Sex Trafficking Training for Social Workers

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SEX TRAFFICKING TRAINING FOR SOCIAL WORKERS

A Project

Presented to the faculty of the Division of Social Work

California State University, Sacramento

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

Kristy S. Coleman

SPRING 2018

Kristy S. Coleman

SEX TRAFFICKING TRAINING FOR SOCIAL WORKERS

A Project

Kristy S. Coleman

Approved by:

______, Committee Chair Jennifer Price Wolf, PhD

______Date

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Student: Kristy S. Coleman

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the project.

______, Graduate Program Director ______Serge C. Lee, PhD Date

Division of Social Work

Abstract

SEX TRAFFICKING TRAINING FOR SOCIAL WORKERS

Kristy S. Coleman

This project involved the creation of a 60-minute training session for entry-level social workers to test the impact, according to them, on their level of preparedness to either prevent or intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking. A multi- source research approach was taken to gather information from not only from academic sources, but also other relevant and credible sources—ranging from government to academic, journalist to pimp-published, experienced social workers to sex trafficking survivors, rap music to documentary videos—that would enrich the presented understanding of sex trafficking: how to combat it, prevent it, and help victims become survivors. The training curriculum presented: 1) a succinct introduction to the complex reality of sex trafficking; 2) the advantageous positioning of Child Welfare Systems to protect and to intervene; 3) the mindset and techniques of pimp subculture; 4) typical effects of pimp trafficking to include “Stockholm Syndrome,” “trauma bond,” or

“thought-reform,” and “dissociative” symptoms; and 6) guidance on identifying and intervening on behalf of sex trafficking victims. The results of the bivariate test, using a pre- and post-test before and after the 60-minute training, showed that the students

experienced a significant self-perceived increase in understanding the problem of sex trafficking, as well as, an understanding of how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking.

______, Committee Chair Jennifer Price Wolf, Ph.D.

______Date

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project would not have been as successful without the support and/or sharing of information and skills by many people. I will fail to remember them all, but a few stand out for their help and inspiration. Elle Snow whose training on sex trafficking exposed me to ideas I had not encountered before and to threads I had to follow. Through her knowledge, advocacy, and passion her trainings reach a rare quality. Elle supported me with information beyond her inspirational training. Cynthia Peterson, Executive

Director of Community Violence Solutions, supported me by offering a long phone conversation in which she tireless and patiently helped me to understand the many levels of what transpires during the process of supporting a sex trafficking survivor. Many other sources were included, but Cynthia stepped up to help during a period when I was having trouble getting people with expert experience to talk with me. Melissa Farley’s book

Prostitution, Trafficking, and Traumatic Stress was a gold mind. In addition, Farley answered my phone call and email. If this project training falls short, the fault is mine not theirs. Many thanks to Nancy Glover who emerged an unexpected source of encouragement as well as a tremendous editor, who proved as fast as she is talented.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Acknowledgments ...... vii

List of Tables ...... x

List of Figures ...... xi

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Method ...... 2

Problem Statement ...... 2

Scope of the Problem ...... 6

Child Welfare ...... 9

The media ...... 10

Pimp Subculture ...... 11

Hypothesis ...... 12

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 14

Literature Review Method ...... 14

The Language of Engagement ...... 17

Human Trafficking, Sex Trafficking ...... 18

Sex Trafficking and the Child Welfare System’s Proximity ...... 23

Cultural Influences: A Case of Social Dissociation ...... 28

Pimp Subculture: Sex Trafficker Tactics and Effects ...... 40

Comparing Pimp Techniques to Cult Mind Control ...... 63

Dissociation ...... 72 viii

Intervention ...... 76

Conclusion ...... 93

Moving Forward, Reflecting Back ...... 94

3. METHODS ...... 98

Study Design...... 98

Sampling ...... 101

Data Collection Procedures ...... 101

Data Instrument ...... 103

Variables ...... 103

Data Analysis ...... 104

4. RESULTS ...... 106

Demographics ...... 106

Quantitative Variables ...... 107

Qualitative: Question #10 ...... 110

5. DISCUSSION ...... 112

Appendix A. Handout: Things You Can Do ...... 117

Appendix B. Pre- and Post-Test Questions ...... 118

References...... 120

LIST OF TABLES Tables Page

1. Table 1: Number of Correct Answers...... ………………………………. 109

LIST OF FIGURES Figures Page

1. Figure 1: The Phases of Sex Trafficking………………………….…………………. 22

2. Figure 2: Examples of branding tattoos ...... 80

3. Figure 3: Stages of Change ...... 91

4. Figure 4: Chart of Question #1 Answers……….…….….…………………………. 107

5. Figure 5: Chart of Question #9 Answers……………………………………………. 109

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

This research project proposes to operationalize a pilot study that will test social work student participants’ own perceptions of whether the “Sex Trafficking Training for

Social Workers” 60-minute training improves their ability to prevent and to intervene with sex trafficking survivors/victims. The research question is: “What is the impact of a 60- minute training session for entry-level social workers, according to them, on their level of preparedness to either prevent or intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking?” In this study, I will investigate whether a 60-minute training could help to prepare social workers to recognize, intervene and possibly prevent potential commercial sexual exploitation, and, to intervene in a manner that could reduce recidivism rates

(return to the trafficker) and/or improve the likelihood a victim will return to the social worker at another time for assistance. Thus, the training could plausibly prepare social workers to prevent a potential victim of sex trafficking or assist them in understanding how to support a victim’s leaving the life. Feedback from the group being trained to better understand the whole picture of sex trafficking will help inform the social work field about the effectiveness of trainings on this issue for developing social workers.

Sex trafficking is at epidemic levels and continues to increase. A large percentage of at risk youth or victims of sex trafficking are currently or were in the child welfare system (85%), as well as being victims of child abuse or neglect (90%) (PCWTA, 2017).

Thus, child welfare agencies are often positioned to prevent, identify, and intervene on behalf of these preyed upon youth.

Method

The pilot study training research project will be presented to a class of undergraduate social work students at California State University, Sacramento. A pre-test and post-test questionnaire will be distributed to the social work students attending the training to document perceived changes in preservation and understanding that result from the training.

The training curriculum will be built, in part, from evidence-based, established state- sponsored and CEU offered trainings by mental health trauma experts and sex trafficking survivors. The curriculum outline includes and intends to: 1) Provide a succinct introduction to the complex reality of sex trafficking, employing resources ranging from government to academic, journalist to pimp published, social workers to sex trafficking survivors; 2) Illuminate the advantageous positioning of Child Welfare

Systems to protect and to intervene; 3) Familiarize social workers with the mindset of and techniques of pimp culture; 4) Familiarize social worker with the phenomenon of

“Stockholm Syndrome,” “trauma bond,” or “mind control” that typically affects victims of “pimp” trafficking; and 5) Identify “dissociative” symptoms and some better practice responses.

Problem Statement

In his address to the 2012 Clinton Global Initiative, President Barack Obama described human trafficking’s true name to be modern slavery (Secretary, 2012). Human trafficking statistics estimate more slaves today (40 million) than during the entire period of slavery in the U.S. (ILO Foundation, 2017). This estimate by the International Labour

Organization (ILO) includes an estimated 15 million forced marriages. Of those 25 million remaining individuals, out of the initial 40 million reported by the ILO about 71% affected are women and girls. Within the category of commercial sex industry, the statistic is 99% (ILO Foundation, 2017, p. 10). In sum, the ILO reports that of the 25 million victims of forced labor, 16 million were in the private economy and 5 million were being sexually exploited. The remaining 5 million were in the category of state authority imposed labor (ILO Foundation, 2017). Within the United States, contrary to the myth, most sex trafficking victims are U.S. Citizens. In four-fifths or 83% of the cases of confirmed sex trafficking in the U.S. the victims were U.S. citizens (Banks &

Kyckelhahn, 2011, p. 6). Sex trafficking is the most lucrative industry of the trafficking genre, pulling in an estimated $99 billion a year in profits (Now, 2017). In 2014, human trafficking profits overall were estimated at $150 million (First, 2017).

The Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) defines human trafficking. It

“involves the use of force, fraud, or coercion to obtain some type of labor or commercial sex act” (DHS, 2017). The presence of force, fraud, or coercion is not necessary when victims are under eighteen years of age and induced to perform a commercial sex act.

Commercial sexual exploitation is any sexual act (pornography, stripping, etc.) performed in exchanged for anything of value, e.g., being used to create pornographic images in exchange for a cheeseburger.

A survivor of sex trafficking, Holly Austin Smith, explains in Walking Prey

(2014), that sex trafficking can occur in many forms: on the streets, in hotels and motels, at truck stops, within houses or brothels, in “massage parlors, phone sex, cybersex,

4 exotic/topless/lap dancing, stripping, live-sex shows, child pornography, escort services, nude massages, nude modeling, child marriage, work as a ‘body shot girl’ or ‘cantina girl,’ gang entry requirements, required ongoing sexual services in gangs, etc” (Smith,

2014, p. 17). Any minor involved in such practices is a victim, not a prostitute.

The commercial sexual exploitation of children or CSEC estimated number of victims ranges vastly from a low of 1400 to over 2 million. The Department of Homeland

Security estimates that at least 100,000 children are at risk of becoming sex trafficking victims annually (Nancy E. O'Malley, 2017). The Children’s Bureau references a 2011

FBI bulletin citing estimates that nearly 300,000 “youth are at risk for being trafficked in

North America because they live on the streets or in particularly vulnerable situations”

(Gateway, 2015). Stronger terminology than “at risk” comes from the testimony of the

NCMEC president during his September 2010 Congressional testimony, in which he stated that in the U.S. each year “the number of 10-17 year olds involved in CSEC … likely exceeds 250,000”; 60% of these victims are runaway, throwaway, or homeless youth. (Education, 2017). According to GEMS, a national award winning non-profit that supports CSEC victims, 300,000 children become victims of sexual exploitation each year in the US (GEMS, 2017). In 2014, 10,000 endangered runaways were reported to the

National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC) (Graves, 2017). In 2016, the NCMEC estimated 1 out of 6 endangered runaways reported to them were likely child sex trafficking victims (Children, 2017b).

Determining concrete numbers is particularly difficult for this issue. Although the most credited numbers are presented by different organizations and agencies, there are

5 significant challenges in producing accurate information, in particular regarding victims.

To some extent concern about the number of victims emerges as a question in any briefing, training or report. Such numbers impact assessing needs and establishing budgets for non-profit and government alike. It also impacts the development of policy.

The challenges with generating a credible number for victims of sex trafficking are numerous and complicated. They include the fact that the crime is largely hidden, some, such as the Department of Homeland Security, states “in plain sight” (DHS, 2017);

(Farley, 2013; Herman, 2003). In addition, organizations attempting to develop records at times have different ways of identifying or defining a victim. In untold quantities victims remain incalculable because they have not sought resources. And some who come in for services refuse to be labelled a victim. (Gateway, 2015). In such cases, services providers may be reticent to take away a person’s agency to self-name if they do not want to be identified as a victim. One study determined that only 0.5% of victims report being victimized (Network, 2016). For the survivor, such labeling can be a further validation of the abuser’s strength and ability to negatively affect and name her life. It can become another act of disempowerment and branding that they did not chose. In addition, as the survivor Jane explained, “[a] lot of victims of trafficking do not identify themselves as being a victim. Some may feel that they got themselves in this situation and it’s their responsibility to get out” (Roe-Sepowit, Hickle, & Bayless, n.d., p. 3).

Some degree of verifiable clarity regarding victim statistics emerged recently from a study by the Austin Texas School of Social Work. A statewide Human Trafficking

Mapping Project in partnership with government, business and nonprofit partners

6 provides a well-scrutinized methodology and a credible resource for human trafficking estimates in the state of Texas. The main findings include:

• There are an estimated 313,000 victims of human trafficking in Texas.

• Approximately 79,000 minors and youths are victims of sex trafficking in Texas.

• Approximately 234,000 workers in Texas are victims of labor trafficking

(UTNews, 2017).

These numbers are credible and yet only account for the numbers of victims in the state of

Texas!

If 79,000 sex trafficking victims is a credible number for just the state of Texas, the often- repeated range of sex trafficking victims in the county—100,000 to 300,000—is more than likely an under representation of the number of victims of sex trafficking in the U.S.

Scope of the Problem

The literature review research primarily focuses on domestic sex trafficking with a particular interest in minors. However, as has been articulated by survivors and scholars of the sex industry, the circumstances for victims does not change because a birthday occurs. Thus, the scope is primarily American children commercially sexually exploited within U.S. borders, with a recognition that those children will age, may obtain adult status, but their situations remain the same. The research also focuses mostly on female victims, both because the evidence still supports the perception that most victims of sex trafficking are female, but also because female victims are largely pimp-controlled. While there is increasing argument that 50% of victims are male, no known Bay Area providers are experiencing this, and the published arguments are not convincing (see for example

(ECPAT, 2013). The brochure on sex trafficking by the Arizona State University (ASU)

School of Social Work, while otherwise highly valuable and informative, may be the source of this inaccuracy. On page 7 of the brochure a summary of an article states that “According to recently released study, boys make up almost half of the victim populations” (Bigelsen,

2013). In fact, the Bigelsen report does not say this at all. It states that 48% of the youth who engage in sexual acts for exchange of goods do so for a place to sleep or shelter.

That is the only statistic somewhat similar to what is referenced in the ASU brochure as being in the Bigelsen report. The report does not discuss the male to female ratio of the youth questioned; however, by implication of the descriptions it does appear there are far more females (Bigelsen, 2013). In Alameda County, however, carefully collected data has disclosed 99% of CSEC victims as female in their county (H.E.A.T.Watch, 2017a).

While males appear to make up a smaller share of the population, in California male victims are predominantly Hispanic and have either been thrown out of the house or run away. Their path to commercial sexual exploitation tends to be via introduction by a male friend or customer. Most purchasers of boys are white, middle- to upper-class married men. Studies show that 95% of sexual exploitation of boys is done by adult males (Graves, 2017).

While establishing quantifiable statistics on sex trafficking victims remains complicated, much about sex trafficking is understood, such as where youth are sold. As with adults, children today are primarily sold via Internet websites. Backpage.com remains incomprehensibly the online warehouse of sex trafficking for escort services, erotic encounters, or “dates” (Farley, 2013). CSEC are also found in “strip clubs,

8 massage parlors, live web cam prostitution, phone sex and in other locations where adult prostitution takes place,” such as the street (Farley, 2013, p. 175).

Assisting victims of sex trafficking can be complicated. The improbable steps include identifying a hidden crime, knowing where and how to report it, having law enforcement respond, and getting the victim to a safe place where they might be assisted by a social work service provider or mental health professional. Each of these steps has a high degree of improbability of occurrence for various reasons. If a victim of sex trafficking gets away, whether assisted or leaving of her own volition, the statistics show that she is likely to return to the trafficker six to twelve times before leaving for good; if she lives that long (Snow, 2017; Farley, 2003). The estimated life expectancy of a sex trafficking victim is seven years (Snow, 2017; Walker, 2013; Graves, 2017). Therefore, when it does happen that a victim, or an identified at-risk youth, is within reach of a social worker, it is hoped that opportunity will not be missed due to a lack of awareness or lack of knowledge about effective means of intervention.

The above information overview might be familiar to those who have had trainings in sex trafficking/CSEC previously. Beyond a general awareness training, this pilot study training will include knowledge particularly relevant for social workers to include: (1) the culpability of Child Welfare in the sex trafficking of youth, (2) an awareness of pimp culture, pimp tactics, and the parallel between cult mind control or thought-reform (3) the physical and psychological damages resulting in sex trafficking, with a particular highlight on understanding states of dissociation, and (4) an investigation and critical analysis applying social constructivist and feminist theory to mainstream

9 media, with a particular focus on the glamorization of pimp culture and sexualization of girls.

Child Welfare

Social workers, especially within the Child Welfare System, are in critical positions that can help prevent future victims and assist those being exploited by sex traffickers to move toward safety and well-being. A large percentage of children involved in the Child Welfare System are at risk or involved in CSEC. Group homes become recruiting centers for sex trafficking of at risk, vulnerable and needy youth (L.S. personal communication, August 18, 2017). In 2010, 59% of the children arrested for prostitution-related charges in LA County were part of the foster care system (Graves,

2017). In Alameda County, the nation’s most successful prosecutor of sex trafficking exploiters, District Attorney Nancy O’Malley’s office has an associated non-profit which has been supporting victims and collecting statistics called H.E.A.T Watch. They reported that 40% of reported CSEC involved or at risk youth had been in or currently are in the custody of social services (H.E.A.T.Watch, 2017a). The NCMEC estimates that 86% of reported runaways were involved with social services or foster care

(Children, 2017b). Similarly, an online sex trafficking training hosted by CalSWEC reports that 50-85% of children involved in CSEC have a prior history with child welfare

(PCWTA, 2017). These estimates well-establish an association between child welfare and sex trafficking.

Child welfare has an increased legal responsibility for children who are commercially sexually active based on California’s 2014 legislation—SB 855—which

10 shifted criminalizing CSEC to authorizing child welfare jurisdictions to serve them as dependents. In addition, California’s SB 1322, passing in 2017, prohibits the criminalization of minors for prostitution (Youth, 2017). These laws solidify the revision of a perspective in which minors were seen as criminals rather than as victims.

It is often a lack of options and vulnerability that results in youth involvement with commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) (Bigelsen, 2013). The more vulnerable the person, the higher the risk factor. A second significant factor is the very large demand population: the buyers or purchasers. Often referred to as “johns,” this population perpetuates sex trafficking by funding it. Purchasers here include viewers of pornography. A third aspect, focused on in this study, is the pimp-controlled sex trafficking victim. These victims overwhelmingly tend to be female (H.E.A.T.Watch,

2017a; Snow, 2017; Peterson, personal communication, Sep. 23, 2017). By understanding the pimp subculture social workers will be better able to understand the person-in-environment of the population we hope to assist. The training study will assess if social workers perceive this information to have improved their understanding of the problem of sex trafficking.

The media

In Walking Prey, Holly Austin Smith presents an autobiographical account of how she became a CSEC survivor. An unexpected and well-articulated aspect of the story is Smith’s portrayal of the media’s influence on her as a young American girl with the usual access to products of the music industry, both songs and videos. In Smith’s telling of her own development as a girl it was not much of a step from her “normal” life

11 experiences to selling her body for use as a sex object for money (Smith, 2014). By no means is Smith alone in recognizing the problems of main stream media’s sexualization of girls (Farley, 2013; Zurbriggen & Roberts, 2013). The consideration of this material, not only respects the perspective of survivors such as Smith, but also empowers social workers with a critical understanding of the person-in-environment for sex trafficking victims.

Pimp subculture

The idea that the media has a colonizing effect on our minds is far from new.

Investigating pimp subculture and in particular its glorified presence in mainstream media, from music videos and hip-hop lyrics, can be jarring and discomforting to a person experiencing their first awakening to recognize the extent to which our culture elevates and normalizes a subculture which degrades and violates women and girls for profit. The discomfort is a result of pulling back the veil of what might be understood as the colonized mind that has become numb. It accepts and normalizes what should be responded to with outrage.

Sex trafficking victims and scholars alike have recommended comparing the tactics of pimps and cult leaders in effecting mind-control/thought-reform and in creating a trauma-bond with victims to see their similarities. It is important for social workers intervening with sex trafficking victims to understand this bond as it can be a tremendous challenge in attempts to assist women and girls to leave a world of sexual exploitation

(Snow, 2017; Farley, 2013).

Often girls found within the context of sex trafficking do not respond positively to Law Enforcement intervention or to an opportunity to leave their trafficker (Farley,

2003, p.160). This training project discloses what lies behind this rejection of help. The answer lies, at least in part, in an all-source investigation into the socio-cultural realities of pimp/trafficker tactics used to “break” these girls, and in instilling a form of mind- control which is parallel to the thought-reform described by scholars of cults.

