Slovenia by Damjan Lajh
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Slovenia Before the Elections
PERSPECTIVE Realignment of the party system – Slovenia before the elections ALEŠ MAVER AND UROŠ URBAS November 2011 The coalition government under Social Democrat Prime make people redundant. Nevertheless, the unemploy- Minister Borut Pahor lost the support it needed in Parlia- ment rate increased by 75 per cent to 107,000 over three ment and early elections had to be called for 4 Decem- years. This policy was financed by loans of 8 billion eu- ber, one year before completing its term of office. What ros, which doubled the public deficit. are the reasons for this development? Which parties are now seeking votes in the »political marketplace«? What However, Prime Minister Pahor overestimated his popu- coalitions are possible after 4 December? And what chal- larity in a situation in which everybody hoped that the lenges will the new government face? economic crisis would soon be over. The governing par- ties had completely different priorities: they were seek- ing economic rents; they could not resist the pressure of Why did the government of lobbies and made concessions; and they were too preoc- Prime Minister Borut Pahor fail? cupied with scandals and other affairs emerging from the ranks of the governing coalition. Although the governing coalition was homogeneously left-wing, it could not work together and registered no significant achievements. The next government will thus Electoral history and development be compelled to achieve something. Due to the deterio- of the party system rating economic situation – for 2012 1 per cent GDP growth, 1.3 per cent inflation, 8.4 per cent unemploy- Since the re-introduction of the multi-party system Slo- ment and a 5.3 per cent budget deficit are predicted – venia has held general elections in 1990, 1992, 1996, the goals will be economic. -
General Election in Slovenia
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SLOVENIA 4th December 2011 European Elections monitor The Rightwing Opposition Forces forecast to win in the Slovenian General Elections on from Corinne Deloy translated by Helen Levy 4th December next. ANALYSIS On 4th December next Slovenia will be holding the first early general elections in its history. 1 month before This election follows parliament’s rejection on 20th September last of the confidence motion the poll presented by Borut Pahor’s government (Social Democratic Party, SD). 51 MPs of the Demo- cratic Party (SDS), the People’s Party (SLS), the Slovenian National Party (SNS), Zares (Z) and of the Democratic Pensioners’ Party (DeSUS) voted against the text, 36 members of the Social Democratic Party and of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDS) as well as three independent MPs voted in support. The Slovenian Parliament was dissolved on 21st October. Borut Pahor is the third Slovenian head of government to fall after Alojz Peterle (Slovenian Christian-Democrats) in 1992 and Janez Drnovsek (LDS) in 2000. After the announcement of the government’s collapse, President of the Republic, Danilo Türk left New York where he was attending the UN’s General Assembly to return to Ljubljana. “The vote of defiance has worsened the political crisis,” he declared, calling on all political parties to show courage rapidly in order to find solutions to the crisis in the interest of the Slovenian people. “The vote of defiance is good news because it will lead to a new government that will have wider public support, which is vital if the necessary decisions are to be taken,” declared Janez Sustarsic, professor at the Faculty of Management in Koper. -
EUDO Citizenship Observatory
EUDO CITIZENSHIP OBSERVATORY COUNTRY REPORT: SLOVENIA Felicita Medved Revised and updated June 2013 http://eudo-citizenship.eu European University Institute, Florence Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies EUDO Citizenship Observatory Report on Slovenia Felicita Medved Revised and updated June 2013 EUDO Citizenship Observatory Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies in collaboration with Edinburgh University Law School Country Report, RSCAS/EUDO-CIT-CR 2013/24 Badia Fiesolana, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy © Felicita Medved This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the authors. Requests should be addressed to [email protected] The views expressed in this publication cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Union Published in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Research for the EUDO Citizenship Observatory Country Reports has been jointly supported, at various times, by the European Commission grant agreements JLS/2007/IP/CA/009 EUCITAC and HOME/2010/EIFX/CA/1774 ACIT and by the British Academy Research Project CITMODES (both projects co-directed by the EUI and the University of Edinburgh). The financial support from these projects is gratefully acknowledged. For information about the project please visit the project website at http://eudo-citizenship.eu Slovenia Felicita Medved1 1 Introduction This report focuses on državljanstvo of the Republic of Slovenia, i.e. on citizenship or nationality as a legal bond between a person and a sovereign state. -
Act on the Protection of the Right to a Trial Without Undue Delay of the Republic of Slovenia
