2008 Compiled for the ANHG by Rod Kirkpatrick, 59 Emperor Drive, Andergrove, Qld, 4740, and Victor Isaacs, of Canberra. Ph. 61-7-4955 7838. Email: [email protected] The publication is independent. COPY DEADLINE AND WEBSITE ADDRESS Deadline for the next Newsletter: 5 December 2008. Subscription details appear at end of Newsletter. [Number 1 appeared October 1999.] The Newsletter is online through the “Publications” link of the University of Queensland’s School of Journalism & Communication Website at www.uq.edu.au/sjc/ and through the ePrint Archives at the University of Queensland at http://espace.uq.edu.au/) 1 – CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS: NATIONAL & METROPOLITAN 49.1.1 THE BIG PURGE AT FAIRFAX Fairfax Media Ltd announced on 26 August that it planned to shed 550 jobs, 180 of them belonging to journalists (390 of the jobs are Australian and 160 are New Zealand jobs). Fairfax did not announce it quite as bluntly as that, instead describing its action within the context of a “business improvement plan”. It sent an email to all its employees, announcing “a major restructure of corporate and group services and significant initiatives to improve the overall productivity and performance of many of our businesses”. John Lyons, a former Fairfax editor, and Caroline Overington reported (Australian, 27 August 2008, pp.1-2): “Fairfax Media is abandoning quality journalism at its flagship newspapers, the Sydney Morning Herald and the Age, according to staff who yesterday rejected a company plan to shed 550 jobs. Chief executive David Kirk and his deputy Brian McCarthy told the Australian Stock Exchange and newspaper staff via email yesterday that Fairfax hoped to save $50 million by cutting the jobs in Sydney, Melbourne and New Zealand – 5 per cent of its full- time workforce.” The company‟s metropolitan newspapers recorded a 9 per cent drop in profit in 2007-08. -
How Can Realism Be Utilised in an Understanding of the United States/New Zealand Relationship Over Nuclear Policy?
How can realism be utilised in an understanding of the United States/New Zealand relationship over nuclear policy? By Angela Fitzsimons A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters of International Relations (MIR) degree School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the decision making process of the United States and New Zealand on the nuclear policy issue through the lens of realism and analyses the effect of realism on the ANZUS alliance. Broader questions associated with alliances, national interest, changing priorities and limits on the use of power are also treated. A single case study of the United States/ New Zealand security relationship as embodied in the ANZUS treaty will be used to evaluate the utility of realism in understanding the decision making process that led to the declaration by the United States that the treaty was in abeyance. Five significant findings emerged: firstly both New Zealand and the United States used realism in the decision making process based on national interest, Secondly; diverging national interests over the nuclear issue made the ANZUS treaty untenable. Thirdly, ethical and cultural aspects of the relationship between the two states limited the application of classical realism to understanding the bond. Fourthly, normative theory accommodates realist theory on the behaviour of states in the international environment. Finally, continued engagement between the United -
Gulf Security in a 'Post-Free Riders' World
Gulf Security in a ‘Post-Free Riders’ World EDA INSIGHT RESEARCH & ANALYSIS JULY 2020 Gulf Security in a ‘Post-Free Riders’ World Dr N. Janardhan Disclaimer: The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Emirates Diplomatic Academy, an autonomous federal entity, or the UAE Government. Copyright: Emirates Diplomatic Academy 2020. Cover photo: U.S. Pacific Fleet, via Flickr. Gulf Security in a ‘Post-Free Riders’ World Dr N. Janardhan Senior Research Fellow, Emirates Diplomatic Academy Dr N. Janardhan is Senior Research Fellow, Gulf-Asia Programme, Emirates Diplomatic Academy. He also offers diplomats a MA course on Asian foreign policies. His academic publications include – A New Gulf Security Architecture: Prospects and Challenges for an Asian Role; India and the Gulf: What Next?; and Boom amid Gloom: Spirit of Possibility in 21st Century Gulf. His next book – Gulf’s Pivot to Asia: From Transactional to Strategic Partnerships will be published in late 2020. Dr Janardhan is also Managing Assistant Editor, Journal of Arabian Studies. Executive Summary ◊ The discussion on Gulf-Asia relations rarely focuses ◊ Finally, the jury is still out on how a post-Covid-19 beyond their expanding economic ties. Exploring the global order will pan out. While some pessimistic ‘what next’ dimension reveals attempts at ‘strategic’ scenarios are doing the rounds, it is more likely that cooperation that offer alternative possibilities for Gulf the direction of changes over the last two decades security. would continue. There are bound to be some variation in the momentum of change, but cooperation is likely ◊ With the United States no longer dependent on the to prevail over competition and confrontation. -
Engaging the Neighbours AUSTRALIA and ASEAN SINCE 1974
