For a New Approach to the Israeli-Arab Conflict
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A Realpolitik Reassessment
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 178 From Camp David to Oslo: A Realpolitik Reassessment Sep 17, 1998 Brief Analysis he peace process has, in practice, meant Israel's acceptance by the Arab world. This process, however, is not T irreversible. It is mainly a function of Israel's military, economic, and strategic strength and the Arab recognition of structural weakness. Only as long as current conditions hold, the peace process will continue. The American role in the peace process is important yet should not be overstated. Much has occurred without the involvement of the United States. The Oslo Accord, which occurred without American knowledge of the negotiations, is a primary example. The peace treaty between Jordan and Israel also did not have much input from the United States. To be sure, a change in U.S. policy toward increased isolationism could significantly threaten the peace process. Realpolitik Reasons for the Peace Process. The root cause for the peace process has been several realist considerations: Reaction to past conflict. Failed attempts to eliminate Israel by military means have forced the Arab world, however reluctantly, to accept Israel. The use of force has proven too difficult and too costly in dealing with Israel. In addition, Arab recognition of Israel's nuclear capabilities has reinforced the notion that Israel is militarily strong and cannot be easily removed from the map. Weariness toward war has also forced the countries of the region to redefine their national goals. Populations have grown tired of protracted conflict. This has led to a willingness to discuss the possibility of peace by all nations in the region. -
Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world. -
Agreement Between Fatah and Hamas
Agreement between Fatah and Hamas Cairo, 3 May 2011 Under the auspices of Egypt, delegations from the Fatah and Hamas movements met in Cairo on April 27, 2011 to discuss the issues concerning ending the political division and the achievement of national unity. On top of the issues were some reservations related to the Palestinian National Unity Accord made in 2009. Both political parties mutually agreed that the basis of understanding made during the meeting are committing to both parties in the implementation of the Palestinian National Reconciliation Agreement. The basis of understanding agreed upon by Fatah and Hamas are as follows: 1. Elections A. Election Committee: Both Fatah and Hamas agree to identify the names of the members of the Central Election Commission in agreement with the Palestinian factions. This list will then be submitted to the Palestinian President who will issue a decree of the reformation of the committee. B. Electoral Court: Both Fatah and Hamas agree on the nomination of no more than twelve judges to be members of the Electoral Court. This list will then be submitted to the Palestinian President in order to take the necessary legal actions to form the Electoral Court in agreement with the Palestinian factions. C. Timing of Elections: The Legislative, Presidential, and the Palestinian National Council elections will be conducted at the same time exactly one year after the signing of the Palestinian National Reconciliation Agreement. 2. Palestine Liberation Organization The political parties of both Fatah and Hamas agree that the tasks and decisions of the provisional interim leadership cannot be hindered or obstructed, but in a manner that is not conflicting with the authorities of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization. -
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds an End to Antisemitism!
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds An End to Antisemitism! Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman Volume 5 Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman ISBN 978-3-11-058243-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-067196-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-067203-9 DOI https://10.1515/9783110671964 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2021931477 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, Lawrence H. Schiffman, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston The book is published with open access at www.degruyter.com Cover image: Illustration by Tayler Culligan (https://dribbble.com/taylerculligan). With friendly permission of Chicago Booth Review. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com TableofContents Preface and Acknowledgements IX LisaJacobs, Armin Lange, and Kerstin Mayerhofer Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds: Introduction 1 Confronting Antisemitism through Critical Reflection/Approaches -
UNITED NATIONS General Assembly Security Council
UNITED NATIONS AS General Assembly Distr. Security Council GENERAL A/51/889 S/1997/357 5 May 1997 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECURITY COUNCIL Fifty-first session Fifty-second year Agenda item 10 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ON THE WORK OF THE ORGANIZATION Letter dated 27 December 1995 from the Permanent Representatives of the Russian Federation and the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General As co-sponsors of the peace process launched at Madrid in October 1991, and witnesses to the signing at Washington, D.C., on 28 September 1995, of the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, by the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, we have the honour to enclose the above document (see annex). We would be grateful if you would have the present letter and its attachment circulated as an official document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 10, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Madeleine K. ALBRIGHT (Signed) Sergey V. LAVROV Ambassador Ambassador Permanent Representative Permanent Representative of the United States of of the Russian Federation America to the United Nations to the United Nations 230797 /... A/51/889 S/1997/357 English Page 2 Letter dated 28 December 1995 from the Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Hations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to enclose the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, signed at Washington, D.C., on 28 September 1995, by the Government of the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization and witnessed by the United States of America, the Russian Federation, Egypt, Jordan, Norway and the European Union (see annex). -