Župan čičeva 3, 1000 Ljubljana T: +386 1 369 52 00 F: +386 1 369 57 83 E: [email protected] www.mp.gov.si ACT ON THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO A TRIAL WITHOUT UNDUE DELAY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA 2 OCTOBER 2013 Disclaimer : The English language translation of the of the unofficially consolidated text of the Act on the Protection of the Right to a Trial without Undue Delay (of the Republic of Slovenia) below is provided just for information only and confers no rights nor imposes any obligations on anyone. Only the official publication of the Act on the Protection of the Right to a Trial without Undue Delay in Slovene language, as published and promulgated in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia, is authentic. The status of the translated text of the Act on the Protection of the Right to a Trial without Undue Delay is as of 2 October 2013 and the status of statutes in footnotes is also as of 2 October 2013. Explanatory footnotes have also been prepared just for information only, and previous text of this Disclaimer also applies to them. While the Government Translation Service prepared the original translation of major part of this Act, the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Slovenia performed the substantially corrected translation, terminology decisions and annotations. This translation may not be published in any way, without the prior permission of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Slovenia, but may be used for information purposes only. ACT ON THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO A TRIAL WITHOUT UNDUE DELAY 1 (ZVPSBNO) 2 Chapter 1 General provisions Purpose and scope of the Act Article 1 (1) The purpose of this Act shall be to protect the right to a trial without undue delay. -
The Case of Slovenia
“A Short History of Quotas in Slovenia” Sonja Lokar Chair, Gender Task Force of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe A paper presented at the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA)/CEE Network for Gender Issues Conference The Implementation of Quotas: European Experiences Budapest, Hungary, 22–23 October 2004 The Communist-dominated Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia was formed after the Second World War. Slovenia became the most developed of its six federal republics, gaining independence in the early 1990s. This case study looks at the participation of women in Slovenia before and after the break-up of the Former Yugoslavia, and examines the evolution of quota provisions that have been implemented to secure women’s participation in decision-making. Background Women in Slovenia were granted the universal right to vote for the first time in 1945, along with equality with men. At the beginning of the 1970s, some of Yugoslavia’s strongest Communist women leaders were deeply involved in the preparations for the first United Nations (UN) World Conference on Women in Mexico. They were clever enough to persuade old Communist Party leaders, Josip Broz Tito and his right-hand man Edvard Kardelj, that the introduction of the quota for women—with respect to the decision-making bodies of all political organizations and delegate lists—had implications for Yugoslavia’s international reputation.1 Communist women leaders worked hard to make Socialist Yugoslavia a role model (in terms of the emancipation of -
Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia On
DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 7 December 2007 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2007) 1E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 35 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 3-7 December 2007) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Slovenia joined GRECO in 1999. GRECO adopted the First Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2000) 3E) in respect of Slovenia at its 4 th Plenary Meeting (12-15 December 2000) and the Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval II Rep (2003) 1E) at its 16 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 8-12 December 2003). The aforementioned Evaluation Reports, as well as their corresponding Compliance Reports, are available on GRECO’s homepage (http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173) 1, Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol 2 (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Explaining Vote for Populist Parties: the Impact of the Political Trust, the Economic and the Political Context Danilo Serani De
Explaining vote for populist parties: the impact of the political trust, the economic and the political context Danilo Serani Department of Political and Social Sciences Universitat Pompeu Fabra [email protected] Abstract Over the last decades, the uneven electoral success of populist parties in Europe sparked the interest of many scholars. Until now, special attention has been devoted only to radical (especially right-wing) populist parties, at the same time as the impact of political trust on the vote for these parties has not been sufficiently addressed. In this paper, I focus on the direct and conditional effects of the trust in the main political actors on the vote for radical and non-radical populist parties. By using data from the European Social Survey (2004- 2014), this paper investigates the association between political trust and the Great Recession, as well as with the ideological convergence of the establishment parties. The results seem to confirm that political (dis)trust has a direct impact on the vote for a populist party, and its effects are accentuated during a crisis and when the establishment parties converge to the center. Key words Political trust, voting behavior, populism, multilevel analysis, economic crisis Paper prepared for the WAPOR Conference, Barcelona, November 24-25th 2016 This is a draft, please do not quote or circulate without author’s permission Introduction Over the last three decades, Europe witnessed the spread of the third wave of populism (Mudde, 2007). Far from being a transitory anomaly of liberal democracies, populist challengers of the establishment parties managed themselves to consolidate their position in the party systems. -