Understanding the ensuing possible dissociative state and how to work with it is helpful in preparing social workers to effectively intervene when opportunities arise to assist a victim leaving a life of sexual servitude.

Hypothesis

From the culpability of Child Welfare, to a need to incorporate a critical analysis of the media and in particular its depiction of women and girls, to understanding the multi-traumatized CSEC victim, this project intends to test whether a 60-minute training can be valuable in preparing social workers to prevent and assist sex trafficking victims.

I propose that a 60-minute training for social workers can significantly better prepare them to be key players in combatting sex trafficking.

While CSEC has particular correlations with Child Welfare, sex trafficking victims will emerge in other areas where social workers are found, such as in schools, in hospitals, where services are offered for the homeless, LGBTQ youth, or domestic violence, and in alcohol and drug addiction treatment facilities. This training is potentially important for all specializations of social work. A study involving hospital social workers revealed that only 4.8% felt any confidence in being able to identify a

13 trafficking victim, and only 7.7% felt they would be able to treat a trafficked patient

(Chisolm-Straker, 2012, as cited in Roe-Sepowit, Hickle, & Bayless, n.d., p. 2).

In this study, I will investigate the effectiveness of a 60-minute presentation— relaying the complexities and pertinent knowledge for social workers of CSEC—to improve social worker awareness and preparation, according to their own perceptions, to prevent and intervene for youth involved in commercial sexual exploitation (CSE).

The issue of sex trafficking is increasingly present in the general media. In the San

Francisco Bay Area dozens of non-profits seek to assist in combating human trafficking and several Law Enforcement task forces are dedicated to combatting human trafficking.

San Francisco is one of the top ten sex trafficking hubs in the United States (PCWTA,

2017). Many experts consider awareness of the issue to be a critical intervention factor. In response, awareness efforts have been on the increase both for the general public as well as specialized trainings for people likely to encounter victims, such as for Emergency

Room personnel, hotel staff, and flight attendants. While awareness is critical, and is a portion of this pilot training, the goal is to also develop a critical awareness of culture, an understanding of the culture in which sex trafficking victims are found, and some perspectives about the mindset and appropriate interventions social workers may have an opportunity to employ. This training goes beyond awareness of the existence of sex trafficking and applies a critical cultural lens to recognize the person in environment, as well as engages in a mental health perspective.

Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

This research project will test whether social work student participants view the

60-minute Sex Trafficking Training for Social Workers presentation to be effective in improving their ability to prevent and/or intervene with sex trafficking survivors/victims.

The research question proposed is: “What is the impact of a 60-minute training session for entry-level social workers, according to them, on their level of preparedness to either prevent or to intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking?” The larger goal is to create a training effective in preparing social workers to intervene in a manner that will improve their ability to provide assistance to youth at risk or currently involved in commercial sexual exploitation. Thus, understanding how to plausibly prevent a potential victim of sex trafficking or supporting a victim in leaving the life. This study will offer the social work field data for a better understanding about trainings to prepare social workers in responding to the reality of sex trafficking.

Literature Review Method

My methodology has been an all-source investigation in approaching the collection, analysis and interpretation of literature and materials related to sex trafficking.

While my sources include peer-reviewed texts, to provide a fuller and arguably improved understanding of the issue, I have taken a multi-disciplinary and multi-sources approach.

Thus, sources reviewed include California state sponsored CEU trainings by a

Trauma Center Director and by a sex trafficking survivor, clinical psychologists, researchers, journalist and anthropologist accounts, non-profit directors providing direct

15 support, and several sex trafficking survivors. My sources also include texts authored by pimps, music videos, documentaries, rap songs, websites, community and academic trainings, and more. The included materials have been vetted not only based on academic standard, but also on relevance and credibility toward enriching the presented understanding of sex trafficking: how to combat it, prevent it, and help victims become survivors. These different perspectives regarding this critical social issue provide a more accurate understanding of the problem thus enabling a more effective response from social workers. Themes covered in this review are outlined as follows:

▪ The Language of Engagement

▪ Human Trafficking, Sex Trafficking

▪ The Phases of Sex Trafficking

▪ Sex Trafficking and the Child Welfare System’s Proximity

▪ Cultural Influences: A Case of Social Dissociation

▪ Pimp Subculture: Sex Trafficker Tactics and Effects

▪ Pimps: An Overview/Introduction

▪ Scouting

▪ Manipulation – Control – Fraud

▪ Takers

▪ Breaking – Seasoning – Coercion

▪ Rules

▪ Trapped

▪ Violence - Force

▪ Online

▪ Comparing Pimp Techniques to Cult Mind Control

▪ Trauma Bond or Stockholm Syndrome

▪ Thought-reform

▪ Dissociation

▪ Intervention

▪ Identify

▪ Emotional/psychological Effects

▪ Behavior/Observable Red Flags

▪ The Physical Effects

▪ Early Identification Assessment Tool

▪ Effective and Appropriate Interaction

▪ Slowly Building Rapport

▪ Safety First

▪ Nonjudgmental

▪ Trustworthy

▪ It Takes a Team

▪ Empower: A Survivor Approach

▪ Harm Reduction

▪ Stages of Change

▪ Welcome Them Back

▪ Survivors Supporting Survivors

▪ Conclusion

▪ Moving Forward, Reflecting Back

▪ Theoretically Speaking: Socio-cultural Theory

▪ Feminist & Capitalist Theoretical Lens

The Language of Engagement

First, a word regarding the language describing sex trafficking in this review.

Several social workers and mental health clinicians directly experienced in working with sex trafficking victims have warned that the youth involved in sex trafficking do not use the terms and language used in policy, law, research, journalism, or in this review to describe themselves or their situation. For instance, many youth reject the terminology used by officials, stating, “I ain’t no CSEC” or “I’m not a victim” (Lopez, 2017). Thus, the terminology used here may not reflect street language. It is best to use the terms sex trafficking involved youth use for themselves and their situation, and these can change rapidly. Exploited youth may not understand the term sex trafficking or view themselves as victims (Bigelsen, 2013). The survivor Holly Smith describes feeling empowered by prostitution at times. Being desired by men was empowering. She initially saw her traffickers as liberators from the sexual slavery imposed on her by “popular culture and by boys and men in my community…[and warns that] If an anti-trafficking advocate had reached out to me on the street and used the words ‘trafficking’ and ‘slavery,’ I would have turned up my nose…at this point, I didn’t think I needed help” (Smith, 2014, p. 98).

So, it is important to ask the youth what terms they use themselves, keeping in mind that they are the experts. This is an aspect of rapport building: reflecting back to clients the

18 language they use. However, for the context of this review, the terminology used is suitable. There is legal rationale and benefit to recognize a sexually exploited youth as a victim. At times, the terms victim and survivor are used interchangeably, perhaps just as an indicator of hope.

A second item is my use of gender pronouns. Generally, I employ the female gender for victims and the male pronouns for pimps or exploiters. This choice avoids the tedium and confusion of attempting to include all genders, such as he/she, at every pronoun reference. In fact, most pimp-controlled sex trafficking victims are female.

Pimps, however, seem to be increasingly female: sometimes previous victims turned exploiters, sometimes Moms. The choice is more for textual clarity than reifying a stereotype that all pimps are male, which is inaccurate. However, as stated by DuBois &

Felner (2016), “domestically sex-trafficked girls have been exploited primarily by males”

(p. 10).

Human Trafficking, Sex Trafficking

“He’d make me go stand out on the street until a trick would pick me up.

Sometimes it was dangerous… but I knew he cared about me…’cuz he said he’d buy me a Taser…once I earned enough money to afford one” (Graves, 2017, p. 4).

Presenting exacting numbers regarding the scope of sex trafficking victims is replete with challenges. The crime is hidden, organizations differ in their definitions of identifying parameters, and service providers are reticent to take away a person’s agency when a youth states that they do not want to be identified as a victim. For the survivor, such labeling can be further validation of the abuser’s reach to negatively affect and

19 define her life; it can become another act of disempowerment and branding that she did not chose. In addition, as the survivor Jane explained, “[a] lot of victims of trafficking do not identify themselves as being a victim. Some may feel that they got themselves in this situation and it’s their responsibility to get out” (Roe-Sepowit, Hickle, & Bayless, n.d., p.

3).

There is no stereotype or demographic that fits all sex trafficking victims, though they tend to be young and predominantly female. The average age of a girl entering the commercial sex trade is 12-14 (US Department of Health and Human Services, 2013, as cited in Network, 2016; Roe-Sepowit, Hickle, Bayless, et al., n.d., p. 5). Exceptions tend to be younger, not older. For instance, a U.S. physician working at migrant workers’ clinic observed 9 to 10 years old girls sex trafficked from Mexico who were forced to work in field brothels or prostitution camps, servicing migrant workers. He reported that during a single hour, 35 men raped one girl (Hernandez, 2003, as cited in Farley, p. 150).

CSEC victims are sold an average of 10-15 times per day, but it can be more (Network,

2016). Bianca, a sex trafficking survivor, described how, toward the end of her three years working in the sex trade, she was seeing over 20 guys a day (O’Donnell, 2016).

Domestic sex trafficking victims fail to fit stereotypes. They come from wealthy suburbs as well as economically disadvantaged communities. One former sex trafficker, interviewed in the educational video Tricked, explained that “Some of the best ones, the best prospects come from the suburbs. Sounds funny but, think about it… because she’s got a lot to prove. She say ‘Dude, just because my family’s got money, I’m still down’…

She going to go that extra mile that the girl from the hood won’t do… to show… she’s

20 got it in her” (Network, 2016). Victims are African-American, Anglo, Latina, Asian,

Caucasian, etc. Trends emerge in certain geographic areas. For instance, in Alameda

County there is a higher percentage of African-American girls on the streets. In Canada the girls exploited by commercial sex trafficking tend to be indigenous; in southern

California, many are brought in from Mexico, Central or South America

(H.E.A.T.Watch, 2017a). If there is a rule, it is that the traffickers/pimps will find what a purchaser wants: “Whatever quality in women johns have sexualized for themselves, such as skin color, poverty, size—whatever/whoever they want to buy for sexual use— pimps find, create, and offer for sale. In prostitution [/sex trafficking] girls are simply

‘sex’ and nothing else about them matters” (Farley, 2013, p. 168; see also Kamala D.

Harris, 2012, p. 37).

The majority of sexually exploited children, however, do share certain character traits. They tend to have histories of sexual, physical, or emotional abuse (PCWTA,

2017; Lloyd, 2017). These experiences often result in children who are more vulnerable and more susceptible to being targeted and recruited by pimps—in particular, kids who are homeless, runaway, and foster children (STIR, 2017). For girls, histories resulting in decreased self-esteem can cause yearnings for approval, a sense of belonging, attention and validation. This is the profile pimps look for (Smith, 2014). They send scouts to spot and target these girls for recruitment or identify them themselves.

This pattern has been known for decades. Several studies document a strong correlation between childhood sexual abuse and sex trafficking/prostitution beginning in adolescence. Melissa Farley is a clinical psychologist with over 45 years of experience

21 who has researched prostitution and trafficking since 1993 in 14 different countries. In her article, “The Sexualization of Girls and Girlhood,” she references a 1986 study which reported that 90% of teenagers engaged in commercial sexual acts had been sexually abused (Newton-Ruddy, 1986, as cited in Farley, 2013, p. 168). A 1987 study by Bagley and Young established a correlation between childhood sexual abuse and subsequent psychopathology as well as subsequent prostitution. The study found that 73% of the 45 prostitution survivors interviewed had a history of sexual abuse as children (Bagley &

Young, 1987, as cited in Farley, 2013, p. 169). In an international study, 63% of women in prostitution were found to have been sexually abused by an average of four perpetrators during their childhood (Farley, 2013, p. 170). A 1996 study showed that sexually abused children were “28 times more likely to be arrested for prostitution later in their lives” (Widom, 1996, as cited in Farley, 2013, p. 169). The correlation between childhood sexual abuse and prostitution/sex trafficking provides an unfortunate logical expectation that children in the child welfare system would also be a large representation of sex trafficking victims, since sexually abused children will, if identified, potentially become dependents of the system. While the public and government may still be absorbing this lesson, exploiters appear to have understood this for a while.

The Phases of Sex Trafficking

Various sources offer insights about the process of sex trafficking. Combined they present a fairly unified picture of the process of force, fraud and coercion—the means which define the crime of sex trafficking.

The video Tricked, created by Fairfax County for use in its public schools to teach about sex trafficking, provides interviews by police officers, sex trafficking victims, and previous traffickers alike. It outlines three phases of sex trafficking:

Scouting, Manipulating, and Trapping. A 2017 California Foster and Kinship Care

Education training laid out the method of recruitment to include: (1) Seduction: compliments, attention, promises, gifts and “love” (2) False Hope: “Pretty Woman” lifestyle, modeling and music video, and (3) Force: kidnapping, beatings (violent tactics will be described at length in the section on Sex Traffickers’ Tactics and Effects)

(Graves, 2017). Lastly, the NCMEC describes the process through the victims experience, as being: Targeted, Tricked, and Traumatized (NCMEC, 2017).

PHASES OF SEX TRAFFICKING

CA Foster Tricked NCMEC Documentary on pimps Training

Scouting Seduction: compliments, Targeted promises, gifts and “love” Manipulating Tricked False Hope: “Pretty Woman” Trapping myth, modeling & music Traumatized video

Force: kidnapping, beatings

Figure 1: The Phases of Sex Trafficking The initial step of scouting, targeting and/or recruiting takes place wherever kids hang out: at school, school bus stops, mall, parties, parks, amusement arcades, Greyhound

23 bus stations, fast-food parking lots, on the internet, on any social media site, and in foster and group homes (Graves, 2017). Once a relationship has been developed the process of manipulating, creating a false hope or tricking begins. This is particular to the “Romeo” pimp and will be discussed at length in the section on pimp subculture. The final step, also described in greater detail below, results in a victim who feels like they cannot escape their situation. Creating a victim who is afraid or unwilling to leave is generally created through violence or threats of violence.

Sex Trafficking and the Child Welfare System’s Proximity

“When they go missing from child welfare systems, they are literally flying under the radar. No one is reporting them missing, hence no one is looking for them”

(NCMEC, 2017).

Each year in California, over 30,000 children enter the care of the Child Welfare

System (CDSS, n.d., p. 16). Statistics in California range from 50 to 90% of CSEC victims having a history of involvement with Child Welfare Services (Children's Bureau,

2015, p.3). Neglected, physically or sexually abused children are particularly vulnerable to becoming CSEC victims. Regarding female CSEC victims, estimates are that 70-90% were sexually abused at home (Graves, 2017).

The vulnerable, at-risk youth who become prey to sex traffickers fit no single profile. No single story applies; but many are runaway or “thrownaway” children

(Graves, 2017, p. 17). According to the National Runaway Safeline, 1.6 to 2.8 million youth, with an average age between 10-14 years old, run away from home each year (P.

K. Foundation, 2013). Most of these return home within a week. But it is a false

24 assumption to think all children have a home to return to. More than half of the youth on the streets or in shelters reported that their parents threw them out or did not care they were leaving (P. K. Foundation, 2013). These children are called thrownaway children.

Estimates are that 40% of homeless/runaways are LGBTQ youth (Graves, 2017, p. 17).

According to the National Runaway Safeline, out of the reasons given for why children chose to run away from home 80% of runaway girls who were homeless said they had been sexually or physically abused (P. K. Foundation, 2013). Farley reports that, “pimps are heard to say that the women they recruit into prostitution were first trained by their fathers. A pimp explained, ‘Most of them have been abused sexually by their parents…they been raped so many times they feel they might as well get money for it.

Well, it’s my job to teach them that it’s better to get paid for it than do it for free’”

(Hansen, 2003, as cited in Farley, 2013, p. 171). Farley proposes that “incest functions as a ‘bootcamp’ for prostitution” (Farley, 2003, p. xvi). The Polaris Project reports that nearly half of the LGBTQ youth ran away from home because of rejection, and they will be 3-7 times more likely to engage in survival sex than their heterosexual peers (Polaris

Project, 2017). The increased vulnerability for women of color and LGBTQ youth results in a greater representation of these youth among trafficked victims (Farley, 2013; Polaris

Project, 2017).

Survival on the streets requires more money than panhandling provides, so many young people, “especially girls, begin engaging in survival sex within 48 hours of leaving home” (P. K. Foundation, 2013, p. Para. 5). The National District Attorney’s

Association estimates that 2.4 million children run away each year, and that of these 1

25 out of 3 will be lured into trading sex for survival within 48 hours (2013). This equates to at least 800,000 runaway children engaged in sex trafficking each year (Association,

2017). This statistic and the estimate of 300,000 CSEC in Texas alone clearly demonstrate that the often-repeated statistic of 100,000 to 300,000 youth at risk of becoming victims of sex trafficking understates the issue. In her 2013 book chapter,

“Prostitution: An Extreme Form of Girls’ Sexualization,” Melissa Farley documents several studies showing a strong correlation between homelessness and sex trafficking/prostitution. Farley describes homeless children as caught in a net of desperation and opportunity. They see little choice but to agree to the offers to sell their bodies for a place to stay, money, food, clothes and drugs (Farley, 2013, p. 173-174).

This is survival sex.

Though child welfare systems attempt to protect and place children, according to the NCMEC about 86% of reported runaways “were in the care of social services or foster care when they ran” (Children, 2017b, p. para. 2). In 2010, 59% of the children arrested for prostitution-related charges in LA County were part of the foster care system

(Graves, 2017). In Alameda County, H.E.A.T.Watch estimates that 40% of children involved in commercial sex trade are involved in social services (H.E.A.T.Watch,

2017a). In a CalSWEC training on sex trafficking for social workers the percentage reported was higher, ranging from 50% to 85% of CSEC having histories with child welfare (PCWTA, 2017). Despite the intension to protect children, minors involved in the child welfare system are some of the most at risk youth. The unfortunate correlation between sex trafficking and the child welfare system is best recognized and responded to

26 rather than ignored. The child welfare system would seem to have some culpability in this tragic situation. On the upside, the proximity of child welfare to sex trafficking also offers an opportunity for social workers, especially those in child welfare, to prevent and to intervene. When social workers are trained to understand the underpinnings of sex trafficking and how to respond, to both deter and assist potential victims, they can have an immediate impact in combating the commercial sexual exploitation, one opportunity at a time.

One of the first phases of sex trafficking—scouting—also has an unfortunate connection between sex trafficking and child welfare, because scouts and traffickers are looking for precisely those youth who are vulnerable, which can often exhibit as low self-esteem (Network, 2016; Owens, 2016; Royal, 1998). Given the psychological needs and wounds of children in the child welfare system, such as those in foster care, their psychological profile can be precisely the type pimps look for to manipulate into sex trafficking (Thomas, 2015). They look for girls with poor self-esteem (GEMS, 2006;

Network, 2016). This first phase of sex trafficking, is followed by manipulation and then trapping (Network, 2016). As one police officer states in Tricked, pimps can figure out in about 30 seconds if a girl can be recruited (Network, 2016). He gave the example of how a pimp will begin by telling a girl that she stands out as one of the prettiest girls he has ever seen. If she looks at her feet, he explained, that’s an indication that she has weak self-esteem. They look at posture; at who a girl is with or is not with. They look for them at foster care group homes, at schools, at bus stations, and at parties (Network, 2016). As shown in three different sources in Figure 1, pimps or traffickers have a general three

27 phase approach, though described differently for each source, they basically hunt, scout and target vulnerable youth.

An anecdotal example of the phases of sex trafficking can be found in a

Sacramento-based tragedy told by L.S., a California State University, Sacramento

(CSUS) master’s in social work (MSW) graduate. According to L.S., a teen recruiter inside a foster care group home in Sacramento, who was working for pimps would scout and target potential victims. “The teen inside the group home would get $50 once she got another youth to go through the fence” (L.S. personal communication, August 18, 2017).