Intercultural Perspective on Impact of Video Games on Players: Insights from a Systematic Review of Recent Literature
EDUCATIONAL SCIENCES: THEORY & PRACTICE eISSN: 2148-7561, ISSN: 2630-5984 Received: 28 November 2019 Revision received: 16 December 2019 Copyright © 2020 JESTP Accepted: 20 January 2020 www.jestp.com DOI 10.12738/jestp.2020.1.004 ⬧ January 2020 ⬧ 20(1) ⬧ 40-58 Review article Intercultural Perspective on Impact of Video Games on Players: Insights from a Systematic Review of Recent Literature Elena Shliakhovchuk Adolfo Muñoz García Universitat Politècnica de València, Spain Universitat Politècnica de València, Spain Abstract The video-game industry has become a significant force in the business and entertainment world. Video games have become so widespread and pervasive that they are now considered a part of the mass media, a common method of storytelling and representation. Despite the massive popularity of video games, their increasing variety, and the diversification of the player base, until very recently little attention was devoted to understanding how playing video games affects the way people think and collaborate across cultures. This paper examines the recent literature regarding the impact of video games on players from an intercultural perspective. Sixty-two studies are identified whose aim is to analyze behavioral-change, content understanding, knowledge acquisition, and perceptional impacts. Their findings suggest that video games have the potential to help to acquire cultural knowledge and develop intercultural literacy, socio-cultural literacy, cultural awareness, self-awareness, and the cultural understanding of different geopolitical spaces, to reinforce or weaken stereotypes, and to some extent also facilitate the development of intercultural skills. The paper provides valuable insights to the scholars, teachers, and practitioners of cultural studies, education, social studies, as well as to the researchers, pointing out areas for future research. -
The Six-Day War This Time, the Loser Writes History by Gabriel Glickman
The Six-Day War This Time, the Loser Writes History by Gabriel Glickman t is a general law that every war is fought twice—first on the battlefield, then in the historiographical arena—and so it has been with the June 1967 Arab-Israeli Iwar (or the Six-Day War as it is commonly known). No sooner had the dust settled on the battlefield than the Arabs and their Western partisans began rewriting the conflict’s narrative with aggressors turned into hapless victims and defenders turned into ag- gressors. Jerusalem’s weeks- long attempt to prevent the outbreak of hostilities in the face of a rapidly tightening Arab noose is completely ignored or A cartoon from 1967 shows Nasser kicking Israel over a cliff. dismissed as a disingenuous Jerusalem’s attempt before the Six-Day War to prevent ploy; by contrast, the extensive hostilities is completely ignored or dismissed while the Arab Arab war preparations with the war preparations are framed as a show of force against an alleged, imminent Israeli attack on Syria. explicit aim of destroying the Jewish state is whitewashed as a demonstrative show of force to deter an imminent Israeli attack on Syria. It has even been suggested that Jerusalem lured the Arab states into war in order to expand its territory at their expense. So successful has this historiographical rewriting been that, fifty years after the war, these “alternative facts” have effectively become the received dogma, echoed by some of the most widely used college textbooks about the Middle East.1 1 See, for example, Charles D. -
“Jewish Question” Sabby Sagall Zionism to This Day Has Been Driven by Two Powerful Myths
52 Free Associations: Psychoanalysis and Culture, Media, Groups, Politics Nos. 81-82, Spring, 2021 ISSN: 2047-0622 URL: http://www.freeassociations.org.uk/ A Marxist-Psychoanalytical Appraisal of the “Jewish Question” Sabby Sagall Zionism to this day has been driven by two powerful myths. The first is that the history of the Jews is one of unmitigated persecution – sometimes labelled the ‘lachrymose theory’ – that the world always has been divided into Jews and innate anti-Semites. The second myth is that the Jews withstood the unrelenting onslaught of the Gentile world, ensuring their survival as a people, because of their devotion to religious Judaism and to nationalist ideals. The portrayal is especially interesting given that many other ancient peoples – the Phoenicians, Assyrians, Babylonians, and ancient Egyptians - were assimilated into dominant cultures and disappeared as distinct ethnic groups. So what isn't mythical? Leon's Critique of Zionism - and His Critics Abram Leon in his The Jewish Question: A Marxist Interpretation argued instead that the Jews formed a vital social group with distinct economic functions, firstly commerce and later, because of church injunctions, usury. Ancient Palestine was a crucial corridor for goods. The region became thickly populated with great cities thriving on commerce. Hence, geographical position, above all else, explains a robust trend of Jewish emigration and its attendant commercial character. The Jews therefore, were a 'people-class' whose economic activities enabled them to preserve a common ethnic identity based on shared religious and linguistic features. This is not to say all Jews were merchants any more than all Romans were soldiers.1 During the first millennium, following the Roman conquest of ancient Israel/Palestine but also after the fall of the Roman Empire, Jews were the principal traders in western Europe and moved from one region to another, creating and fulfilling new economic needs. -
The Reproduction of Settler Colonialism in Palestine
JPR The Reproduction of Settler Colonialism in Palestine Marcelo Svirsky Abstract: Critical scholarship on Palestine/Israel tends to focus on conceptualising the settler colonial practices that characterise this conflict but have failed to account for how these practices are reproduced and sustained over time. To address this gap, rather than focusing on Israel’s quantifiable strengths such as military might, the use of law, the economy, and diplomacy, this article investigates the reciprocal relations between the formation of Israeli modes of being or subjectivities, on the one hand, and the generation and distribution of settler colonial surplus, on the other. The examination of the processes of subjectivity formation in their settler colonial register on the side of the coloniser allows understating how the circuits of settler colonial power endure. Keywords: Israel, Palestine, settler colonialism, subjectivity Introduction mages of Israeli aggression abound in the media: reports, photographs and video clips of Israeli soldiers and police officers beating and shooting unarmed Palestinians; airplanes indiscriminately bombing cities and towns in the Gaza Strip; Israelis uprooting Palestinian Iolive groves in the West Bank; army tractors using their blades to flatten Palestinian villages; Israeli politicians announcing new discriminatory laws against the Palestinian citizens of Israel, or threatening a new attack on Gaza or the West Bank; everyday harassment occurring at checkpoints; interviews with Israeli passers-by shouting out their -
Is It All About Territory? Israel's Settlement Policy in The
DIIS REPORT 2012:08 DIIS REPORT IS IT ALL ABOUT TERRITORY? ISRAEL’s SETTLEMENT POLICY IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY SINCE 1967 Leila Stockmarr DIIS REPORT 2012:08 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2012:08 © Copenhagen 2012, the author and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: Bernat Armangue/AP Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-504-2 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk Leila Stockmarr, PhD Fellow, Roskilde University [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2012:08 Contents Abstract 4 Dansk resumé 5 Abbreviations 6 Introduction 7 Aim of the report 7 Part 1 10 Back to basics 1: the intertwining of territory and legitimacy 10 The nature and extent of the phenomenon 11 Strategies of legitimisation 13 Part 2 17 The international community’s legal positions on settlements and occupation 17 Occupation 17 Settlements 19 Israeli contra-arguments and ‘legal regime’ 20 Settlers at the frontline – a question of security? 22 Shifting dynamics of the settlers’ influence 23 Restricting use of space: internal closure, planning and zoning 25 Settlements and outposts: a false dichotomy between ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ 30 Part 3 32 Back to basics 2: asymmetry as a precondition 32 Blurring the lines: Oslo’s failure to halt -
Middle East Notes Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns July 9, 2015
Middle East Notes Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns July 9, 2015 Please note: Opinions expressed in the following articles do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns. Read previous weeks’ Middle East Notes here. The six featured articles in this issue of Middle East Notes focus on the United Nations Human Rights Council’s (UNHRC) recent report on last summer’s fighting between Israel and Hamas, along with support and criticism of the report’s allegations, plus news about efforts to raise Israel's human rights violations at the International Criminal Court, and the release of the U.S. State Department's 2014 report on human rights. Links to additional articles are also included. (Photo of separation wall in Bethlehem, West Bank, by Johnny Zokovitch, Pax Christi USA) Commentary: The United Nations Human Rights Council decided to adopt a resolution condemning Israel based on its report on Operation Protective Edge in Gaza. Forty one countries voted in favor of the resolution, while one country – the U.S. – voted against. Evidence and arguments were handed over to the International Criminal Court at its headquarters in The Hague covering three areas of Israeli violations under international law: the summer war in Gaza in 2014, settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and issues relating to Palestinian prisoners. The Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014 published by the U.S. State Department on June 25 criticizes Hamas but especially Israeli actions in the West Bank and Gaza, citing alleged “excessive use of force against civilians, including killings; abuse of Palestinian detainees, particularly during arrest and interrogation.” The UN Report, the evidence given to the ICC for consideration of Israeli war crimes, and the U.S. -
Greater Israel” Project and Balkanization of Syria
Balkan and Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences Fildiş, 2017: 03 (03) Balkan ve Yakın Doğu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi “Greater Israel” Project and Balkanization of Syria Ayşe TEKDAL FİLDİŞ Namik Kemal University, Economics and Administrative Sciences, Department of International Relations, [email protected] Abstract: Oded Yinon, the former senior official with the Israeli Foreign Ministry and journalist for the Jerusalem Post published a book in 1982 which is called; “A Strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties” also known as the Yinon Plan. It is an Israeli strategic plan to ensure Israeli regional superiority through the balkanization of the surrounding Arab states into smaller and weaker states. Yinon Plan called for the “dissolution” of “the entire Arab world including Egypt, Syria, Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula.” Each country was to be made to “fall apart along sectarian and ethnic lines,” after which each resulting fragment would be “hostile” to its “neighbours.” Later, plans to balkanize Syria, Iraq and other Middle Eastern states were laid out by former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in a 2006 trip to Tel Aviv. It was part of the so called “Project for a New Middle East”. This was a carbon copy of the Yinon Plan drawn up by Israel in 1982. Former US Secretary of State John Kerry called for Syria to be partitioned saying it was “Plan B” if negotiations failed. But in reality this was always plan A, although officially Plan A was “Assad Must Go”. Then NATO planned on shifting narratives from, ‘evil dictator must be stopped” to “we must protect the minorities”.