217 Abu Bekir Sadik, 96 Active Layered Theater Ballistic Missile Defense (ALTBMD), 29, 42 Adler, Emanuel, 7–9 Adriatic Basin
Index Abu Bekir Sadik, 96 establishment of joint, 44–5 Active Layered Theater Ballistic Missile and integrated security Defense (ALTBMD), 29, 42 strategy, 43–5 Adler, Emanuel, 7–9 and mutual threat perceptions, 33–5 Adriatic basin, 139–41, 142 Phased Adaptive Approach (PAA), Adriatic Charter, 11 31–2, 39 Aerospace Defense Forces (VKO), political considerations, 36–40 36, 42, 45 strategies and responses, 35–6 Afghanistan, 11, 14 technical-economic cooperation aging populations, 190–1 on, 44 Agreement on Strategic Cooperation, Ballistic Missile Defense Cooperation 69 Agreement (BMDCA), 44 Albania, 2, 4, 11, 18, 21, 91, 95, 101, Baltic Pipeline System, 121–2 103–4, 157, 181–2, 184, 203 el-Banjaluki, Ebu Zerr’, 92 Albanian National Army (ANA), 98, 101 Barnett, Michael, 7–9 Albanian separatist movement, 96, Basel Committee on Banking 98, 101 Supervision, 67 alternative energy sources, 117, 118 Bašescu, Traian, 204 Anil, Suleyman, 55–6 Belarus, 123 Anonymous, 50 Benevolence International Foundation Ansari Sharriah, 92 (BIF), 89 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, bin Laden, Osama, 89, 90, 92, 97 29, 45n1 Black Hand, 48 Arab-Israeli conflict, 48–9 Black Sea, 4 Arab Spring, 11, 14, 50 BMD, see ballistic missile defense (BMD) Arnaut, Enan, 89 BMD system (BMDS), 30 Asia, 37, 119 Bobic, Mirjana, 167, 169 Asian Development Bank, 67 border security, 12, 176–8 asset forfeiture mechanisms, 81, 83 Bosnia, 1–3, 10, 18, 21, 168–9, 198, asylum seekers, 177–8 201–2, 204, 209 Atlantic Council, 13 Islamist extremism/terrorism in, Aurora, 54 88–92 autonomization -
The Far Right in Slovenia
MASARYK UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Far Right in Slovenia Master‟s thesis Bc. Lucie Chládková Supervisor: doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D. UČO: 333105 Field of Study: Security and Strategic Studies Matriculation Year: 2012 Brno 2014 Declaration of authorship of the thesis Hereby I confirm that this master‟s thesis “The Far Right in Slovenia” is an outcome of my own elaboration and work and I used only sources here mentioned. Brno, 10 May 2014 ……………………………………… Lucie Chládková 2 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D., who supervised this thesis and contributed with a lot of valuable remarks and advice. I would like to also thank to all respondents from interviews for their help and information they shared with me. 3 Annotation This master‟s thesis deals with the far right in Slovenia after 1991 until today. The main aim of this case study is the description and analysis of far-right political parties, informal and formal organisations and subcultures. Special emphasis is put on the organisational structure of the far-right scene and on the ideological affiliation of individual far-right organisations. Keywords far right, Slovenia, political party, organisation, ideology, nationalism, extremism, Blood and Honour, patriotic, neo-Nazi, populism. 4 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 2. Methodology ......................................................................................................................... -
Slovenian Democratic Path After European Union Accession
The Difficult Look Back: Slovenian Democratic Path after European Union Accession MIRO HAČEK Politics in Central Europe (ISSN: 1801-3422) Vol. 15, No. 3 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2019-0023 Abstract: In the third wave of democratic changes in the early 1990s when the Central and Eastern European (CEE) political landscape changed radically and the democrati‑ sation processes started in the eastern part of the continent, Slovenia was one of the most prominent countries with the best prospects for rapid democratic growth. Slove‑ nia somewhat luckily escaped the Yugoslav civil wars and towards the end of the 20th century was already on the path towards a stable and consolidated democracy with the most successful economy in the entire CEE area. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Slovenia had a simple and straight ‑forward political goals, i.e. to join the European union as soon as possible, thus consolidating its place among the most developed countries within the region. After some setbacks, this goal was accomplished in (so far) the biggest enlargement to the Union in May 2004. But what happened after Slovenia managed to successfully achieve its pair of major political goals? In this chapter, we search for an answer to this question and find out why Slovenian voters are increas‑ ingly distrustful not only of political institutions, but why so ‑called new political faces and instant political parties are so successful and why Slovenian democracy has lost a leading place among consolidated democracies in CEE. Keywords: Slovenia; European Union; membership; distrust; democracy. Introduction After declaring its independence from former Yugoslavia in 1991, the Republic of Slovenia expressed its willingness and objective, both in its strategic develop‑ ment documents and at the highest political levels, to become a full member of POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE 15 (2019) 3 419 the European Union (EU).1 As the crucial developmental documents2 indicate, the optimum long ‑term development of the Slovenian economy is inextricably tied to Slovenia’s full membership in the EU.