The commonality of this storyline is suggested in its similarity to a case that occurred in

Florida, described in a Miami Herald article. The Florida traffickers sold the girl once she left the group home to other men. In Sacramento, the victim was also sold, according to L.S.—initially to a Russian criminal organization who then sold the child to a Mexican criminal organization. Ultimately, the Sacramento youth was beaten so badly that she suffered permanent brain damage. Now, she is back with her mother and will require assistance for the rest of her life (L.S. personal communication, August 18, 2017).

Pimps/traffickers hang out at group homes, on the sidewalk, across the street, because it is a prime location for targeting and recruiting victims. In a SF Chronicle article, the director of the Children’s Law Center of Sacramento mentions that “the most vulnerable kids …[are] being victimized in a place that’s located literally right across the street from where sex traffickers recruit kids” (Sa, 2017). As one Sacramento-based social worker told me, “They [the group home] thought about moving, but what’s the point? The pimps

28 will just set up across the street, wherever we go” (G.B., personal communication,

August, 17, 2017).

Cultural Influences: A Case of Social Dissociation

“An oversexualized, consumer-driven society will create oversexualized, consumer-driven children who are vulnerable to the likes of sex traffickers” (Smith,

2014, p. 185).

Lyrics by Eminem, a white American rapper and best-selling artist:

“Ain’t no one safe from, non-believers there ain’t none/I even make the bitches I

rape come.” — Medicine Man …

“I used to love her, too bad I had to put a slug through her/Dumped her body in the

trash like I never knew her/Blood runnin’ down the gutter into the sewer/Her

body stunk for weeks like horse manure.” — Ex-Girlfriend…

“Got pissed off and ripped Pamela Lee’s tits off and smacked her so hard I knocked

her clothes backwards like Kris Kross.” — My Name Is (Randall, 2017).

A later section of this chapter investigates dissociation as an individual’s response to trauma. This section might be viewed as creating an awareness of a state of cultural or social dissociation.

The suggested cultural dissociation invoked within this context relates to media influence and the depicted sexualization of girls. Judith Herman, MD, affiliated with the

Harvard Medical School, describes the social practice of dissociation as manifesting when a culture avoids thinking about an “enterprise that condemns millions of women and children to social death and often to literal death, for the sexual pleasure and profit of

29 men” (Herman, 2003, p. 1). Today’s children and teens are inundated with images that are pornographic and that often glamorize sexual violence. These portrayals model sexuality as devoid of relationship, intimacy or respect (Farley, 2013; Jhally, Kilbourne,

Rabinovitz, Media Education, & Media Education Foundation, 2010; Jhally, Killoy,

Bartone, & Media Education, 2007; Farley, 2013). In Killing Us Softly 4, the acclaimed author, speaker and filmmaker, Jean Kilbourne, states “The problem isn’t sex. It’s the culture’s pornographic attitude toward sex. Sex is trivialized and used to sell everything.

It is far more extreme and pornographic today than before” (Jhally et al., 2010). The previous boundaries between normal adolescent sexual activity and pornography have been erased (Farley, 2013, p. 182).

A few powerful resources stand out to effectively pull back the mind-colonizing veil of misogynistic USA. One of them is the educational video series Dreamworlds 3, which offers a critical analysis of music video content. The video’s director and narrator,

Sut Jhally, suggests that music videos influence individual and cultural attitudes by shaping our concept of femininity, masculinity, and sexuality (Smith, 2014). In a nutshell, the music industry creates a pornographic gaze. Jhally offers an insightful critical assessment of the consistent and warped paradigm in music videos which unquestionably glamorizes a profoundly sexist worldview (Jhally et al., 2007).

Our culture’s media inundates teen girls and boys with images of sex, but primarily to one viewpoint: that of adolescent males (Jhally et al., 2007). Increasingly those sexual actions are without moral bounds and pornographic, even violent in the objectification of girls and women. The normalization of this content can be found

30 almost anywhere. For instance, in Grand Theft Auto (GTA), which is very popular video game for 12- to 18-year old boys the world over, players earn points by beating, inflicting disease, running over with the car, or killing women. Versions of GTA released in 2008 “enshrine” a sex trafficker as a protagonist (Farley, 2013, p. 186). In other mainstream media, the TV sensation South Park had an episode entitled, “How to sell your classmate.” In these and many mass media sources, the sexual exploitation and violence against women are writ normal, comical, and glamorous.

Killing Us Softly 4, an educational film deconstructing advertising images, proposes that girls internalize images, and do so at earlier and earlier ages, that teach them to sexualize themselves and see themselves as objects (Jhally et al., 2010). Melissa

Farley, Director of the Prostitution Research and Education Center in San Francisco, proffers that “the cultural sexualization of girls increasingly overlaps with and merges into prostitution” (2013, p. 166). Both esteemed critics of culture and women’s and girl’s role within it, find confirmation of their analysis in the story of Holly Austin Smith.

The media is a major source for cultural cues about behavior and values. Its influence is perhaps largely underestimated. In Walking Prey (2014), sex trafficking survivor Holly Austin Smith offers a personal account and critical analysis of the media’s influence on culture and girls. Smith (2014) argues that mass media promotes,

…materialism, consumerism, and the use of female sex appeal as a tool for

advertising, the media influences girls to see themselves as commercial and sexual

objects. As a result, many vulnerable girls in America accept and even initially

embrace commercial sexual exploitation (p. 43).

Smith reiterates throughout her book that children are unsupervised and overexposed to media. She identifies this cultural trait as often missed despite being a powerful element in sex trafficking/CSEC. Its negative messaging is especially harmful to children who are learning about their world’s culture, its values, and themselves (Smith,

2014). The anthropologist Clifford Geertz would argue that the effects are far more comprehensive. Our surroundings, the symbols, morals, language, that enfold us more than influence us, but rather literally make us human (Geertz, 1973). Without culture we do not become human (Geertz, 1973). The influence of our surroundings, such as the media, has been recognized by various sources. An American Psychological Association

(APA) study in 2007 linked girls’ low self-esteem, depression, and eating disorders to the cultural sexualization of girls (Farley, 2013, p. 171). Another report by the APA in 2010 disclosed how the objectification of women in the media inspires girls to self- objectification. That is, girls internalize the gaze of the objectifier who values them based on their appearance (Smith, 2014, p. 75). In Dreamworlds 3 (2007), Jhally describes how women are depicted as wanting to be watched, inviting and desiring that objectifying gaze. Jhally states, “the assumption behind this way of looking at someone is that it is perfectly legitimate to watch in this fashion…Women’s bodies are surveyed…Their function in the videos is to be…desired by men” (quoted in Smith, 2014, p. 76). Holly

Smith attests to her own experience of this,

By sixth grade, I was an avid reader of teen fashion magazines like YM, Teen,

Seventeen, Elle, Vogue, and Mademoiselle. I would stand in the grocery store line

flipping through the pages of pictures, articles, and quizzes. As an overly

ambitious kid, I was trying to pick the magazine with the most relevant topics to

make me cool, to make me popular, to make me hot!” (Smith, 2014, p. 64).

Smith explains how her uncritical consumption of the media’s depictions of girls related to her first sexual assault. She describes her sexual exploitation as beginning when she was about 12 years old with a skating rink DJ. She sets the cultural background, explaining that she had studied the lyrics to songs like “Sticky Sweet” by Motley Crüe,

“Talk Dirty to Me” by Poison, and “Seventeen” by Winder. These popular songs taught her that society prefers oversexualized girls and women (Smith, 2014, p. 79). The seventeen- or eighteen-year-old DJ invited her to his booth at the skating rink. Smith explains that this was to her the equivalent of being invited to be part of the MTV world.

She wondered if he would kiss her as he pulled her towards him.

But he didn’t kiss me—he put his hand on my shoulder and pushed me down to

the floor. I was confused until he unzipped his pants. Although I had never

performed oral sex, I had heard it described in music lyrics and had seen it implied

in music videos and movies (Smith, 2014, p. 79).

Afterwards, she wondered if this meant they were going out. After a few weeks, she realized she had been used. Smith (2014) explains that girls who were used were viewed as stupid or slutty, so she wasn’t going to tell others what had happened and become “undesirable” (Smith, 2014, p. 79). Smith critically reflects on this learned cultural label of being used, stating, how interesting it is that, “[n]obody I knew used the words ‘rape’ or ‘sexual assault’” (Smith, 2014, p. 79). And how much more appropriate

33 those words might be. One might wonder how often men’s and boy’s sexual assaults are blamed on the women and girls who suffer them.

Such experiences of course are not unique to Holly Smith. Melissa Farley proposes that the consumption of pornographic images, narratives and models of behavior in the media, girls learn that “[p]rostitution like behaviors are part of what it means to be female today… [meaning, that they] learn to ignore their own sexual feelings (or lack of them) and learn their role is to service boyfriends who have also learned about sex via pornography” (Farley, 2013, p. 183). In fact, for many, pornography is the new sex education. A study in 2001 showed that of teens 15-17 years of age 70% had viewed pornography online (Farley, 2013).

As a source for pedophiles and rapists nothing is more insidious and ubiquitous than the internet. The U.S. offers the largest market for child pornography in the world.

In 2002, the U.S. released 91 million images and videos focused on child pornography compared to 2000 arrests for production (Graves, 2017). From 1996 to 2001 a 1,280% increase in child pornography sites was documented by the FBI (Kellog, 2002, as cited in

Farley, 2003). Images depict children as willing participants. Or, sometimes rapes are requested. A U.S. man announced he was opening a “rape camp” where men paid to watch women from Asia be raped and tortured (Farley, 2003, p. 119). Voyeur sites watch women, often controlled, doing everything from having sex to daily acts (Farley, 2003, p.

120). 85% of convicted sex offenders fueled their addiction through online child pornography (Graves, 2017).

Perhaps today’s “hook up” apps represent the next step for contemporary young men and women (e.g., Tinder, CasualX, Blender, Down, and Pure). The apps allow people to meet for sex without emotional intimacy or relational expectation. I talked to one set of parents who relayed to me that their daughter, in her early twenties uses one of these apps though she “hates it,” but apparently, she still participates. Smith adds,

Nobody was telling me that it was OK not to have sex, at least not anybody in the

realm of popular culture. There were no songs telling me that if I felt confused

about sex, I could say no or that I should say no. There were also no songs telling

me that I didn’t need a boyfriend. My self-esteem fell further and further with each

rejection and with each undesired sexual act (Smith, 2014, p. 83).

Smith proclaims that because of media influence,

the process of breaking me down had begun long before I met my trafficker…if I

was a sex slave to anyone, it was to popular culture. Advertisers, entertainment

producers, and other moguls of the media were the ones who seasoned me to

accept sexual exploitation and prostitution. My body was an object; its sole

purpose, I believed by that point, was for sex (Smith, 2014, p. 86).

She adds that even for those girls fortunate enough not to experience sexual exploitation or assault personally, every girl will have witnessed some form of violence against women if they own a radio or TV. A 2013 study from the Parents Television Council reports that “if media images communicate that sexual exploitation is neither serious nor harmful, the environment is being set for sexual exploitation to be viewed as trivial and acceptable” (cited in Smith, 2014, p. 88).

That is precisely the attitude disclosed in the book and documentary entitled Oral

Sex is the New Goodnight Kiss (2008), by Canadian journalist Sharlene Azam. It discloses a growing phenomenon of middle-class girls who trade sex for money, drugs and luxury goods. These kids are not engaged in “survival sex” or forced exploitation, but rather sell the use of their bodies to enable their purchasing power for “luxury” items.

One might assess that our culture’s valuation of material goods has obtained excessive levels when “luxury fever” leads to 11-year-olds selling their sexuality, even their virginity, so they can buy a fancy hand bag. Why do they do it? One 14-year-old girl explained, “I can work at KFC and make 100 bucks a week, or I can make 400 a night for sex” (Azam, 2008, p. 1). According to Azam, they don’t call it prostitution and are offended by that term. They see prostitution as a woman on the street with random men

(Azam, 2009). Azam adds that the biggest surprise was the parents’ complicity. They have “surrendered their authority to pop culture” (Azam, 2008, p. 3).

The untethered consumption of advertising that promotes materialism above all else is part of the reason why it is not only vulnerable youth who become trafficked.

Though they appear to be the majority, there are increasing numbers of teens from good homes, from economic advantage, who decide to engage in sex for profit (Azam, 2008).

A 2003 Newsweek article described a 17-year old girl, Stacey who was approached at a mall. The man told her how pretty she was and offered to buy her clothing. She learned from the experience that sex could give her “the freedom to spend money on what I want”

(as cited in Smith, 2014, p. 77). Stacey lived with her parents in an upscale neighborhood in Minneapolis. She began stripping in hotel rooms for money and graduated to placing

36 ads for “an evening of fun” all while living at home, but “careful to be home before her midnight curfew” (as cited in Smith, 2014, p 78).

Azam explains it beings with the view that oral sex is not a big deal. This slips easily into the next step where oral sex, and then intercourse, are “traded” for money.

Girls explain, since “it starts out being one blowjob here or there and then it becomes 5 or 10 in a day, it would be natural to eventually think, ‘Well, why don’t I just get paid for this?’” (Azam, 2008, p. 8). For some youth today, because of the media’s portrayals, they have come to view sex as a currency in a material-accumulation-prioritized world. They are willing to exchange sexual favors for clothes, money or even for doing homework

(Azam, 2008). Holly Smith predicts: “If we as a society accept widespread images of women and children being treated as commercial and as sexual objects, why would a middle school girl, a high school boy, a grown man, or a trafficker feel any differently?”

(Smith, 2014, p. 88). There is a need to pull back, to dis-associate from the dreamlike state we as a culture have entered in which we passively consume media depictions as representations of our cultural values without question.

As though intending to prove just this fact, the trailer for Dreamworld 3, documents a mass hysteria of sexual assaults that occurred in New York City Central Park on June 11, 2000 during a Puerto Rican Pride Parade (Jhally, 2016). Women were doused, sexually assaulted, and had pieces of clothing torn or pulled by men who apparently felt,

entitled to enact their desires on any female body… the country was shocked, but

when virtually identical images are being played out over and over on our

television screens with virtually no comment [in music videos], why should we be

shocked? In fact, what was most striking about these images is how familiar they

were (Jhally, 2016).

The difference, Jhally explains, is that the women at the parade, in the real world, were not enjoying being assaulted. He suggests we can understand why this mass assault happened if we look at how male entitlement and power are glamorized and normalized on MTV videos. “Just as music video tells us a story of female passivity, it tells an equally powerful story of masculinity, tied to power, intimidation and force” (Jhally,

2016). Of the teen girls Azam met who sell themselves, all had been sexually assaulted by boys they know. Azam believes that the sexual assault rate is underreported for middle class girls (Azam, 2008, p. 2). This pattern parallels the sexual abuse from family members experienced by many of the youth who fall victim to being commercially exploited.

The analysis offered by Azam echoes a perspective made by many others concerned about the sexual exploitation of children, from film makers to prostitution researchers and sex trafficking survivors, “[w]hen a young girl’s beliefs about relationships are influenced by pornography; when her lifestyle and how she should be treated are derived from MTV; when the magazines she reads feature stories about collagen shots for G-spot amplification; when her mother takes pole dancing lessons to unleash her ‘inner stripper’; and her father watches Naked News on his mobile, being objectified seems normal (Azam, 2009). Misinformation about women’s sexuality is widely disseminated through pornography, “incorporated into male sexuality via the prostitution/pornography industry” which often cannot be differentiated from mainstream

38 advertising (Farley, 2003, p. xvi). These sexualized, objectified depictions of women are internalized by young girls as cultural messages that repetitiously express the view of how to be valued as a female. “This is the sea they swim in” (Azam, 2009). And girls are not wrong to interpret the messages that way. U.S. culture has become a hyper-sexual environment where pornography, strip bars, and prostitutes are increasingly normalized, even glamorized. The inundation of advertising on children, especially without any accompanying adult providing a critical analysis of the images, results in those messages uncompromised equating of avarice with what the society most values and equates with success (Smith, 2014, p. 63). Many CSEC victims name money as the reason they run back to their exploitative situations when given an opportunity to make different choices

(Lopez, 2017; O’Donnell, 2016; Peterson, personal communication, Sep. 23, 2017). After her first experience of selling her underage body for sex, Smith (2014) shares her first thoughts after an old man placed $200 into the palm of her hand, “I can buy at least two pairs of Calvin Klein jeans with this money” (p. 70). Later she would realize she would get to keep none of that money.

This widespread sexualization of girls in every aspect of our culture’s media reinforces the viewpoint of exploiters and purchasers that a girls’ purpose is to be used sexually (Farley, 2013). These media messages will influence perspectives if they are imbibed without questioning or critical interpretation. Farley advocates that instead,

Girls need a culture that defines girlhood as something other than being groomed

for prostitution, something other than a culture that teaches them to embrace their

own sexual objectification … They need to know there are men in the world who

view women as equal to men and who refuse to buy women, girls, or any human

for sex” (Farley, 2013, p. 187).

Smith and Kilbourne also encourage teaching media literacy in the schools. The toxic pimp- and pornography-dominated cultural messages passed on to girls about their sexuality, at minimum, requires deconstruction through media literacy education. A striking example is offered by Azam:

Fifteen years ago, if a girl wanted to learn more about horses, she would go to the

library and find pictures of horses in meadows. Today, if you type “horse” and

“girl” in Google, the first hit is: “American girl licks hung horse dick” (Azam,

2009, tab. Toxic).

In addition, social media sites, which are popular with youth offer access to adult and child pornography and solicitations for prostitution (Farley, 2013, p. 182).

The dehumanizing process of sexual objectification reinforces male dominance and violence against women (Farley, 2013, p. 167). “Prostitution [and sex trafficking, is an extreme form of sexualization in which sexual objectification is institutionalized and monetized… women and girls are valued for the sexual use of their vaginas, mouths, anuses, and breasts” (Farley, 2013, p. 167). One man who paid for prostitutes described prostitution as “renting an organ for 10 minutes” (Farley, 2013, p. 168). In prostitution or sex trafficking, “a whole human life is reduced to a few sexual orifices, and he can do anything he wants” (Dworkin, 1997, as cited in Farley, 2013, p. 170). Increasingly, the lines are blurred between healthy sexuality and the female traits valued in pornography as the latter’s images are replicated in music videos, television programs, and

40 advertising. The media teaches girls they are appreciated if they are pretty and hypersexualized; if they accept abuse and objectification. In return, girls develop low self- esteem and/or a loss of connection with their sense of self (Gilligan, 1982). In today’s world, it might be the media that is the biggest pimp.

Pimp Subculture: Sex Trafficker Tactics and Effects

“One girl told her probation officer that she was treated very well because her pimp allowed her to have Subway sandwiches when she was hungry” (Friedman, 2005, as cited in

Farley, 2013, p. 172).

The Assistant Attorney General to the Commonwealth of Virginia, Erin Kulpa, identified four types of child sex trafficking in America. These are differentiated by who benefits: “pimp-controlled, family-controlled, gang-controlled, and organized crime- controlled sex trafficking” (Smith, 2014, p. 15). This categorization may seem artificial or too simplified. The reality of sex trafficking is that it is so diverse in form that most attempts to discuss it within any limitations of time or size will necessitate some degree of oversimplification.

As is the case for victims, traffickers also fail to fit any particular stereotype. A trafficker might be a boyfriend (long or short-term), a classmate or a foster parent. Some do belong to gangs and have gang tattoos and engage in broader criminal activities (Kamala D.

Harris, 2012). On the other end of the spectrum, some are the parents of the exploited child, such as in the noted Bay Area case of Ming Dang whose parents began selling her for sex at the age of 10 (Meak, 2012). A trafficker can be someone the child has only ever known online

(Marin County Office of Education, 2017). There are increasing reports of female pimps

41 and female recruiters (Lopez, 2017). These can vary from a girl’s best friend in affluent white suburb middle schools to girls in the game that recruit from inside the group homes run by child welfare (Peterson, personal communication, Sep. 23, 2017; Up, 2009).