Engaging the neighbours AUSTRALIA AND ASEAN SINCE 1974 Engaging the neighbours AUSTRALIA AND ASEAN SINCE 1974 FRANK FROST Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Frost, Frank, 1947- author. Title: Engaging the neighbours : Australia and ASEAN since 1974 / Frank Frost. ISBN: 9781760460174 (paperback) 9781760460181 (ebook) Subjects: ASEAN. Australia--Foreign relations--Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia--Foreign relations--Australia. Dewey Number: 327.94059 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Chronology . vii Preface . xi Abbreviations . xiii Introduction . 1 1 . Australia and the origins of ASEAN (1967–1975) . 7 2 . Economic disputes and the Third Indochina War (1976–1983) . 35 3 . Regional activism and the end of the Cold War (1983–1996) . 65 4 . The Asian financial crisis, multilateral relations and the East Asia Summit (1996–2007) . 107 5 . From the ‘Asia Pacific Community’ to the fortieth anniversary summit and beyond (2007‒2015) . .. 145 6 . Australia and ASEAN: Issues, themes and future prospects . 187 Bibliography . 205 Index . 241 Chronology 1945 Declaration of -
Africa Without Europeans
18 AFRICA WITHOUT EUROPEANS Chris Alden To talk about the relationship between Asia, a land of venerated civi- lizations, and Africa, the continent that gave birth to mankind itself, is to embark on a terrain fraught with unsubstantiated superlatives and systemic misrepresentation, which challenges some of our most cherished perceptions of Africa’s international relations. First, we have to admit that a focus on ‘Asian relations with Africa’ that omits the Indian subcontinent necessarily understates the most significant and sustained interaction between Asia and Africa, which transcends all the periods of contact. Since the migration of merchants, set- tlers and slave traders from the Indian land mass began in earnest in the 10th century, the steady growth and exchange of relations has served to bind the two regions together. In all the serious indicators of cultural penetration—whether language, religion or cuisine—the impact of Indian civilization can be read in the daily lives of ordinary Africans. The cultures of the Far East have had no equivalent im- print upon African society, nor Africa upon them. Secondly, in order to understand the ties between Africa and Asia, and in particular Africa’s ties with an emerging China, we need to resurrect and reori- ent our thinking about the past if we are to come to terms with the meaning and impact that this relationship may hold for the future. 349 china returns to africa It is the very nature of ‘otherness’ in the experience of Chinese contact with Africa (‘two unlikely regions’ in Philip -
The Corporatisation of Pine Gap
The Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability The corporatisation of Pine Gap Desmond Ball, Bill Robinson, Richard Tanter, and Philip Dorling Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability Special Report 25 June 2015 Summary The Joint Defence Facility Pine Gap, located just outside the town of Alice Springs in Central Australia and managed by the U.S. National Reconnaissance Office (NRO), is one of the largest U.S. technical intelligence collection facilities in the world. The corporate presence at Pine Gap has expanded substantially in terms of both the number of companies involved and the total number of civilian contract personnel, and has changed significantly in functional terms, since the 1990s. It includes some of the major US aerospace and defence companies, such as Raytheon, Boeing, Northrop Grumman and General Dynamics, as well as major computer companies, such as IBM and Hewlett-Packard. It also includes an increasing number of ‘pure play’ companies, who focus almost entirely on contracts from the National Reconnaissance Office, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and National Security Agency (NSA), such as Scitor Corporation, SAIC and Leidos. In addition to the supply of equipment (such as satellite dishes/radomes and computers) and the provision of specialised technical services (such as satellite control and antenna alignment), these companies are now also engaged in a wide variety of management, operations and maintenance roles. While the base is nominally a ‘joint’ United States-Australian facility, virtually all of the major companies involved are U.S. corporations or their Australian branches – further emphasizing the already heavily asymmetrical character of the ‘jointness’ of Pine Gap. -
Comprehensive Examinations: a List of Historical Events, Figures, Concepts, and Terms
Comprehensive Examinations: A List of Historical Events, Figures, Concepts, and Terms Ems Telegram Gulag Archipelago Franco-Prussian War Kellogg Briand Pact Dual Alliance Non-aggression pacts Zollverein Third International Bismarck Dismissed Comintern Entente Cordiale, Russia, France Spanish Civil War Spanish-American War Popular Front Panama Canal Construction Francisco Franco Russo-Japanese War Benito Mussolini Balkan Wars Treaty of Rapallo Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand Fascism Schlieffen Plan Weimar Republic Triple Entente Munich Putsch (Beer Hall Putsch) Triple Alliance Mein Kampf First Battle of the Marne Locarno Conference and Treaties Verdun Wall Street Crash (Black Monday) Lusitania Smoot Hawley Tariff Wilson declares war Hitler becomes chancellor Armistice Day National Socialist German Workers Party (Nazi Treaty of Versailles Party) Senate rejects Versailles Treaty Night of the Long Knives Fourteen Points Maginot Line League of Nations Remilitarization of the Rhineland Alsace Lorraine Washington Naval Treaty David Lloyd George London Naval Treaty Georges Clemenceau Open Door Policy Ferdinand Foch Manchukuo Erich von Ludendorff Japanese occupation of Manchuria Kaiser Wilhelm (William II) Kuomintang Balfour Declaration Sun Yat-Sen Provisional Government (Russia) Chiang K’ai-Shek Petrograd Soviet Neutrality Act Bolshevik Revolution Holocaust Vladimir Lenin Adolf Hitler Leon Trotsky Joseph Goebbels Joseph Stalin Munich Conference and Agreement Feliks Dzherzhinky Neville Chamberlain Cheka Appeasement Third International -