Renegades are the girls who work independently. But according to the service providers who have worked with sex trafficking, what is initially tolerable for the money will come to an end. Eventually, they will be raped, or beaten, or someone will put a knife to their neck (GEMS, 2006). The statistics for prostitution reflect the risk of violence in the sex industry: a 1994 study of Portland, Oregon prostitutes found they were raped on average once a week, and a 1995 study of street prostitutes disclosed that 94% were sexually assaulted and ¾ had been raped by at least one, if not more, of their johns (Farley, 2003, p. 35). Chapters could be written, as well, comparing and contrasting gang-controlled to organized crime-controlled sex trafficking. In this section, however, we will focus on pimp subculture. The Polaris Project, a.k.a. the National Human Trafficking Hotline, offers the following summary of pimp subculture:

Generally, pimping involves a complex relationship between a male pimp

and one or more women and/or girls. In this relationship, the pimp wields

complete control and domination and induces commercial sex acts in order to

make money. The pimp attains authoritative levels of control and obedience

through a combination of intense manipulation and feigned affection, brutal

violence, and verbal, psychological, and/or emotional abuse. In the pimp

relationship, the pimp is motivated primarily by the pursuit of money. He keeps

all the money from the commercial sex acts of the women and girls he controls

and prides himself on achieving higher and higher levels of blind obedience

(Polaris Project, n.d., p. 2).

A strong majority of female sex trafficking victims are pimp-controlled, some survivors say all (Snow, 2017). Some statistics propose that 75% to 90% of girls who are sexually exploited are under the control of pimps (Hardy, 2013, p. 10). H.E.A.T.Watch programs for CSEC teach that 75% of the youth forced into street prostitution are pimp- controlled (H.E.A.T.Watch, 2017b). The Arizona State University, Office of Sex

Trafficking Intervention Research (STIR) reports that 90% of CSEC are under the control of a trafficker (STIR, 2017).

This section investigates the pimp’s world: the value system, philosophy, ethics, rules, and techniques embraced by pimps. From this standpoint as well, the perspective becomes reified that U.S. culture has become a misogynist’s playground that uses and abuses girls for moments of male gratification and monetary gain, virtually without reproach from society.

Once again, the main motivator is money.

Pimps: An Overview/Introduction

Repeated references allude to a previous ethic by which pimp subculture was not discussed, but rather was kept a secret (50Cent, 2009; Royal, 1998). Indeed, this world of unimaginable psychological and physical abuse, of modern day slavery, of ongoing repeated rapes, is not only talked about today but openly celebrated. Pimping is used to sell songs, glamorized in music videos, documented in film, and so both boys and girls become enculturated into a particular view that defines what is and is not of value in the

43 pimp subculture of the game, “You saying it's secret, but you ain't gotta keep it on the low” (50Cent, 2009).

Pimps/sex traffickers are predators. Tactics vary from those of the Romeo pimp, who recruits and manipulates by selling a dream and seeks to create an emotional bond with their victims, to the so-called Guerilla pimp. The Pimp Game, an educational manual on how to pimp by a self-identified pimp Mickey Royal, Guerilla pimps are described as “no brains, all muscles” implying they do not have the skillset of Romeo pimps but rather simply use force. But even in Royal’s writings about pimps—which he portrays as primarily players who can talk girls into giving their souls and everything else to their pimp— physical abuse is mentioned. In all the narratives and videos of Romeo pimps reviewed for this study, there is always some indication of the use of physical violence.

Except for the unethical treatment of another human being, the brutality, violence, and disregard for another’s well-being, from a purely Capitalist viewpoint, the choice to pimp becomes understandable, almost reasonable and entrepreneurial. Given the lack of opportunities, and a steady stream of advertising that constructs U.S. values as primarily focused on possessing material goods, alongside the idea that wealth is what will make us happy. This viewpoint is echoed in The Pimp Game and in the one-hour-and-forty-minute documentary Milwaukee Pimp Snooky (Gordon, 2016; Royal, 1998). Snooky explains,

There’s a lot of us in the hood. We human. We pimps and hos, drug dealers, but

we starving man. Everybody say, go get a job. There’s opportunities.

Opportunities for what? We aren’t asking for any handouts, just throw the rope.

Then we’ll decide if we want to grab it, just throw the rope (Gordon, 2016).

In the documentary Pimps Up Hoes Down the glamorization of pimping is exhibited without restraint as financial reward (Owens, 2016). This world of riches is depicted as well in the music video P.I.M.P by 50 Cent (50Cent, 2009). The video includes an abundance of diamonds, a Rolls Royce, and subservient, beautiful young women. The music video’s lyrics and visuals also relay a synopsis of the pimp subculture’s values and rules. A couple of lingerie-clad women wear bling-embossed dog collars and are walked via leashes. A hip-level belt dangles a 3-inch bling dollar symbol over a collared woman’s pubic area. In the video Snoop Dogg advocates to a panel of old school pimps that they accept 50 Cent even though he does not practice all the historical, stereotypical mannerisms of pimping: he has a Rolls Royce rather than a Cadillac and he does not perm his hair; however, he has diamonds, a “magic stick,” and he is a

“P.I.M.P.” (50Cent, 2009). 50 Cent proclaims this verbally and symbolically with his flock of beautiful women that subserviently dote on him. Melissa Farley proposes that,

“African American girls have been especially harmed by rap culture, which glorifies pimping and stereotypes girls as hypersexual, sexually irresponsible, and uninterested in intimate relationships” (Farley, 2013, p. 176). Hip-hop music offers particularly misogynistic lyrics, where women are “hoes” and “bitches” deserving of men’s contempt and violence.

How realistic are these media representations? When asked, one Child Protective

Services (CPS) social worker, who has supported CSEC victims since before the term sex trafficking was used, sees the music video imagery of pimps as a stereotype and a caricature. She refers to the increased number of female teens who are pimping (Lopez,

2017). Yet, these images affect the culture—would-be pimps and victims alike. Several victims describe dreams of being one of the beautiful women in music videos (Lloyd,

2006; Smith, 2014). This dream of becoming the music video girl is listed in government reports as one of the gimmicks used to manipulate trafficking victims. The images, the glamorization may to a degree be a caricature, but comparisons of the variety of sources here demonstrates consistency, not contradiction: the victims’ motives, means, and main traits line up consistently.

Various sources differentiate between the Romeo and the Guerilla pimps (Snow,

2017; PCWTA, 2017). An array of techniques can be used to pull girls into the game.

Pimps who groom a child can spend weeks or months luring her into a relationship, building connection and an atmosphere of family and belonging. Romeo pimps coerce victims by “love bombing” (such as done by cults), by creating an emotional bonding, getting the girl to think they care, that they love them, that they are going to take care of them (Snow, 2017; Singer, 2003; Reid, 2016). For instance, the survivor Elle Snow described her experience of a six-month courtship with a man who she fully believed was her committed partner. They moved to a different city for his career, and suddenly things changed (Snow, 2017). Another scenario in which a girl was tricked by a pimp occurred in Fairfax County, Virginia. She shared that she met her trafficker through a fake

Facebook profile of a girl her age (Network, 2016). The supposed girl suggested that she work with a guy she knew to model. The survivor said that she modeled for 4-5 months before being manipulated into prostituting. She met him for a shoot at a hotel. Two other men were there. They raped her and video-taped it. Then used it to blackmail her into

46 having sex with other men. The way they edit the video, she explained, they can make it look consensual (Network, 2016).

In other cases, girls are simply abducted and beaten or gang-raped into submission. The traffickers who use this, less sophisticated/strategic model, are known as

Guerilla pimps. Such techniques are used not only to intimidate or break a victim’s resistance, but to train them for the commercial sexual trade (Herman, 2003, p. 4). In

Holly Smith’s case, she was recruited by a charming man but then once she crossed the line, was controlled by another man who was brutal.

Scouting

Appropriate targets, according to Royal, have no defenses and as discussed in earlier sections, likely show characteristics of being vulnerable, having low self-esteem, and high desperation. Without calling it scouting, Royal describes a particular skill required of would-be pimps to assess a situation, to “peep game” (Royal, 1998, p. 3).

These allusions fit what is elsewhere described as the scouting phase. In a video interview of Pimp Ken, the author of Pimpology, he states,

You know, it ain’t no any woman that’s going to give you her money. You can’t

just go up to Walgreens and woman sees you and she likes you and you say, ‘Say

Baby, give me your money.’ No. It don’t happen like that. It takes a woman that

has a certain amount of abuse. She’s been through some things. You know, she

probably was raped by her brother or her father and she has very low self-esteem

(Owens, 2016).

From pimp Royal’s perspective, this low sense of self-worth incites a need, a wanting of something that the pimp will claim he can deliver. This, he says, is what enslaves victims: their desires. Her wanting something creates her vulnerability to being pimped, “a new life… a better life…. She pays a pimp for entry into a fairy tale world.

She pays in money, time, self-respect and her very soul” (Royal, 1998, p. 8). He adds, “

A ho has no interest in money. Her problems run deeper. A pat on the back and

social acceptance is worth its weight in gold to a ho… You find out what her

insecurities are and use them against her…A ho’s world is so painful that she will

exchange her soul for entrance into any world (Royal, p. 15, 17).

Thus, whether lyrics in a pimp-glamorizing song, instruction in a trafficker’s manual, or statistics by government organizations, the picture is the same regarding sex trafficking—from the motive, to causes, risks, and outcome. Thousands and thousands of children and youth are living the same horrific experience. This study project proposes that with a well-designed 60-minute training, social workers may be better prepared to recognize youth at risk or involved in CSE. Some of the most vulnerable youth in our culture are being exploited by way of their emotional needs for love, protection, and belonging (Hardy, 2013). Sex trafficking victims’ need for attachment lends toward the girl’s developing “an intimate relationship with someone who is fundamentally untrustworthy, unpredictable, and dangerous” (Herman, 1994; referenced in Farley,

2013, p. 177). Manipulate

Manipulation-Control-Fraud

At the core of recruitment of many sex trafficking victims is the manipulative power of the pimps or traffickers. Their abilities to influence youth are generally not understood and perhaps more dangerously have been underestimated. Melissa Farley, notes, “there is a lack of knowledge among clinicians regarding the systematic methods of brainwashing, indoctrination (called “seasoning” by pimps), and physical control that are used against women in prostitution” (Farley, 2003, p. xiv). In sex trafficking the development of control is gained largely through misrepresentation or physical abuse, or a combination of these. The game or the life refers to a subculture in which sexual acts, usually performed by females, are sold for the profit of a pimp. Reference to the game includes reference to the rules, its hierarchy, and language (International, 2017). A pimp’s skill is referred to as being a player, which means being manipulative and able to control situations or people through the use of fraudulent speech or hustling. In the video

Teen Sex Trafficking Victim Tells Her Story, the sex trafficking survivor Bianca, explains that it was the words that “pulled” her, which she warns others not to fall for. 50 Cent’s lyrics also indicate how pimps employ of deception to manipulate girls: “We could toast to the good life, girl, we could have it all; We could really splurge, girl, and tear up the mall” (P.I.M.P, 50 Cent). Notice that 50 Cent says he could do these things, not that he will. The song’s main lyric gives a more honest indication of a pimp’s intention: “bitch can’t get a dollar out of me” (P.I.M.P, 50 Cent). The promises and lies made by pimps to recruit women are without limit. As one former sex trafficker, Rokk, stated, “I’m going to fill your head up with as many dreams as possible” (Network, 2016). In the first

49 paragraph, of The Pimp Game, Royal explains the pimp subculture’s worldview: “The game is about control…To run game is to be in the process of working your magic on a victim who is not skilled or seasoned in the crime and has no defenses” (Royal, 1998, p.

1). His opening line is, “There is only one game and that’s pimping. You can play or be played” (Royal, 1998, p. 1). This depiction of pimping places it on a level commensurate with American capitalist ideas of selling. Thus, some of the underlying philosophy encountered in The Pimp Game is not wholly unfamiliar.

In his instruction manual, Royal acknowledges that life isn’t fair, but claims, like many motivational speakers would, that what you make of life is up you. He encourages his readers on to obtain financial success. The depicted pimp worldview recognizes manipulation skills as a means to gain control and money. This is concept is given flesh in a scene featuring Ice-T in the video Pimps Up Hoes Down (Owens, 2016). Sitting in a barber shop, having curlers put in his hair, he explains that his time in music and

Hollywood is really the same; it’s all playing the game: pimping.

If I’m going to sit up and break a bitch down, I can sit up in front of this white

man and break him down the exact same way. It ain’t no difference. You know

what I’m saying? Cause I don’t want no pussy. I never wanted no pussy from a

bitch. You know what I’m saying? So, I’m like, okay, I’m going to play this

Mother Fucker. I’m ready to see how far I can take this shit. And I been doing it

ever sense. I can’t act. I really can’t act. I ain’t no rapper. It’s all game. I’m just

working these niggas. And then the funny thing is when I get out here and I deal

with different individuals, they’re like, well, Ice, you know, you ain’t, and I’m

like, nigga, it’s not a problem. You know? That’s not a problem. That’s not a

problem. I could still do it better now than ever. I can knock 95% of any nigga’s

bitches. I know I can do this shit. It’s not a problem man, but, it’s like, that was a

new adventure for me… And real niggas see it. They’re like, this niggas

playing… [Tells story about how he got first rap opportunity] … And he wrote

me a check for half a million dollars. Now who got pimped? I didn’t have a

record; I didn’t have a group. I didn’t have nothing. But walking in there with this

intense attitude….

… I told them on national TV, I said, Look. When I was with Warner Brothers, I

was being pimped. That’s it. They the label. When you sign a record deal, they

say look. I like you. You going to make me some money. Record singer,

whatever the fuck you do. I’m gonna give you this money. Basically, what

they’re doing is giving me some clothes, so I can go get out on the track, right?

It’s the exact same game. They’re going to work me until I’m burned out, busted

or dead. As soon as I can’t sell a record, they’re sending me back to the curb.

Ain’t no love. The biggest mistake any Ho makes is believing the pimp really

loves her (Owens, 2016).

A bit surprisingly, desire for women and girls in the pimp paradigm is viewed as a character flaw, a weakness that plays out in johns spending money and pimps getting rich. 50 Cent’s P.I.M.P. lyrics also convey this ideal in pimp culture of not wanting or desiring a woman: “ain't that nigga trying to holla cause I want some head; I'm that nigga trying to holla cause I want some bread I could care less how she perform when she in

51 the bed Bitch, hit that track, catch a date, and come and pay the kid” (50Cent, 2009).

Similarly, Royal instructs, “A pimp has to be above his product and women or sex is his product…If you love something or have a passion for it you can’t exploit it. To exploit… means to make use of something selfishly or unethically” (Royal, p 4). He adds a pimp

“has no love in his heart for a ho… A pimp has no love in his heart for any but himself”

(Royal, p. 4).

To best exploit a girl or woman a pimp views her as a commodity to use as long as possible. The following line provides insight as to why gang members choose to turn to selling women rather than selling drugs: “Tricks can’t live without it. It costs nothing to produce. She will never run out of it. She has it, she sells it and she still has it” (Royal,

14). Drugs on the other hand do run out and have to be replenished. Replenishing an illegal drug inventory is both costly and risky. A sex trafficker only has to buy a woman once (if he has to buy her at all) and she continues to provide him income over and over again (Kamala D. Harris, 2012); Lopez, 2017).

Takers

The explicit selfish self-centeredness and focus on materialism of pimps is expressed by both 50 Cent and Royal. 50 Cent states without deception, “I'm bout my money you see, girl” (50Cent, 2009), and Royal instructs: “Your money, time and attention all have to be spent on you. You are the only thing that takes your attention”

(Royal, p. 10). From the first lyric of his hit song P.I.M.P., 50 Cent proclaims, “bitch can’t get a dollar out of me” reflecting a philosophy and ethic, in which men take money from women. These ideals are echoed by Royal in his pronouncement that “The Lord

52 gave us pimps, and hos for pimps to feed off of” (Royal, 1998, p. 1). In this statement, an emerging likeness with cults begins to take shape. Royal’s depiction of this ethic is made less abhorrent, and even familiar, in his analogy of the world as a jungle in which the pimp is the King, the lion; and as with the lion, the females bring the male food. They do the hunting and bring it back to Leo (Royal, 1998, p. 1). The self-serving and destructive means justifies the material ends: “Ho make a pimp rich, I ain't paying bitch; Catch a date, suck a dick, shit, trick; I don't know what you heard about me, but a bitch can't get a dollar out of me” (P.I.M.P, 50 Cent).

Pimping has a pretty basic business model: manipulate girls and women into selling their bodies and take the money and repeat until they are no longer marketable.

One issue is the relatively short life span—seven years—of a sex trafficking victim

(Walker, 2013, p. 15). In their own way, the proclaimed pimps acknowledge this issue.

Within the subculture the definition for the term senior citizen is a woman older than twenty-four (Ken & Hunter, 2007, p. 180). From a purely profit-driven perspective, and seemingly akin to the attitudes of contemporary and historical slave-owners, pimps appear indifferent to the effects of the life on the girls/women. In the end, besides the fact that the pimps keep all of the money, the girls become thrownaways, again (P.I.M.P, 50

Cent; Farley, 2003). Royal uses sports analogy to describe the pimping game and to provide a mainstream example and justification for using a person up. He notes that owners work superstars until they drop. And not merely in sports, but we see this as well of actors. Royal exclaims, “as is the case with a pro sports player, a ‘ho’s’ time is limited

(Royal, 1998, p. 2). “The pimp sucks a ho dry and when she can’t turn another trick she

53 becomes a burden. Then it’s back to the curb. A ho’s longevity depends on her marketability” (Royal, 1998, p. 7). The capitalist entrepreneurial aspect of pimping exploits in multi-task fashion: girls are not just on the streets, but also online, in bars, in pornography, whatever creates profit.

The former sex trafficker Rokk explained, as many other traffickers have, that if they do spend money on a girl it is an investment in the girl, enhancing her marketability:

You’re a product. You don’t have a name. You’re a dollar sign. You’re

merchandise. …Once you step into this world. You don’t have a name. I don’t

give a damn about you. I give a damn what I can get out of you. Once I can’t get

nothing else out of you, you’re an old ho. You gotta go (Network, 2016).

Royal’s description of pimping focuses on the ability to manipulate without compassion or concern for the girl or woman. He calls the pimp evil personified and likens a pimp to a vampire (Royal, 1998, p. 4). In playing the game the pimp must initially bend to become whatever he perceives the girl needs, be it a daddy, a brother, friend, child, or lover. Whatever her needs, he shapes his identity to fit her needs. To develop that skill, Royal coaches, the pimp has to empty himself like an empty room that can be filled with whatever she needs (Royal, 1998, p. 5-6). The pimp provides what it is that the “ho” needs, “You have to know everything about your ho. Some hos need physical abuse. Some hos need emotional mistreatment. Some hos need lies and fantasies… A pimp comes in on the pretense that a better life exist [sic] through him”

(Royal, 1998, p. 16). In the section entitled “Knocking: How to make a Ho,” Royal explains that the girl must want something, and the pimp must make her believe he can

54 provide it for her, though he never actually has to deliver (Royal, 1998). He also needs her to believe that he loves her, but as Ice-T above exclaimed, that is the biggest mistake she can make. Both Royal and Ice-T are lucid in explaining that they do not.

Breaking – Seasoning – Coercion

“How to knock a bitch and transform her into a ho? It is an intricate process of psychological destruction and emotional construction” (Royal, 1998, p. 3).

There is a point where the trafficker manipulates a victim to cross a line, a point at which she behaves other than she would have of her own volition. Then he knows she is his (Network, 2016). This is discussed in the video Tricked, and reflects the analysis by scholars of cults that once you cross a certain line or give in, you will give in again, you become compliant (Lalich Tobias, 2006, p. 23).

The technique of psychological manipulation employed by pimps is impressive based on its efficacy, not its ethics. Mental health clinicians describe pimp’s systematic methods of coercion as likened to clandestine police forces (i.e., the CIA) and transnational criminal organizations (Herman, 2003, p. 4). According to Herman (2003), pimps are “among the world’s most common instructors in the arts of torture” (as cited in Farley, 2013, p. 178). And yet, this worldview bleeds into the mainstream, unimpeded, unrecognized, and uncritically assessed, while celebrated and glamorized.

Producing confusion in their victims is one strategy for causing a sense of disconnect with reality, a distrust and uncertainty in one’s ability to judge, and thus a developing dependence on the trafficker’s judgement. In P.I.M.P., 50 Cent’s lyrics speak to this tactic, “I holla at a ho 'til I got a bitch confused” (P.I.M.P, 50 Cent). An example

55 of this is demonstrated, though not explicitly named, in the documentary Milwaukee

Pimp Snooky. Having successfully recruited a new girl, Mika, Snooky leaves her in the company of his nephew at his home. She does not know this is his nephew that makes a pass at her. Snook explains that, the nephew will see if she’s willing to do something he told her not to do, and then report it back to him (Gordon, 2016). This tests her loyalty, but more significantly, she learns Snooky is able to know her actions even when not present. This technique creates in Mika paranoia and a lack of trust. For Snooky it increases his control by giving an impression of omnipresence.

Traffickers are known to “break” victims down into a state of submission through

“drugging, beating, raping, or other forms of degradation” (Smith, 2014, p. 116).

According to Smith, many sex traffickers discourage drug use whereas gang-controlled traffickers encourage or may even force the victim to use drugs (Smith, 2014; Network,

2016). Drug use helps victims cope with their circumstances by keeping them numb. It also benefits pimps by creating addiction and further strengthening their perceived dependency on the trafficker. One trafficker explained that the drugs help repress the knowledge that what they are doing is wrong (Network, 2016). Some pimps impregnate victims, then use the child to create literal family bonds and to threaten the child’s well-being to gain greater control of the victim. Victims are tortured, threatened to be killed with a knife or gun, branded with the trafficker’s name, deprived of food and water, and often severely beaten if they fail to bring in their quota (usually $500-$1000) for the night (STIR, 2017;

Polaris Project, n.d., p. 4; Walker, 2013, p. 15).

To break her, Royal explains, “You have to kill her spirit until she feels it’s worthless.” Like victims of domestic violence, he advocates isolating her, getting her away from what she loves and what loves her, “As long as she is producing, your mission is to keep her separated from her former world” (Royal, p. 13). Meanwhile, become her “oxygen, her lifeline…You must destroy her self-esteem” (Royal, p. 12).

The fastest way to destroy a woman’s self-esteem is through humiliation. He describes removing her individuality as one of the first things he does “change the ho’s name…[and] she is displaying [his] ownership” (Royal, 1998, p. 16). These words are reflected in the tattoos traffickers put on their victims giving them new names or branding them with pimp monikers such as “Daddy’s girl.”

Rules

Despite the implied meaning of the name, within pimp subculture the phrase bottom bitch refers to the girl on top of the hierarchy of a pimp’s “stable” or “sister- wives” (Ken & Hunter, 2007, p. 178). A household refers to a “stable of three or more hoes” (Ken & Hunter, 2007, p. 179). The bottom bitch might be responsible for training or recruiting. If she is old enough, and the stable large enough, she might be able to avoid having to sell her body.

Part of Mika’s indoctrination involves being taught Snooky’s rules by his bottom bitch, Unique. Mika shyly offers that she thought she was just going to dance. Snooky makes it clear, with Unique’s help, that he expects her to sell sex for money. It is clear the money goes to him and in exchange she gets to be a part of his household. Unique provides Mika an orientation briefing at the dining table:

We have rules and regulations to be with him, and the basic rules and

regulations of his program are you say yes and no, call him Daddy at all times.

You walk behind him. Open doors and stuff for him. Wait for him to get out of

the car before you get out of the car. You don’t look at no players, no niggers

whatsoever. You’ve got to respect him at all time. You know what I’m saying, he

puts us on pedestals, we got to treat him like a King because he treats us like

Queens. Never show no weakness to no Hoe, never lie, don’t steal. I’m telling

you from my mistakes. He don’t lie; he don’t cheat. If you have a problem, you

best believe he can solve it for you. He solves every problem. You just got to give

him the utmost respect (Gordon, 2016).

Some of the rules Unique delineates are not unique to Snooky but rather are part of the pimp subculture code. The only agency that the girls have is to choose their pimp.

In P.I.M.P. 50 Cents’ lyric reflects this reality as well: “Bitch, choose with me, I'll have you stripping in the street” (50Cent, 2009). This aspect of agency is tempered, however, with the subculture’s rule which establish that if a girl looks another pimp in the eye that she is then his property. This rule has existed for decades (Casjustice, 2012). As has the rule that girls must stand in the street, not on the sidewalk. These rules reinforce a sense of subordination and humiliation. His girls are not allowed to look him in the eyes, nor stand at his level.

Trapped

As is case in domestic violence, sex trafficking victims are often challenged with questions about why they did not just leave. Thus, the title of Elle Snow’s training, “Why

Didn’t I Run?” (Snow, 2017). Melissa Farley explains that, “Pimps, like other batterers, make sure that the women are too terrified psychologically and beaten down physically to contemplate escape. Using tactics recognized by clandestine forces, they employ social isolation, economic control, minimization and denial of violence, threats, intimidation, emotional, sexual, and physical violence (Giobbe, 1992, 1993; referenced in Farley, 2013, p. 178). In the documentary on Snooky, Unique, the bottom bitch recalls a time she left. She says she was intending to return,

with some money, the proper way, but… he caught me…. It’s like this my

family. My biological father never spent time with me anyway. This is my

family. So, I knew I wasn’t gone for long. When I ran out the door I wasn’t

saying anything bad about him…. He got me. There ain’t no turning back. I don’t

want to go back to what the fuck I was doing. This is me. This is where I need to

be (Gordon, 2016).

Violence – Force

The manner by which pimps “break” and/or trap girls and women is violence.

Threats of violence is often used, but this is backed up by either experiencing violence first hand or witnessing others’ abuse. Farley affirms that “[c]oercive subjugation by pimps always contains the threat of violence, which is periodically inflicted under conditions that maximize its effects: unpredictability… with high intensity that overwhelms” (Farley, 2013, p. 178). When the violence is not being inflicted on her, she might be forced to witness its exercise on another, and if neither occurs she might feel intensely grateful. This dynamic engenders the trauma-bond that results from coerced

59 gratitude (Farley, 2013). Farley offers the added perspective that “[a]n abused and frightened 15-year-old girl does not have the skills to outmaneuver a 26-year-old pimp who’s offering love, money, and shelter” (Farley, 2016, p. 178).

In one scene in the music video for P.I.M.P., Snoop Dogg raps “yeah, girl, I’m about to show you how my pimp hand is way strong” raising it back as though he were going to backhand someone… a girl apparently (50Cent, 2009). 50 Cent invokes rules that result in violent responses if broken, “Put my other hoes down, you get your ass beat” (P.I.M.P, 50 Cent). In Tricked, the former sex trafficker Rokk discloses “You have to flex some muscle. You have to really show what you can do. Why you are the muscle. That’s fear. Now I’m controlling you with fear. None of this is real. None of this is real. It’s the world I’ve created and brought you in. Now you trapped” (Network, 2016).

In the video Milwaukee Pimp Snooky, he gets angry at the new girl, Mika, and starts to go reach for her neck as though intending to strangle her. He then seems to remember the camera and pulls back. Mika brings him trouble; someone throws a rock through his window or shoots a gun. It seems she is still in contact with someone outside his “family.” What happens afterwards is cut from the video. The next scene shows

Snooky in his car again hustling young women to choose him as their pimp. He alludes to how he “had to put a ho in her place” suggesting he handled Mika with violence

(Gordon, 2016). The documentary opens and closes with his scouring the streets looking for potential victims.

In Tricked, a victim describes how she experienced being “beaten to the point of unconsciousness” in addition she witnessed the pimp’s

beating other girls in such a severe way. You are not going to take that person for a

bluff! When they tell you, they will kill you if you do whatever, you believe them.

When I told him just to kill me, he put a gun in my mouth and pulled the trigger. The

terror is absolutely real. But it is also instilled, ‘Don’t let anybody know. Do not tell

the police’ (Network, 2016).

In the video Teen sex trafficking victim tells her story, Bianca explains an ongoing terror created by her trafficker who always had a loaded gun, “he’d would point it at all of us like trying to ‘play around’ [air quotes] we would be scared because he would have his finger on the trigger and it was loaded.” The interviewer asks, “Did you ever think you were going to die?” Bianca answers, “Yeah, like, I started thinking that this last time

I started working for him, [she left and returned several times] because he beat me quite a few times. He recorded me crying on the floor while he beat me” (O’Donnell, 2016).

Traffickers threaten others as well. When Bianca was first abducted and called friends to come get her to help her, her trafficker told her that if they came he would kill them. So, she says, she called them and said not to come to protect them. The survivor from Tricked disclosed that her trafficker threatened her mother as well, stating, “I know where your mother lives. If I can’t get to you I’ll go after your mother.” She said that she did not want her mother to get hurt “because I made the choice of coming with him. I got involved in this. I should get out without getting anyone else hurt. If anyone is going to get hurt it should be me”

(Network, 2016).

This attitude of taking responsibility for the situation and feeling they must get themselves out of it is a common pattern, and offers yet another understanding of the problem

61 of just leaving (Graves, 2017). Bianca also described her thinking that she had messed up her own life. She references the way her trafficker talked to her, the things he got her to do, the fear he engendered, and acknowledged that she and the other girls (about ten in this “stable”) had their thinking messed up, one effect of which was an inability to trust anyone. He made her believe her family did not care about her. Now she realizes they did, and she wishes she had listened to them.

Perhaps one of the best known published books describing the game is by

“Pimpin’ Ken” entitled Pimpology: The 48 Laws of the Game. (I was unwilling to support him by purchasing the book, but the contents page can be accessed online.) The contents lists the 48 Laws and so offers a peek at his framework of a pimp worldview

(Ken & Hunter, 2007). For instance, “Law 5: Prey on the Weak,” begins with the quote,

“A bitch’s weakness is a pimp’s sweetness” confirming what victim statistics tell us

(Amazon Look Inside, 2017). Law 12: “Ain’t No Love in This Shit” echoes Royal and

50 Cent’s narratives about detaching from everyone and caring only about yourself. The hierarchy is reflected in “Law 17: Get You a Bottom Bitch.” And Law 20 is “Get In a

Ho’s Head.”

Currently, dozens of sex trafficking victims’ stories can be viewed on the internet.

The stories vary but also often largely reflect a core similarity, even with Bianca who does not seem to have come from a broken, abusive or unloving home, her trafficker’s words pulled her in. She warns other girls not to believe it when some guy that claims to care and love them says things like,

Oh baby, I love you. And if you’d work for me and we’d make all this money,

and we’d be happy, and we’d be set. But none of that’s true. Because if a guy

loved you, he wouldn’t have you having sex with other men for money

(O’Donnell, 2016).

This skill of manipulation drives much of sex trafficking. The first researchers to investigate mind-control studied the techniques of Chinese Communists. They identified what they called the DDD syndrome (Tobias & Lalich, 1994). It included debility, dependency, and dread. Later researchers showed that debility or actual physical coercion, was not necessary, but rather use of deception was sufficient for effect. Pimp techniques include the likelihood of employing all of these elements: deception and/or debility (physical abuse), as well as, dependency and dread.

Online

The same tactics of grooming, coercion, isolation, and threats are used by pimps/traffickers online. In a 2004 study showed that “75% of girls between 13 and 15 years of age met adult sex offenders in Internet chat rooms; 64% of offenders communicated online with the victims for 6 months or more” (Farley, 2013, p. 182). That amount of time investment indicates the dedication offenders have in grooming and coercing youth. Half of the victims, according to Farley (2014) felt they were in love with the offender. According to a U.K. study on children exploited by the Internet or cell phone, nearly half were also prostituted. The reasons they gave for going along with having pornography made of them were that the images made of them were edited in such a way as to make it look consensual on their part. For instance, they were smiling,

63 as they had been directed (Farley, 2013, p. 182). Girls have been wholly both recruited and exploited online (Children, 2017a; Marin County Office of Education, 2017). The internet is also the primary source for advertising the girls. In 2006, Farley estimated there were 25,000 new advertisements for erotic services every 10 days (Farley, 2013, p.

181).

An interview of 25 prior pimps in Chicago disclosed that an “overwhelming majority” had experienced childhood physical and sexual abuse. Sixty percent reported pimping as a “family business” (Smith, 2014, p. 119). According to Sergeant Fassett of the Dallas Police Department, who has developed a Child Exploitation Squad and a team with a program for High Risk Victims and Trafficking (HRVT) “[w]ithout victim services, victims will become offenders…. Child victims of sexual abuse and exploitation are often arrested later as perpetrators in various crimes” (as cited in Smith,

2014, p. 137).

Comparing Pimp Techniques to Cult Mind Control

Elle Snow suggested at her (2017) California-state sponsored training on sex trafficking “Why didn’t I run?” that pimp tactics parallel the mind-control techniques employed in cults. Snow’s suggestion initiated this angle of research for me in investigating sex trafficking. In fact, in researching this idea the veracity of this view was confirmed by several academic sources (Tobias, 1994; Lalich, 2006; Singer, 2003; Herman, 2003; and

Farley, 2013). We find parallels also, not surprisingly, in the traumatic effect of the associated experiences for victims of sex trafficking and cults alike.

The word cult is used colloquially with various connotations; so, it is an important term to define. In Take Back your Life, Lalich et al. (2006), defines a cult in part as “a group or movement exhibiting great or excessive devotion or dedication to some person, idea, or thing” (p. 10). Within sex trafficking this devotion can be understood to manifest itself in the arrested or escaped victim’s claim that their

“boyfriend” is doing nothing wrong. It is expressed in the pimp Royal’s claim, “A pimp is a God to a ho” (1998, p. 15), and as told by a pimp in Pimps Up Hoes Down when he describes a “ho” who goes back out on the street to make him money after being shot!

(Owens, 2016). Lastly, Farley (2013) describes how some victims behave with a hypervigilance toward fulfilling a pimp’s needs. As with pimps, cults have two key priorities: recruiting new members and making money (Tobias, 1994, p. 276). This is demonstrated in the documentary on Snooky, which begins and ends with his recruiting girls on the street (Gordon, 2016). Another commonality is that both pimps and cults prey on the vulnerable (STIR, 2017; Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p. 27). Pimps recruit the vulnerable who need food, shelter, or affection using “an extremely controlled courtship like the love-bombing recruitment used by cults” (Farley, 2013, p. 177). Lalich’s further description of cults outlines recognizable similarity in the shared lack of ethics or limits in methods of creating compliance:

employing unethical manipulative or coercive techniques of persuasion and

control (e.g., isolation from former friends and family, debilitation, use of special

methods to heighten suggestibility and subservience, powerful group pressures,

information management, suspension of individuality or critical judgment,

promotion of total dependency on the group and fear of leaving it), designed to

advance the goals of the group’s leaders, to the actual or possible detriment of

members, their families, or the community (Lalich & Tobias, 2006, pp. 10-11).

An earlier publication by Tobias and Lalich (1994) offers similar parallels between cult thought reform and pimp tactics. Parallels include the involuntary state of the victim, that both cults and pimps use deception and coercive methods to attract, recruit, and ultimately exploit their victims. Understanding the effects on cult members can help us comprehend what occurs in the psyche of sex trafficking victims, and understanding the commercially sexually exploited child’s behavior as impacted by trauma better enables social workers to both assess and serve the needs of traumatized children and to minimize further harm (Team, 2015). “Cults attack and destroy a person’s independence, critical-thinking abilities, personal relationships, and general physical, spiritual, and psychological state of being” (Tobias & Lalich, 1994, pp. 9-10).

The popular culture uses terms such as brainwashing or mind control whereas scholars of cult movements describe the influence over another person’s thinking as a thought-reform processes. Scholar of cults, Margaret Singer, in Cults in Our Midst describes thought reform as “a concerted effort to change a person’s way of looking at the world, which will change his or her behavior” (Singer, 2003, p. 62). This played out, for instance, in the case of a 16-year-old victim, a “normal high school student,” who played soccer and had friends. She described being “brainwashed” by her trafficker/pimp into perceiving that charging men to have sex was normal (Smith, 2014, p. 57).

Singer (2003) offers a condensed list of six conditions which identify cults and which also match the conditions created by pimps to “break” sex trafficking victims (p.

64):

1. Keep the person unaware that there is an agenda to control or change the person

2. Control time and physical environment (contacts, information)

3. Create a sense of powerlessness, fear, and dependency

4. Suppress old behavior and attitudes

5. Instill new behavior and attitudes

6. Put forth a closed system of logic [This is explained as an execution of

unquestionable orders or rules (Lalich & Tobias, 2006, p. 41) Singer, 2003, p.

64).

Cult converts experience an altered worldview and a new identity. People within cults refer to this as being “transformed, reborn, enlightened, empowered, rebirthed, or cleared” (Singer, 2003, p. 77-78). The sought-after behavior is reinforced and perceived as the emergence of “a new person” (Singer, 2003, p. 77-78). In psychological terms this might be described as a “split-self” or as an identity disorder.

Pimps systematically download into the victims their way of thinking. Her prior support—if it existed—will be replaced by his community, often referred to as his

“family.” Isolation and constant displacement by being moved to new unfamiliar cities

(especially for those girls passed along the various sex trafficking routes across the country), deprivation of sunlight, of proteins and healthy foods, are all forceful strategies for creating confusion, subjugation, and loyalty (Farley, 2013, p. 179). Through these

67 ongoing tactics, sex trafficking victims adopt the worldview of the pimp, including a perception that anyone who encourages escape are the enemy. This establishes a real deterrent to the idea of leaving.

In Captive Hearts, Captive Minds (1994), Madeleine Tobias and Janja Lalich identify three characteristics that distinguish cults from other groups, but which fit pimp subculture’s structure. First, members must be unquestioning in their commitment to the leader. Replacing their own beliefs and values with those of the group. Second, as a result of manipulation and exploitation, victims not only sacrifice everything from their past but now support the group whether by working long hours to fulfil quotas, to recruit, or to fund-raise. For both, threats are made against them and/or their families. They also share in the experience of “inadequate medical care, poor nutrition, psychological and physical abuse, sleep deprivation, criminal activities, and so forth” (Tobias & Lalich,

1994, p. 13).

Trauma Bond or Stockholm Syndrome

Descriptions of cults generally depict the environment of a group; however,

Tobias and Lalich clarify that there are one-on-one forms with two people: a dictatorial leader and a subordinate partner. This is “a deliberately manipulative and exploitative intimate relationship between two persons, often involving physical abuse of the subordinate partner” (Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p. 17). This link between mind-control and battery invokes parallels between not only sex trafficking and cult dyads but also of domestic violence. It is the alchemy between reward and punishment that creates the mysterious and paradoxical trauma-bond. This process is outlined by both a cult scholar

68 and a prostitution researcher/clinical psychologist. This of course suggests a parallel in the processes of changing a person’s perceptions of themselves and their world as well as their behavior, and the resulting psychological effects of the two situations:

Cited in Captive Hearts as well as in studies on prostitution, the psychiatrist

Judith Lewis Herman (1992) writes of the domestic violence victim:

The repeated experience of terror and reprieve, especially within the isolated

context of a love relationship, may result in a feeling of intense, almost

worshipful dependence upon an all-powerful, godlike authority…The victim may

live in terror of his wrath, but she may also view him as the source of strength,

guidance, and life itself (as cited in Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p. 18).

Psychologist and scholar of prostitution, Melissa Farley, writes similarly of trauma-bonding:

The psychological and neurobiological reactions generated by alternating

terrorism with gratuitous and unpredictable rewards deepens traumatic bonding

and reinforces the girl’s twisted attachment…The complex psychobiology of

trauma, attachment, and survival (brilliantly manipulated by the pimp) leaves the

girl ensnared by her own adaptation responses (Farley, 2013, p. 180).

Also referred to as Stockholm syndrome, the trauma-bond is created out of submission through fear or torture but will fade over time if the abuse is not continually repeated. Several articles and books testify to the similarities between the techniques and processes of thought- reform or mind control used by cults or pimps in breaking their victims (Reid, 2016; Singer, 2003; Scwartz, 2007). Trauma-bonding or Stockholm

69 syndrome develops when the abuser instills terror in the victim as well as gratitude, be it for small favors or, given that the captor wields the power of life or death, for being allowed to live (Reid, 2016; Farley, 2013). Romeo pimps manipulate girls through what has been coined as “love bombing,” which is the malevolent use of promises of love and a better life. One convicted sex trafficker stated that “with young girls, you promise them heaven, and they’ll follow you to hell” (Reid, 2016, p. 493).

The tactics, processes, traumas and manipulating techniques and their effects on victims is recognized as parallel to “offender-victim dynamics within intimate partner violence” such as domestic violence, child abuse, hostage situations (such as Patty

Hearst), cults, and of course sex trafficking (Reid, 2016, p. 505). In these situations, victims develop seemingly paradoxical emotional attachments to their abusers or captors

(Reid, 2016). Victims feel attached, protective and identified with their abusers as symptom. Thus, most sex trafficking victims run from treatment and back to the life multiple times. Reports vary on the number of attempts it takes on average for a sex trafficking survivor to leave the life. The ASU reports an average 3-7 times (Roe-

Sepowit, Hickle, & Bayless, n.d., p. 7). Survivor Elle Snow names the average return rate to be 6-12 (Snow, 2017), and Benoit and Millar (2001) report those in the sex trade in

Victoria, Canada attempted to leave an average of 6 times (as cited in Farley, 2003, p.

247). The estimated number reflects, and may actually derive, from the average seven attempts it takes for an adult survivor of domestic violence to leave her abuser for good

(Walker, 2013, p. 15). This fact, that a victim on average returns to the trafficker multiple times, coupled with the statistic that a trafficking victim’s life expectancy is 7 short years

70 creates a tremendous sense of urgency (Graves, 2017). Farley describes how a pimp referred to the “brief shelf life” of a girl in prostitution, meaning “he knew the extent of the damage in prostitution and that she would not be saleable (if alive) after a few years”

(Farley, 2003, p. xviii). My initial intention for this project was to find the magic bullet that could influence CSE youth and women to leave the life before they lost their life. In a section below an assemblage of experts shared their advice regarding what they have determined to be the best intervention methods. The overall goal of this project, however, is to support social workers to prevent as well as intervene, to understand the processes a

CSE victim has endured, their cultural situation (whether pimp subculture or the U.S. mainstream culture’s support of sexualizing girls), the indicators and the possible mindset of a victim. These pieces of the puzzle are all potentially empower social workers with a better understanding that might assist in recognizing indicators, establishing rapport, and/or intervening to assist at risk or exploited youth. This project will consider how effective a 60-minute training designed for entry-level social workers might be from their own perspective in preparing them to either prevent or intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking.

Thought-reform

In Take Back Your Life (2006), cult scholars describe the difficulty of leaving a cult. It is possible insight into the difficulty of leaving a cult will help social workers understand why sex trafficking victims continue to return to their abuser despite what might seem a rational choice to take any opportunity to escape. Cult scholars explain

71 how thought-reform results in one or more of the following psychological conditions or factors:

(1) an inability to think clearly or make decisions, (2) a loss of self-esteem, (3) a

loss of self-confidence, (4) a regression to a childlike, dependent state of mind,

after having given up varying degrees of self-determination, (5) a lack of trust in

oneself and/or the outside world, and (6) an inability to act, feeling frozen with

fear (Lalich & Tobias, 2006, pp. 34-35).

The trauma endured from the cult thought-reform process takes place in an environment so uncomfortable it is described as disrupting one’s “inner equilibrium and perception of reality” (Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p. 37). From within this profound state of confusion, one way to reconstitute some sense of self is to identify with the aggressor and accept their proposed reality (Tobias & Lalich, 1994). Thought-reform programs attack the core self. A cult motto is: “Alter the self or perish” (Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p.

37). In the group/cult/pimp a person’s original sense of self is replace with a new individuality which identifies with the leader and adopts his goals (Tobias & Lalich,

1994). Individuals who already show signs of a weakened sense of self, having low self- esteem, are more susceptible and readily given to abandoning their sense of self.

Whether through deception or force or both, cult leaders and pimps instill a new identify, worldview, and sense of belonging, and ensure continued compliance through threats of harm or annihilation.

Dissociation “Pimps facilitate the creation of dissociated parts of the self who happily prostitute” (Farley, 2013, p. 180).

It was in a training on sex trafficking by the survivor Elle Snow that I first learned about dissociation. Snow suggested it is a state many victims develop as a means of survival. Understanding why this state of mind might develop, what it might look like and how to intervene could make social workers feel better prepared to intervene with a sex trafficking victim. Dissociation occurs on a continuum (Farley, 2003, p. 206). Forms can be as common and non-pathological as arriving at home after driving and realizing in reflection that you remember none of the trip. It is also a normal mental response to anxiety or trauma in which a kind of fragmentation of the self occurs; a portion of the self is sequestered or protected by splitting off (Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p. 40). Singer

(2003) describes cult members experiencing dissociation as an adaptive response to anxiety in which the mind tunes out the reality of the moment; a sort of “psychic numbing” (p. 313). For Bruce Perry, a renown psychiatrist and author of The Boy Who was Raised a Dog, dissociation is a primitive reaction to early trauma because it is takes place in the so called “primitive brain systems, located in the brainstem and immediately surrounding it” (2006, p.49). Infants or young children who develop dissociative states cannot flee or are incapable of responding to threatening situations. Older people also experience it when they feel incapable of responding to trauma or threats, and when sustained increases the likelihood of post-traumatic stress symptoms (Perry & Szalavitz,

2006). Perry also views dissociation occurring on a continuum from ordinary states like

73 daydreaming to extreme experiences in which the inward focus disconnects a person from their external reality.

There is a sense that time has slowed and what’s happening isn’t ‘real.’ Breathing

slows. Pain and even fear shut down. People often report feeling emotionless and

numb, as though they are watching what’s happening to them affect a character in

a movie (Perry & Szalavitz, 2006, p. 50).

Holly Smith describes her slide into a new identity:

My transition into Stacy Combas (Greg’s pseudonym for me) was quick;

pretending to be another person was easier than being me. This identity change is

often difficult for audience members to understand; but, says Dr. Lois Lee,

Founder of Children of the Night in Los Angeles, for many a child victim ‘entry

into prostitution is more of a ‘slide’ than a gigantic step’ (Smith, 2014, p. 96).

The other end of the continuum is the development of a multiple personality disorder. A study published in the Journal of the American Psychiatric Association

(1990) found that out of the 236 people who were studied with personality disorder

19.1% worked as prostitutes. It also demonstrated the already established association between workers in the sex trade and childhood physical or sexual abuse (88.5%) (Ross,

Anderson, Heber, & Norton, 1990).

Quoted in Smith, Margaret Howard (LCSW) and Huffington Post blogger, described how sexually abused children develop an “off switch” as perhaps the only means to survive the horror of the moment. Dissociation becomes a survival response to

74 other threats. This turn off switch can result in her failure to recognize sexual assaults or threats in adolescence:

It’s important to understand that this is a mechanism entirely outside of

conscious control. It happens in the autonomic nervous system. It’s a protective

mechanism, at root. This is why we must never blame a victim of abuse of any

kind. I have heard it said far too many times, she should have seen the red flags.

Well, this evidence indicates that she may. Literally, not be able to see the red

flags (as cited in Smith, 2014, p. 41).

The dissociated state impairs precisely the type of decision-making an advocate might press for, such as the decision to not go back or to leave the life. Singer explains that dissociation is disruptive to “sustained reflective thinking, concentration, and the ability to plan ahead … It’s as through the choice of what to do next sets off the act of spacing out” (Singer, 2003, p. 314). The dissociative capacity of the chronically sexually abused may facilitate emotional survival, but it can also “undermine the child’s capacity to form attachments with non-abusive caregivers” for instance in foster care (Farley,

2013, p. 172). The physical and psychological defenses developed by sex trafficking victims might inhibit their ability to escape (Hardy, Compton, & McPhatter, 2013, p. 11).

Farley (2013) also reiterates this view regarding girls diminished ability to protect themselves from sexual assault if they have experienced incest. She also confirms that they can often develop symptoms “such as dissociation and self-contempt” (Farley, 2013, p. 170).

This understanding helps to demystify why victims are often unable to make a decision to leave the life in the moment and rather return to their exploiter as soon as possible. The very situation of being asked to make such a decision may trigger a sense of anxiety and a conditioned response to return to where they feel they belong and believe they will be taken care of, though, from a practical view, that may appear to be completely contradictory. This is precisely the same pattern advocates for domestic violence victims have seen before where victims return over and over again.

Understanding what compels this dynamic may help social workers muster up patience and compassion while at the same time feeling angst and the urgency of the statistics.

It is often the case that CSEC victims brought back to the system, even if just briefly, will insist that they are doing what they want; that they love their “boyfriend” and that he loves them. This is likely trauma bonding and it is often accomplished through dissociative mechanisms. Overcoming it requires that the various components of the survivor’s personality be reintegrated (Hardy, 2013, p. 11). Such a process can take time. It may require accepting that the victim will continue to engage in the game. Even after leaving the exploitive situation, it will take time for a survivor to put together what really happened. Time to return to their bodies and a consciousness of presence.

One strategy to combat the tendency to dissociate, according to Tobias, is physical exercise. This helps to maintain a connection to the physical self (Tobias & Lalich, 1994, p. 89). The psychologist Dr. Steven Marcus offered that in his practice, to help patients avoid slipping into a dissociated state, he has them stand on one leg and play catch,

76 tossing a ball back and forth. These clinicians’ recommendations reflect Elle Snow’s suggestions for working with trafficking victims to avoid dissociation (Snow, 2017):

• Ice on face or body

• Play repetitive games/watch mindless T.V.

• Sweets/sour candy

• Eat/drink water

• Play with both hands

• Get adrenaline flowing/go on ride

• Shower/take bath

Understanding and being able to recognize that a victim may be in a state of dissociation can improve social workers readiness to interact and intervene when encountering sex trafficking victims. Symptoms can range from a glassy or glazed look to being rigid and robot-like in their speech (Hassan, 1990, p. 73). Such would not be an opportune time to ask a CSE youth a long series of questions.

Intervention

Historically, the antidote to a new identity and perception of reality for cult members is deprogramming: an educational approach informing converts about the cult and demonstrating to them how their usual thought processes have been altered and compromised. The cult deprogramming approach is similar to intervention programs for and by sex trafficking survivors in that they also use an educational approach that includes describing the process of trafficking via a timeline. In Oral Sex is the New

Goodnight Kiss, Sharlene Azam recommends for parents who suspect their daughter is

77 involved in child prostitution that they invite the police specialists to intervene. These specialists describe “a timeline which plots the events leading up to the point where she will turn her first trick … then we show them where they are on that timeline. We predict the future for them” (Azam, 2008, p. 125). Though some girls reject the idea, there are those who return home when they recognize their own situation on the timeline.

One cult expert’s advice for helping members of cults overcome thought-control programming encourages following these guidelines:

• Work slowly to establish rapport and trust

• Continually support and enhance ego strengths and other positive aspects of

the client’s personality

• Provide good reality checks for the client

• Gently confront cognitive distortions that are perceived as reality by the client

• Be prepared to examine countertransference with a peer or supervisor, as these

clients sometimes evoke strong feelings of powerlessness, impatience,

boredom, and anger

• Look for opportunities to present alternatives to the group’s closed worldview,

perhaps by means of exit counseling (Lalich & Tobias, 2006, p. 294).

Exit counselors for cults state that if they have three days to present information to a survivor they are about 90% successful in getting cult group members to not return.

For those who return to the cult, 60% leave at a later date (Singer, 2003, p. 286).

Intervention is a multifaceted process. Yet, unless a survivor walks through the door asking for help, the first step generally involves someone recognizing the possibility

78 of a sex trafficking matter. The lack of information and knowledge about CSEC amongst social services is noted as one of the biggest barriers to helping this population. The likelihood of early intervention is increased with providers who can identify risks and indicators (Team, 2015).

Identify

It is critical that social workers, as well as others who come into contact with at risk youth or who hold positions of employment in areas where victims might be located and identified, are familiar with the numerous symptoms or effects of sex trafficking.

Nonprofits as well as government agencies such as the Department of Homeland

Security’s Blue Campaign have provided industry trainings for flight attendants and hotel staff for instance. Social workers are placed throughout the community from schools and hospitals to emergency youth shelters and child welfare agencies. It is important that those more likely to encounter victims are aware of the indicators that a child may be involved in sex trafficking. Any one of the below identifiers is not necessarily an absolute indication. A person can be, for instance, depressed or have bruises for many reasons; however, the greater the number of associated indicators the stronger the possibility of abuse, and certain indicators can be a standalone strong sign. Conversely, any indicator can warrant an inquiry.

Emotional/psychological Effects.

Psychological effects can include: trauma-bond or Stockholm syndrome, dissociation or dissociative identity disorder, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) or complex PTSD, depression, personality disorders, eating disorders, self-harming

79 disorders, anxiety and stress disorder, substance abuse disorders, mood disorders, suicidal ideation, suicide attempts, confusion/difficulty concentrating, in shock/numb, and more (Graves, 2017; Farley et al., 2003; Snow, 2016).

Behavior/Observable Red Flags.

The Red Flags list are observable behaviors or other indicators such as possessions or changes on a victim’s body (from clothing to tattoos) which might signal

CSEC involvement. As with the other categories the indicators are weighted differently and can be a result of something else. The list in this category is more likely to be recognized within a school context:

• Truancy

• Grades slipping

• Gang involvement

• Signs of abuse: burn marks (cigarettes), bruising, cuts, scars (knife/bullet

wounds)

• Sudden change in attire, behavior, possessions: expensive clothing, purses, or

electronics

• Sleeping during class

• Talks about going to clubs, bars, or adult parties

• Brags about making or having lots of money

• Withdrawn, depressed, distracted, fearful, crying, or more confident and

boasting

• Repeatedly runs away from home

• Nails being done with no known means of financial provision

• Has a "boyfriend" who is noticeably

older/controlling

• New unusual tattoos/branding with

names/nicknames/initials; images of crowns or

royalty theme; “Property of,” images of currency,

diamonds, money bags; or prostitution/biblical

reference Figure 2: Examples • Purse/bag full of condoms and lingerie of branding tattoos

• Burner phones/prepaid gift cards/Western Union slips

• Multiple people picking child up from school

• Has attempted suicide

• Use of terminology like “the game,” “the life,” “daddy,” or “date/trick,” or

“quota.”

• Appears hungry, malnourished, or in need of medical care

• Does not identify as a victim (Graves, 2017; Farley et al., 2003; Snow, 2016;

Roe-Sepowit, Hickle, & Bayless, n.d).

The Physical Effects.

Particularly identifiable within a medical context, the physical/biological signs of

CSEC can include: STDs, HIV, pregnancy, sterility, substance abuse, addiction, pelvic pain or inflammatory disease, rectal trauma, urinary difficulties, mutilations, infectious diseases, stunted growth, vaginal bleeding, torn colon, malnourishment, poorly formed or

81 rotted teeth, addiction/withdrawal, undiagnosed/untreated diseases, unset broken bones, and more (Graves, 2017; Snow, 2016).

Early Identification Assessment Tool.

A popular assessment tool used to provide early identification of commercially sexually exploited children is the Commercial Sexual Exploitation – Identification Tool

(CSE-IT) developed by the WestCoast Children’s Clinic. It is an evidence-based screening tool available online for free at wwww.westcoastcc.org. The CSE-IT is used in multiple settings that serve youth from mental health to child welfare, juvenile justice to schools, residential programs, and youth shelters (Haley, Basson, & Langs, 2017). In determining when to engage in asking the questions posed by the tool, in general interviewers should establish trust and rapport before asking sensitive questions. Wait until the second or third engagement at the earliest if possible. It may take several visits to have a fair grasp of a potential victim’s circumstances, but this tool is designed to be useful for early identification (Haley et al., 2017). The tool results include: (1) no concern, (2) possible concern and (3) clear concern. If one of the indicators of concern is a result, sex trafficking is child abuse and so must be reported to police or to the child welfare agency. The next step might be to discuss a safety plan, depending on the child’s circumstances and based on harm reduction.

Effective and Appropriate Interaction

“The hold that pimps and the street culture have over prostituted youth is too powerful to be displaced by traditional social services or brief interventions” (Farley,

2013, p. 184).

This research project is not an attempt to develop or argue for a particular best practice in responding to sex trafficking victims; however, materials by those who are experts in the field, especially survivors, lend toward a consortium approach that is better than some. A first tenet might be borrowed from the field of medicine: Do no harm! For instance, it is not an effective approach to yell at a victim “repent for your sins” or “don’t you understand you are a victim!” We can, at minimum, do better.

A training presented by Holly Joshi, Executive Director of M.I.S.S.E.Y. (an

Oakland-based non-profit organization dedicated to supporting sex trafficking victims and combatting sex trafficking), proposed that approximately 1/3 of the victims of sex trafficking know they are being exploited, 1/3 are not sure, and 1/3 do not explain their experience as exploitation (Joshi, 2017). Holly Smith warns that projecting victimization onto a youth who has been commercially sexually exploited could result in a barrier rather than a bridge. It is possible, perhaps even likely given the statistics on the youth most at risk, that “[t]he choice to run away was a choice of survival. The choice to comply with prostitution was a choice to survive” (Smith, 2014, p. 155).

What CSEC survivors have stated that they most needed was help to escape, plus someone they could trust (DuBois & Felner, 2016, p. 4). One evaluation identified the relationship between the survivor and her case manager as the item of greatest significance (DuBois & Felner, 2016). Likewise, studies on therapy have similarly shown the therapeutic alliance to be a significant factor for a successful outcome (Ardito,

2011). This training study presents an overview of the issue, an understanding of the person-in-environment so that social workers might more compassionately and

83 effectively intervene, a description of indicators so that social workers might recognize potential victims and intercede, as well as, a few guidelines based on expert- recommended approaches for intervening to help establish rapport. While this training does not intend to create experts in sex trafficking, it is designed to provide a substantial foundation on the topic that might instill in social workers the desire to obtain further training in sex trafficking.

Slowly Building Rapport.

Bruce Perry advises to proceed slowly in developing a relationship with any client who has experienced significant trauma. He further warns against rushing in to debrief someone who has come from a traumatic event, explaining that being intrusive can be counterproductive (Perry & Szalavitz, 2006, p. 71). For some social workers and other therapists, their impulse might be to encourage the victim’s talking, even asking very personal, probing questions such as “How many people have you been with?”

Peterson and Grant warn to be self-aware of one’s intention as this may be more voyeuristic at its core than helpful. Trauma Director Gabriella Grant suggests that service providers assisting CSEC survivors focus on safety and developing rapport rather than being intrusive (Grant, 2017). Cynthia Peterson, Executive Director of Community

Violence Solutions shared a similar view. With over 20 years of experience working with sexually exploited youth, Peterson advised against starting with the “interrogation dance.” She suggested instead ask them how they are doing. Would you like something to eat? Do you want some comfortable clothes? (Peterson, personal communication,

September 23, 2017). Another CPS social worker, also with several years of experienced

84 in supporting sex trafficking victims, shared that she has had success with asking if they would like to take a shower (Lopez, 2017).

Childhood sexual abuse victims are often conditioned by their abusers to conceal abuse. Holly Smith echoes the view that it is a mistake to ask a survivor to recount their prior sexual activity out loud (Smith, 2014). Often it takes several years before a sex trafficking victim is able or ready to acknowledge and process their experiences. Singer suggests it can take from 6 to 18 months for victims of cults to return to functioning in their lives again (as cited in Tobias, 1994, p. 105). Eighteen months is the estimate of time for survivors in a program treatment facility (DuBois & Felner, 2016). This study project will help social workers who are engaging with trafficking victims, especially those CSE youth still engaged in the life, gain a compassionate understanding of why victims might be unable to describe or discuss their circumstances and to have more patience and compassion in their interactions.

Safety First.

“DO provide a safe place for engagement…DO NOT question or engage a sexually exploited child at a location where they feel threatened or unsafe” (House, n.d).

Consistently first, and critical to those attempting to support the CSEC or prostitution survivor, is the need for physical safety (Grant, 2017; Joshi, 2017; Peterson, personal communication, September 23, 2017). Thus, social workers need to be prepared and knowledgeable about resources in their area and in their field, so they can respond effectively with that support, or at least know where to go to find out (i.e., Polaris

Project).

Nonjudgmental.

We know as social workers, to meet the client’s where they are at. Within the context of supporting CSE youth an essential ingredient is to do so without judgment.

One simple but important way to meet the youth where they are at is by mirroring the language of the victim. Using the terminology she uses, such as if she refers to her abuser as her “boyfriend,” then use this word too rather than “pimp” or “abuser” (Roe-Sepowit,

Hickle, & Bayless, n.d., p. 7).

As social workers, we want to ensure that the initial contact, and all that might follow, are as successful as possible. Trauma-informed care can be understood as assuring a safe emotional interaction as well as safe physical space. Many CSEC have experienced several traumas, so providers should not take their behaviors personally.

Also, they may deny that they are victims. It is important to “DO meet a sexually exploited child where they are and on their terms, and try to meet the needs they present…DON’T expect a child to recognize their situation as exploitative or to present themselves as a victim in need to immediate intervention or rescuing” (House, n.d).

Many qualities are highlighted as of substantial importance by several of the experts, both service providers and survivors, such as being compassionate, patient, genuine, and trustworthy. The significance of presenting a nonjudgmental approach seems to place this trait as the most pertinent to develop (DuBois & Felner, 2016; Joshi,

2017; Snow, 2017). Harsh verbal interrogation or shaming, isolation, and physical restraint inflict further trauma, and will, of course, encourage running. Instead, this population needs to receive authentic acceptance, compassion, and to feel welcomed.

The ASU School of Social Work offers that “Instead of: ‘What’s wrong with you?’ or

‘Why are you doing this?’ to instead ask a survivor, ‘What has happened to you?’”

(STIR, p. 5). GEM’s list of DO’s and DON’Ts include:

DO’s

• Do remember these are kids that have been hurt

• Do let them know that you are a safe person for them to talk to about what

they have been through and are not judgmental

• Do make sure their basic needs are met: offer food, a shower, a blanket

• Do be familiar with slang and street language of your area and ask them if you

don’t understand a word they used

DON’TS

• Don’t judge them by their behaviors

• Don’t show your feelings when they are sharing their story, which may

include graphic explanations and traumatic details regarding their experiences

of exploitation

• Don’t make promises to them that your role may prevent you from keeping

• Don’t try and use the slang if you are unfamiliar with it because you may use it

out of context (GEMS, as cited by Lopez, 2017).

DON’T react verbally or physically in a way that communicates disgust or disdain; DO be nonjudgmental when listening to a sexually exploited child; DO Treat the child as a victim of trauma and abuse…

DO pay attention to your body posture. Face the child and make eye contact. Show interest, empathy, and understanding through verbalizations, nods, and facial expressions. Speak in a calm and even tone. DON’T act or appear to be distracted, disinterested, or disapproving. Do not use intimidation tactics like interrogating the child or standing over the child (House, n.d).

Building rapport and trust are critical. Snow offers these examples of DO’s and

DON’Ts for early engagement: “Instead of: You should have run. Try: You did what you felt needed to be done; Instead of: He/She doesn’t love you. Try: You deserve better.

You are loved. You are wanted” (Elle Snow, 2016). The following example statements are among some suggestions to assist in gaining a victim’s trust: “You can trust me. I am here to help you. My first priority is your safety. No one has the right to hurt you or make you do things against your will” (Roe-Sepowit, Hickle, & Bayless, n.d., p. 7).

Trustworthy.

Along the lines of asking a traumatized youth to trust you, it is imperative to not make promises that you cannot keep. Such behavior holds the possibility of being experienced as yet another lesson of betrayal for the victim. Remember, pimps make lot of promises, and perhaps neglectful parents did too.

It Takes a Team.

The trauma and harm this population experiences is unique and requires a specialized response (Briana, 2017). Recent policy calls for Multidisciplinary Team

(“MDT”) to effectively support the range of issues CSEC are likely to need such as: child welfare, probation, mental health, public health, juvenile court, and possibly

88 substance abuse (Team, 2015, p. 28). Having an adult who is dedicated to supporting the client step through their process to reconnect with ordinary life is critical to its success.

In this vein, the ASU STIR’s office recommends to not go it alone: “DON’T assume sole responsibility for meeting the myriad and complex needs of a CSEC victim…DO collaborate with local experts and survivors of sexual exploitation to engage with victims or to work for policy change” (House, n.d).

Referrals to community-based services are most effective if they include “crisis response from a provider specializing in counseling for survivors of sexual exploitation, sexual assault, or domestic violence" (Haley et al., 2017, p. 10). Sex trafficking survivors are also likely to need therapy, housing, food, medical care, and legal services.

Empower: A Survivor Approach.

A survivor-centered approach encourages survivors to recognize their own power. Inform the survivor of the resources you can help them with while also relaying that making those connections is their decision when they are ready. Joshi teaches that this means prioritizing the client’s having choice and control (Joshi, 2017). Coupling these ideas with the teachings of Snow (2017), Peterson, personal communication,

September 23, 2017, and Lopez (2017), could mean asking initial questions as simple as

“Are you hungry? Do you want to take a shower?” Rather than, “If you need anything, just ask” because, as Snow explains, “CSE youth are not allowed to ask for anything. If they do, they will get hit” (2017). Understanding such dynamics is part of developing a specialized trauma-awareness. Knowledge of the circumstances, the rules, the environment of a CSE youth, will help social workers intervene more effectively.

One model of interaction to avoid recreates an authoritarian power structure.

Being controlled is what clients in this situation are familiar with, so it is important that engagement comes from a client-centered approach that is authentic, non-judgmental, caring and collaborative (Joshi, 2017). A survivor-centered response focuses on

“working with the survivor to build self-sufficiency. Centers the discovery of individual survivor’s life goals as opposed to being prescriptive with pre-set program goals” (Joshi,

2017). The expert in the room is the survivor, not the service provider, no matter how long the list of a provider’s credentials. It is best to maintain the mindset that the survivor is the expert on their life. The relationship between the service provider and the client is a critical part of the alchemy that can fuel change (Joshi, 2017).

The DO’s include creating a space for survivors to develop self-efficacy.

Prioritizing collaboration. Asking for permission. The DO NOT’S: Present with an attitude that you are rescuing CSE youth. Do not be judgmental or think you are the expert on their life. Do not act authoritarian; remember, that is the environment from which they are transitioning out. Do not focus on being right or imposing your agenda, goals or values. Remember always, it is their life (Joshi, 2017). The goal is to empower and assist survivors to reach self-efficacy outside the life of sexual exploitation.

Harm Reduction

There is no magic bullet that will create in a snap the decision by a CSE youth to leave the life. Though, admittedly, my initial intention in researching this topic was to discover that immediate remedy, after researching and interviewing experts who work with CSEC/sex trafficking survivors the best intervention approach to date appears to be

90 a process that employs patience and a long-term commitment, as well as maintaining being consistently nonjudgmental, supportive, compassionate, empowering and ready to assist wherever they are at. These aspects are critical to a survivor’s progress toward leaving the life.

SAGE, a San Francisco-based nonprofit whose counselors are mostly survivors of sex trafficking/prostitution, as well as all of the experienced social workers/advocates

I had access to employ a Harm Reduction approach in supporting sex trafficking victims.

SAGE explains that “abstinence is unrealistic when the person has few if any alternatives to using. Incremental steps are used, based on the client’s own plan and timetable”

(Hotaling, Burris, Johnson, Bird, & Melbye, 2003, p. 260). Downey recommends beginning Harm Reduction as early as possible:

If traditional interventions are not working, then identify specifically what would be a less harmful behavior or action, agree on it, and then build on that (e.g., identifying

X steps/actions before running away. If running away, texting when you are in a safe space, engaging with SW, initial meeting with [a sexual assault crisis support group], ongoing meetings with a therapist, enrolling in school, attending class, etc.) (Downey,

2017).

The Harm Reduction model allows for each woman’s individual situation, stage of recovery, and readiness for change to be honored. Peterson, as well as Lopez, also employ a Harm Reduction approach. Peterson states that there is no magic formula and that providers must meet survivors where they are. Are they safe? How would they define safety? What does safety look like for them? Where are they at? Create a safety

91 plan with them using information they understand (Peterson, personal communication,

September 23, 2017).

Some examples of Harm Reduction include: safer sex practices with customers, developing healthier methods of “self-soothing,” taking advantage of opportunities for medical and mental health care, and drug and alcohol treatment (Hotaling et al., 2003, p.

260).

Stages of Change

M.I.S.S.E.Y. and other experienced service providers have learned that major changes, such as leaving the life are not likely to occur rapidly; though advocates should always be ready for an abrupt decision to leave.

The model adopted by M.I.S.S.E.Y. and other advocates for intervention applies Figure 3: Stages of Change the Stages of Change in their work and http://www.its-possible.ca/awareness/ in training those working with sex trafficking survivors. This model was developed initially working with alcohol and drug treatment programs. The model reflects a shift from attempting to remove someone from their situation completely and now, to

“providing services, support, and time for a victim to extract themselves from their own situation” (Downey, 2017).

The steps in the Stages of Change are: 1. Pre-contemplation – the person sees no issue with their life as it is, 2. Contemplation – where the person begins to recognize that their current situation is problematic. Seeds can be planted so the person might start to consider leaving. They recognize the possibility of alternatives, 3. Preparation – the seed of an idea begins to sprout into a readiness to take action for change, 4. Action – engagement in the changes, 5. Maintenance 6. Relapse – sometimes this is a part of the process for healing, as with drug and alcohol addiction. This model offers the victims agency to make their own decision and draws upon their strengths. (misssey.org, 2017;

Services, 2017).

Welcome Them Back.

SAGE counselors advise that if a sexually exploited youth choses to return to the life, allow them to do so without judgment and assure them they are always welcome to come back (Hotaling et al., 2003). This advice was offered by Peterson as well as a critical piece in employing Harm Reduction (Peterson, personal communication,

September 23, 2017). It encompasses a recognition that as someone goes through these stages of change there might be returns to the life. It is critical that the survivor feel welcome to return any time and take part in the resources offered (2017). That return will only occur if the youth feels they can return to a fully accepting, welcoming, nonjudgmental response.

Survivors Supporting Survivors

Becoming a survivor’s support person can be a long-term commitment, possibly lasting years. Do intervene if only to help make the appropriate connections. The most

93 desirable connection is with another survivor. If possible a survivor-based group in your area that offers services or sexual assault crisis advocates. Even if you are committed to support a CSE youth through the process, establishing a connection with a fellow survivor is a very important component in a team approach that should be made as soon as possible.

Conclusion

This training is intended to provide a helpful level of awareness development for new social workers so that they might better be prepared to identify potential youth engaged or at risk of being involved in commercial sexual exploitation. The study will test whether social workers receiving the training perceive that their awareness has increased and to what extent. It is not expected that those who have only had this training will be experts, but rather that the awareness gained from the training might result in an interest and recognition of a need for more preparation and knowledge about sex trafficking, which is of critical importance for social workers, especially those working in child welfare. There are increasing numbers of trainings in sex trafficking offered.

Some are designed by service providers well-experienced in working with survivors, such as by M.I.S.S.E.Y. There are also trainings by sex trafficking survivors designed for various audiences from foster care families to social workers to law enforcement

(GEMS, 2017; Snow, 2017). None of these, to my knowledge, offers public research that empirically evaluates the training’s effectiveness designed to work with social workers.

This project will collect data to assess how well this pilot training develops an understanding of sex trafficking for entry-level social workers, according to their own

94 self-assessment, and prepares them to either prevent or intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking. In the fight against sex trafficking, we need this information to know how well we are doing in training social workers.

Moving Forward, Reflecting Back

In the previous sections of this literature review chapter we have considered how some of the most experienced advocates of CSE youth suggest service providers intervene with this population in order that they might progress toward a life outside this realm of abuse and exploitation. We have stepped inside the game to understand more about its effects, the circumstances of exploitation, and the traffickers’ motives and tactics. The latter helps us understand the complex trauma of the clients we hope to assist. We have heard from survivors who shared some of the process they endured. And looked critically at how media, as well as, child welfare has culpability and proximity in this criminal enterprise. In this section, theory informs the broader view as a means to investigate how this situation develops: what are the philosophies, the beliefs, the cultural milieu that would support the development of such an inhumane subculture and its normalization?

Theoretically Speaking: Socio-cultural Theory

This type of an endeavor is not new. The social order and its systems, in which we develop a sense of self and reality, help teach us language, how to eat or pray, how to dance or dream, construct and ascribe these understandings onto us. Karl Marx proposed a sociology of knowledge which recognized “that man’s consciousness is determined by his social being” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966, p. 17). That is, that man’s perception of reality is subjective and a construct based on social situations. For Marx, the class of

95 people who owned the means of production did not merely produce material goods but also a society’s knowledge and ideas (Applerouth & Edles, 2007). Further, he claimed that these producers of knowledge created a viewpoint that they desired the working class to absorb, unquestioningly.

After Marx, some Neo-Marxist intellectuals, developing into what would be described as The Frankfurt School, continued and expanded critically questioning precisely those things the masses were not supposed to question. They sought to question not just what we know, but how we come to know it. They continued and expanded

Marx’s intellectual endeavor. The Frankfurt School was a gathering of intellectuals, who recognized, exposed, and questioned many of the ideas that were accepted (Arato &

Gebhardt, 1995). They saw the absorption of these imposed ideas and values as leading to a “colonization of consciousness” (Arato & Gebhardt, 1995, p. xvi).

A familiar genre critically assessed by some members of the Frankfurt School and other critical theorists was the media: from television commercials to systems of meaning such as language and the semiotic study of the sign (Arato & Gebhardt, 1995; de

Saussure, 1959). The resulting finding affirmed Marx’s view that the constructed nature of culture and its meaning-making systems (e.g., language, media, symbols) influence— if not form—a people’s perceptions and understanding of reality (Berger & Luckmann,

1966). In fact, according to the anthropologist and scholar of culture, Clifford Geertz, commented that humans simply would not be human without culture (Geertz, 1973).

Two of the most lucid theoretical tools used to deconstruct the contents and biases of our culture’s messaging are Feminist and Marxist theory. These are exceptionally

96 apropos theories to lend a critical analysis of pimp subculture, contemporary media, and sex trafficking.

Feminist & Capitalist Theoretical Lens

What drives pimps to exploit women and children? Profit. Our culture reflects the capitalism Marx critiqued and warned us about. He disclosed the bourgeoisie’s

“unscrupulous pursuit of profit” in its seeking more effective means to exploit labor

(Marx & Engels, 1932). Marx’s theory has become a lived, tangible, readily evidenced real nightmare for many.

This paper has also employed Standpoint Feminist theory in attempting to understand the situations of both victims and traffickers/pimps. Standpoint theorists such as Patricia Hill Collins argue that one’s placement in the world, one’s historical and material conditions, impact how one sees any given situation (Collins, 1990). This study embraces this theoretical approach in that it presents the voices, the situations, the historical and material conditions that shape the lives of survivors and pimps of sex trafficking.

A feminist critique of a patriarchal culture reveals its failure to recognize women as whole beings, with dreams, ideas, and passions. Sex trafficking exceeds an earlier era’s diminishment of women as wives, and now pronounces them objects by which men might act out their sexual frustration or desire to abuse, maim, rape, etc. As the Stephen

Wooldridge, an expert trainer for a program that enables men to question the authoritative male stereotype stated, “Sex trafficking is the extreme end of the male-role-belief system of control and superiority” ("Targeting demand," 2017). Women and girls are increasingly

97 viewed as mere commodities whose sole purpose is to be exchanged for the gratitude or profit of men in the realm of sex trafficking. Ninety-nine percent of purchasers are male

("Targeting demand," 2017) Even some of those who abide with the old patriarchal paradigms recognize the inherent unethical viewpoint of seeing girls as mere objects, and thus must justify their acceptance or participation in the sex trade industry by rationalizing that the women are there by choice or for the money. Most often, this myth could not be further from the truth.

I write this thesis in the midst of a 2018 #metoo movement in which women are speaking out against men of power who have sexually abused and harassed them, particularly in places of employment. Perhaps this is the moment that will negate what seems like 20 years of backlash against feminism. Perhaps this will awaken a generation of youth who believed without question a dismissal of “feminism” as “male hating.”

Sex trafficking is the realm that provides men with power including the ability to exercise violent power over children, girls, and women. What could be worse than being raped, beaten, threatened, and psychologically broke repeatedly, daily (10-20 times) without escape? And yet, in this culture, these activities are normalized and even glamorized.

Chapter 3

METHODS

This research project tests the Sex Trafficking Training for Social Workers 60- minute pilot training’s effectiveness to improve social workers’ own perceived preparedness to prevent potential recruiting of sex trafficking victims and to intervene in support of survivors as well as develop an understanding of the problem of sex trafficking. The pre- and post-testing allows for a bivariate test of each question which measures the difference of the means between the dependent variables from the quantitative answers. Specifically, I examine student participant’s perceived effectiveness of the training through a self-assessment of knowledge gain in understanding the problem and in preparing to identify or intervene in the situation of encountering a potential victim or at-risk youth of sex trafficking.

Study Design

The study operationalizes the impact of a 60-minute training session for entry- level social workers, testing the understanding and preparedness based on a paired sample t-test of the pre- and post-test results. The bivariate analysis will identify the mean difference resulting from the independent variable—the training. The Human

Subjects application for the proposed study, “Sex Trafficking Training for Social

Workers” was submitted to the Internal Review Board’s Research Review Committee at

California State University, Sacramento. It was approved as Exempt on December 4,

2017, human subjects Protocol #: 17-18-045.

The study design began with the literature review of diverse credible sources, presented in the Literature Review in Chapter 2. Out of this information the most pertinent material for new social workers was chosen to develop a PowerPoint presentation containing 94 slides and 4 video clips (the clips varied in length from 20 seconds to five minutes), for a total presentation length of approximately 55-60 minutes.

The design intention for the training presentation was to best inform and prepare social workers to understand, recognize, and intervene should they encounter a youth at risk or involved in sex trafficking within the 60-minute time frame.

The training content was designed with the assumption of an audience made up of undergraduate social work students who might not know anything on the topic to those who might have more familiarity—seeking to provide some degree of learning for every level of participant. The presentation started therefore with the most basic of introductions and moved into areas offering more depth and specificity. For instance, the training covered information regarding pimp subculture, psychological effects for sex trafficking victims such as dissociation, person-in-environment characteristics, early warning indicators, and a critique of main stream media in its collaborative practice of sexualizing young girls. The design of the bivariate pre- and post-test sought to assess different points in the presented information areas for any change in knowledge or understanding.

The questionnaire supported analyzing what information had the greatest impact for learning and preparation, but at the same time, identifying strengths and weaknesses in the training should it be revised for greater effectiveness. For instance, omitting

100 unnecessary information that the pre- and post-test indicated were already known, or clarifying information that the test results suggest were not grasped by a significant number of the participants.

This research study operationalized a change in knowledge. It utilized a primarily quantitative exploratory research design (but technically it is a mixed research design) using primarily forced-response questions in a pre- and post-test comparison. The test questionnaire consisted of nine identical pre- and post-test questions: seven with multiple choice or nominal scaling answers and two ordinal scaling questions (0-10). Of the later, one asked participants their perceived understanding of the problem of sex trafficking, and one asked their perceived understanding about how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking. Question #10 was the only qualitative question, asking what the most helpful thing was learned from the training. The single qualitative question might have accounted for any anticipated difference in pre- testing for students who may have been exposed to information or experiences that would affect the overall statistics from the class. In effect, the responses provided an indication of the areas of greatest value and impact for each student. Lastly, the questionnaire includes three questions on demographics for race, age and gender. Race and gender were left blank, allowing participants to choose their own naming, and the age question offered five sets of choices (18-24, 25-30, 31-35, 35-40, and 40+).

The basic procedure for the study was to test undergraduate social worker’s knowledge on sex trafficking before their participation in a 60-minute training, and then have them answer exactly the same questions after the training to determine the mean

101 difference resulting from the training. The results of the bivariate test was used to conduct a paired sample t-test analysis.

Sampling

The test population was a convenience sampling of undergraduate students who enrolled in and attended the child welfare policy class in which the presentation was done at California State University, Sacramento (CSUS) in the Spring of 2018. I was given permission and supported in presenting my pilot training by a Professor in the Division of

Social Work. The undergraduate policy class has 34 students enrolled. The evening of my presentation, on February 20, 2018 there were 27 students who participated in the training and filled out the pre- and post-test questionnaires. The study began at about 6:45 pm and lasted a total of approximately 60 minutes. While a small sample, it is possible the group is representative of the CSUS student population of undergraduate social workers; however, not every undergraduate social work student in the department was tested.

Data Collection Procedures

The Professor from the Social Work Division, in whose undergraduate policy class I presented, made the announcement prior to the date of the pilot training that there would be a guest speaker. The day of the training, on February 20th, 2018, prior to the start of the training, a consent form was handed out explaining to all the students that participation in the study was optional, that it included a pre- and post-test questionnaire, and would be a 60-minute training. The Professor also verbally explained to the students there was not a penalty if students chose not to participate. The professor also offered

102 that they could stay and see the training and not fill out the questionnaire. The consent forms were passed out as well as the pre- and post-test, which was two pages identical except that for one page the “Pre-” in the title was in bold and underlined and on the other page the “Post-” was bold and underlined. The two pages were stapled together.

Students were given approximately five minutes to fill out the pre-test questionnaire before the training began.

At the start of the presentation I stated that the subject material was intense and that I wanted everyone present to practice self-care. I suggested that if they needed to get up and move around, if they needed to close their eyes, if they needed to get up and leave, whatever they needed to do to take care of themselves to please feel encouraged to do so. I explained the video towards the end of the presentation was the heaviest, and that a slide before the 5-minute video trailer would give warning and describe explicitly what would be seen. The video trailer was an excerpt from a documentary on MTV music videos which included news clips. I explained that I was not aware of people’s personal histories and so wanted them to know they could be comfortable in doing what they needed to take care of themselves. I also reminded the class of the counseling service on campus available to them. The last announcement before the presentation was to ask them to please hold questions until after the presentation, explaining that I had only 60- minutes to get through a lot of material; but, that I was welcome to answer questions afterwards either in the class or I pointed out my email address was on the consent form and they could also contact me that way. With that said, I began the PowerPoint presentation. The presentation took me about 55-60 minutes. Immediately, upon

103 completing the presentation, I requested that they complete the post-test and that I would collect them. I thanked them for their participation and asked if they had questions. I provided a flyer that had three images of things they could engage in as follow up: the contact information for the National Human Trafficking Hotline, an online test to see how many slaves a person’s life creates, and four books written by survivors of sex trafficking (see Appendix A). The tests were collected from all of the participants and the responses recorded.

Data Instrument

The pre- and post-training test questions are attached in Appendix B. The bivariate answer sets were entered into the IBM SPSS Statistics software to perform paired sample t-test analysis of the mean differences. “Analyze” from the top row of drop down menus was first selected, then “Compare Means, “and then “Paired-Sample T-

Test.” I entered the pre- question 1 data and compared it to the post- question 1 data. The same process was performed on question #9 data to obtain the descriptive statistics reported in Chapter 4 “Results” below.

Microsoft Excel was also used to generate charts for a visual depiction of the bivariate data from the main variables, also included in Chapter 4. Microsoft Word was used to create a table comparing the number of correct responses for the nominal scale questions 2-8.

Variables

The independent variable is the 60-minute pilot study training on sex trafficking.

The dependent variables were nine quantitative scale questions, nominal and ordinal, on

104 the pre- and post-test results which identified comprehension changes and operationalized self-assessed knowledge and preparation changes with respect to sex trafficking. The main variables of interest were the ordinal scale questions which asked participants to identify their sense of understanding or preparedness in a range from zero to 10. These quantitative responses were operationalized using the IBM SPSS Statistics application to run a paired sample t-test analysis to identify the difference between the means of the two responses and the statistical significance.

Data Analysis

The pre-test was administered just prior to exposure to the pilot study training material, and the post-test followed immediately after the training. The small amount of time during which the entire experiment took place, approximately 60 minutes, limits the potential for outside influences that might be seen as alternative causal factors in the pre- and post-test changes rather than the independent variable of the 60-minute training itself.

The IBM SPSS statistics program operationalized each pre- and post-test response change and generated credible descriptive statistics. The open-ended, qualitative question, in contrast, offered a more personalized response to the training’s impact. Employing mixed method research will allow for the most verifiable assessment of the impact from the training in preparing social workers. The significance of the data is that it can help in developing a proposal that a succinct, but effective, training of social workers to prepare them to work with sex trafficking survivors/victims is feasible.

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Prior knowledge on the subject of sex trafficking is a confounding variable that might influence the measured effectiveness of the training. The pre-test should adjust for the presence of prior understanding or preparedness.

Questions raised regarding internal validity include the fact that there is no comparative study to demonstrate whether this particular training pilot is more or less effective than other training programs on the same topic and with the same purpose.

Rather, for this study, the parameter of the study is to consider whether the information covered has an impact on the social worker’s sense of awareness of the problem and preparedness should they encounter potential or involved CSEC victims. It is not possible to test how a particular social worker would have acted in the field if not having the training. External validity of the research study is feasible but exceeds the scope of this project. These might include comparing this particular training with other trainings or assessing how effective the training proved for social workers after they entered the field.

It was anticipated that the training would be effective in developing preparedness knowledge for social workers regarding sex trafficking and working with the victims and at-risk youth, the results indicate this to be true.

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Chapter 4

RESULTS

This chapter presents the results from the pilot study to test social work student participants’ perceptions of whether the 60-minute “Sex Trafficking Training for Social

Workers” improved their ability to prevent and to intervene with sex trafficking survivors/victims and increased their understanding of the problem. The project study question asks, “What is the impact of a 60-minute training session for entry-level social workers, according to them, on their level of preparedness to either prevent or intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking?” The measured results show the change in perception was statistically significant.

Demographics

The demographic questions disclosed that a strong majority of the undergraduate social work students, 19 out of 27, were in the 18-24 age range. Five students were 25-30, and three 31-35. Out of the 27 students who took the test, only one identified as male.

The remaining students all identified as female. To identify race, students had a blank line to fill in after the heading “race.” Twelve different categories were written in for 27 students. The delineation was as follows: eleven identified as Hispanic, two as Black, four as Mexican, one as White, two as White/Hispanic, one Asian, one Bi-racial, one

Asian/Hispanic, one Black/Filipino, one mixed, one “everyone,” and one did not write anything on the line.

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Quantitative Variables

The main variables of interest come from the test questions #1 and #9. These dependent variables measured participants’ self-perceived understanding on sex trafficking and their Question One understanding of how 12 10 8 to intervene, before 6 4 2 and after the training. 0

Question #1 posed the scaled question: “I feel Pre-test Post-test that I understand the Figure 4: Chart of Question #1 Answers problem of sex trafficking (select a number from 0 (disagree) to 10 (agree)).” A paired sample t test was conducted to evaluate whether a statistically significant difference existed between the mean scores of the perceived understanding of the problem of sex trafficking before and after a 60-minute training on sex trafficking for social workers was observed. The results of the paired sample t test were significant, t (25) = 5.47, p< .0005, indicating that there was a significant increase in self-perceived understanding of the problem scores from the pretest (M = 5.77, SD = 3.05, N = 26), to the posttest (M = 8.85,

SD = 1.49, N = 26). The mean increase was 3.08, with the 95% confidence interval for the difference between the means of 1.92 to 4.24.

The chart in Figure 4 provides a visual depiction of the pre- and post-test responses for perceived understanding of sex trafficking for the training participants, or the responses to question #1. The darker-colored bars are the pre-test scores. For pretest

108 responses, three students selected zero, four 3s, five 5s, three 6s, five 7s, two 8s, one 9, and four 10s. For the post-test, on question #1 the lowest score was one 4, next was one

6, one 7, six 8s, five 9s, and 12 tens. Student 21 scored their understanding of the problem of sex trafficking on the pre-test as a 10; they did not register any score on the post-test. Thus, the lack of data for that final entry point shows a dip for the lighter- colored line in the chart in Figure 4 for Student 21.

The other main variable question was #9 which read “I understand how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking (select a number from 0 to 10) 0 (disagree) … 10

(agree).” Responses to this scored perception of understanding indicated even greater differences between the pre- and the post-test scores than for question #1. For question

#9, a paired sample t test was conducted to evaluate whether a statistically significant difference existed between the mean scores of the perceived understanding of participants on how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking before and after a 60-minute training on sex trafficking for social workers was observed. The results of the paired sample t test were significant, t (24) = 10.13, p< .0005, indicating that there was a significant increase in self-perceived understanding of the problem from the pretest (M = 2.16, SD = 2.88, N

= 25), to the posttest (M = 8.00, SD = 1.94, N = 25). The mean increase was 5.84, with the 95% confidence interval for the difference between the means of 4.65 to 7.03.

The chart in Figure 5 provides a visual depiction of the responses for perceived understanding how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking, or question #9’s pre- and posttest responses. For the pre-test, 13 students selected zero—indicating they felt they did not know how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking. One chose 1, there were

109

four 3s, three 5s, Question 9 one 6, one 8, and one 12 10 10. Student 18 did not 8 6 enter any number for 4 2 either the pretest or the 0 posttest, and Student 23 entered a 10 for the pre- Pre-test Post-test Figure 5: Chart of Question #9 Answers test but did not select a number for the post test. Thus, the two dips in the light-colored post-test graph line. For the post-test, on question #9 the lowest score was one 4, next were three 5s, one 6, five

7s, four 8s, and nine 10s.

Table 1.

Number of Correct Answers Q # Topic Pretest Posttest Number Number Correct Correct 2 Number human trafficking victims global 7 23 3 % CSEC U.S. Citizens 8 22 4 Minors can legally consent to Commercial Sex 25 27 5 % female sex trafficking victims pimp-controlled 13 26 6 Major culprit in the sexualization of girls 12 24 7 Average life expectancy of a sex trafficking victim 7 26 8 Not part of trauma-informed care for CSEC 14 22

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These main dependent variables document significant increases between the pre- and post-test. But what of the other questions and their answers? A brief summary of those scores follows, focusing primarily on the overall difference of correct responses for each question.

For questions #2 through #8, the Table 1 presents the improved scores regarding knowledge of various areas around sex trafficking by showing the number of answers by the students that were correct before the training and the number correct after the training.

Qualitative: Question #10

Only one student did not write something in the blank lines after the question

“What is the most helpful thing you learned from this training?” To summarize the comments, I coded them based on the themes emerging from the comments. These themes included: (A) a critical awareness of the media’s influence, (B) pimp-subculture,

(C) how to intervene for sex trafficking victims, (D) indicators of sex trafficking, (E) statistics, and (F) an increased awareness of the problem of sex trafficking. The theme which was invoked by far the most was C with an occurrence of 13 references; students felt they had learned about how to intervene on behalf of victims. The other themes were mentioned 3-5 times. A few of the most striking comments are included here:

• “How desensitized I was to rape/pimp culture. Also, how to intervene when you

see someone participating in this lifestyle”

• “U.S. media really influence real-life actions. We have to target the media to

make a change.”

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• “The Statistics - especially the life expectancy - shocked me. The warning signs

are very helpful.”

Lastly, one statement affirmed that students would be encouraged to pursue more learning after the training: “I have a lot to learn.”

Overall the results of the bivariate test, employed using a pre- and post-test before and after the 60-minutes study, shows that the students experienced a self-perceived increase in understanding the problem of sex trafficking, as well as, an understanding of how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking. Employing mixed method research allowed for the most verifiable assessment of the impact from the training in preparing social workers. This data can help in developing a proposal that a succinct, but effective, training of social workers to prepare them to work with sex trafficking survivors/victims is feasible.

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Chapter 5

DISCUSSION

This research project proposed to test a pilot training to see if social work students, based on their own perceptions, could improve their understanding of sex trafficking and their sense of being prepared to prevent and/or intervene on behalf of sex trafficking survivors/victims after participating in a 60-minute training. The research question posed was: “What is the impact of a 60-minute training session for entry-level social workers, according to them, on their level of preparedness to either prevent or intervene with survivors/potential victims of human trafficking?” Based on a bivariate test using 2- example t-test descriptive statistics the mean difference for the perceived improvement of understanding for the students was significant.

For question #1 which asked about understanding the problem of sex trafficking, the mean increase was 3.08. For question #9 which asked about understanding the problem of sex trafficking, the mean increase was 5.84. These results indicate the students’ own perceived understanding of the issue was significantly changed.

No other known studies exist which test the effectiveness of trainings on sex trafficking to prepare new social workers in the field to prevent at-risk youth or to intervene for CSEC victims, and therefore this study cannot be assessed in comparison to similar studies. An online training by CALSWEC exists for social workers on CSEC, and they have a pre- and post-assessment, but the results appear to still be in collection mode.

113

The significance of this project’s data is that it offers measured support to the feasibility that an hour-long training can be effective in increasing new social worker’s preparedness to work with sex trafficking survivors/victims. At the micro-level it is possible that any of the students attending the course in which the pilot study “Sex

Trafficking Training for Social Workers” took place might now be prepared to have a positive effect during their internships or in their careers should they encounter a youth involved in sex trafficking. At the mezzo level, the Professor for the Department in which the study was executed invited me to present to the Division of Social Work faculty next fall 2018. The potential impact of that presentation to increase the awareness of this issue and its close relationship to social work. Some of the professors may choose to pass along information from the training, or bring it into their classes, that will further empower student social workers with an effective understanding of the problem and how to respond. Given that the invitation is offered at the California State University which has the largest number of social work students in the state, the reach could have untold positive consequences. On the macro level, since Sacramento is the state capital, the implications of this one training to faculty, and that knowledge in some form influencing inclusion in classes, passed along to students interning or working at the state capital, may come to influence policy.

Given the proximity of child welfare services to a vulnerable population at risk of becoming sex trafficking victims, it seems important that the “Sex Trafficking Training for Social Workers” be shared as much as possible as a contribution to both preventing and to better intervene on behalf of CSE youth. It would be highly appropriate to be

114 included as part of child welfare courses or for other venues such as the Field Integration

Training for Title IV-e students. However, social workers in virtually any concentration could potentially encounter an at risk or already sexually exploited youth, making this training pertinent to every social worker.

Different government bodies and non-profits have developed trainings for various professional fields such as for airline attendants, or hotel staff, where is a likeliness that personnel may encounter a sex trafficking victim. A training that prepares social workers to identify CSEC seems far more pertinent given the higher likelihood that social workers will encounter sex trafficking victims, and further, will be called upon to intervene and support them directly.

A bias in this study could be that the material selection for the research was one person’s choice. Lines of inquiry, circumstantially encountered from trainings, interviews, or online searches created the information drawn from to construct the training presentation. The information was endless, there was always more to be found, and perhaps better data could have been included. The presentation might be more impactful if it were given in a 90-minute time frame so that it could be slowed down, perhaps allowing for audience interaction. Overall, the data collection was based on expanding beyond the usual academic sources of peer-reviewed materials or evidence- based practices to include information that would improve the understanding of the person-in-environment of the sex trafficking victim, and to include the voices of the people who have more direct encounter with survivors, who might not be publishing or obtaining graduate degrees. A multi-disciplinary and multi-sources approach was taken

115 for the purpose of improving the presented understanding of sex trafficking: how to combat it, prevent it, and help victims become survivors. Sources reviewed include trainings offering California state sponsored CEUs, sex trafficking survivors, and non- profit organizations. I included materials by clinical psychologists, researchers, journalist and anthropologist accounts, non-profit directors providing direct support, and several sex trafficking survivors. My sources also include texts authored by pimps, music videos, documentaries, rap songs, websites, community and academic trainings. The materials were vetted for relevance and credibility. In the end, for a 60-minute training presentation, the measured results indicate that it may be useful in the future to further develop this tool.

An added use of the study results is to identify weaknesses in the training so that it might be revised and deployed beyond the particular class for which the study was administered. Such information can be used in further application such as to revamp aspects of the training that prove to be less effective than others or to clarify areas that need revision to improve its audience impact.

For instance, in consideration of the comparison of number of correct answers, visually depicted in Table 1. Question #4 could be eliminated if the high number of correct scores in the pre-test indicates knowledge prior to the presentation. For this particular question, however—“Minors can legally consent to participate in commercial sexual activity”—given the context of the question, it is feasible that the question itself indicated the correct answer and resulted in learning or clarity from the very moment of reading question #4 while taking the pre-test.

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The most significant difference for correct answers between the pre- and post- tests occurred with question #7: “The average life expectancy of a sex trafficking victim.”

There were two written statements from question #10 which indicated the impact and shock of this statistic. Student 7 wrote, “their life expectancy was a wake-up call.” The correct answer is 7 years.

This pilot training study project is limited primarily by its small sample size.

Further presentations of this training will both afford the opportunity to continue collecting data to measure its effectiveness while also potentially provide more opportunities to improve student social workers’ sense of understanding and preparedness.

The descriptive statistics from the bivariate study showed that the mean difference for the perceived improvement of understanding for the students was significant. While the sample size was small, the mean difference as well as the qualitative responses from the students indicate that further testing is warranted with more and/or larger participant sizes. A social work student knowing little to nothing can walk away from a 60-minute presentation feeling they understand the problem of sex trafficking far more than they did, and moreover, that they have a good idea how to identify it and how to intervene for a victim.

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Appendix A: Handout: Things You Can Do

Things you can do If you see something, say something

▪ To report victims of sex trafficking & get resource info

▪ Text: “BEFREE”

http://slaveryfootprint.org/

Increase Awareness

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Appendix B: Pre- and Post-Test Questions

Sex Trafficking Training for Social Workers Pre- and Post-Training Test Questions

1. I feel that I understand the problem of sex trafficking (select a number from 0 to 10). ____. 0 (disagree)...... 10 (agree)

2. Number of human trafficking victims across the globe. 20 million 30 million 40 million 50 million

3. What percent of sex trafficking victims are minors who are U.S. citizens? 37% 43% 53% 83%

4. Minors can legally consent to participate in commercial sexual activity. a. True b. False

5. What percentage range best reflects the number of female sex trafficking victims that are pimp-controlled? 0-25% 25-50% 50-75% 75-100%

6. Sex trafficking survivors and researchers have both pointed to ______as a major culprit in girls becoming sexualized and victims of sex trafficking. a. the U.S. media b. Pimps c. Pornography d. Drug use

7. The average life expectancy of a sex trafficking victim a. 3 years b. 5 years c. 7 years d. 10 years

8. Which of the following is not a part of trauma-informed care with CSEC youth? a. Direction b. Client-defined goals c. Safety d. Trustworthiness e. Empowerment

9. I understand how to intervene for victims of sex trafficking. ______(select a number from 0 to 10) 0 (disagree)...... 10 (agree)

10. “What is the most helpful thing you learned from this training?” ______

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Demographics: Race: ______Age: __ 18-24 __ 25-30 __ 31-35 __ 35-40 __ 41+ Gender: ______

120

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