Management of Operations at Pine Gap
The Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability Management of Operations at Pine Gap Desmond Ball, Bill Robinson and Richard Tanter Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability Special Report 24 November 2015 Summary The management of operations at the Pine Gap facility has become increasingly complex as the functions of the station have expanded, the number of agencies involved has grown, and the demands of a wider range of ‘users’ or ‘customers’ for the provision of ‘actionable intelligence’ in near real-time have increased markedly. Operations at Pine Gap are now completely integrated, in terms of American and Australian, civilian and military, and contractor personnel working together in the Operations Room; the organisational structure for managing operations, which embodies concerted collaboration of multiple US agencies, including the National Reconnaissance Office, Central Intelligence Agency, National Security Agency, Service Cryptologic Agencies and the National Geospatial- Intelligence Agency (NGA); and functionally with respect to signals intelligence (SIGINT) collected by the geosynchronous SIGINT satellites controlled by Pine Gap, communications intelligence collected by foreign satellite/communications satellite (FORNSAT/COMSAT) interception systems at Pine Gap, and imagery and geospatial intelligence produced by the NGA, as well as missile launch detection and tracking data. Conceptualising the extraordinary growth and expansion of operations at Pine Gap is not easy – by the nature of the facility. Externally, it is evident in the increase in size of the two main operations buildings within the high security compound – areas quite distinct from the separate part of the facility that deals with administration matters. The total area of floor space in the Operations Buildings has increased five-fold since 1970 to more than 20,000 m2. -
America's Pacific Century the Future of Politics Will Be Decided in Asia, Not Afghanistan Or Iraq, and the United States Will Be Right at the Center of the Action
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Almae Matris Studiorum Campus America's Pacific Century The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action. BY HILLARY CLINTON | NOVEMBER 2011 As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point. Over the last 10 years, we have allocated immense resources to those two theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about where we invest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership, secure our interests, and advance our values. One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased investment -- diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise -- in the Asia-Pacific region. The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the Americas, the region spans two oceans -- the Pacific and the Indian -- that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the world's population. It includes many of the key engines of the global economy, as well as the largest emitters of greenhouse gases. It is home to several of our key allies and important emerging powers like China, India, and Indonesia. At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic architecture to promote stability and prosperity, U.S. -
Australia: Background and U.S
Order Code RL33010 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Australia: Background and U.S. Relations Updated April 20, 2006 Bruce Vaughn Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Australia: Background and U.S. Interests Summary The Commonwealth of Australia and the United States are close allies under the ANZUS treaty. Australia evoked the treaty to offer assistance to the United States after the attacks of September 11, 2001, in which 22 Australians were among the dead. Australia was one of the first countries to commit troops to U.S. military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. In October 2002, a terrorist attack on Western tourists in Bali, Indonesia, killed more than 200, including 88 Australians and seven Americans. A second terrorist bombing, which killed 23, including four Australians, was carried out in Bali in October 2005. The Australian Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia, was also bombed by members of Jemaah Islamiya (JI) in September 2004. The Howard Government’s strong commitment to the United States in Afghanistan and Iraq and the recently negotiated bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Australia and the United States have strengthened what were already close ties between the two long-term allies. Despite the strong strategic ties between the United States and Australia, there have been some signs that the growing economic importance of China to Australia may influence Australia’s external posture on issues such as Taiwan. Australia plays a key role in promoting regional stability in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific.