Ukraine Cultural Field Guide
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No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea
English Version ITLOS/PV.19/C26/1/Rev.1 INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE LAW OF THE SEA 2019 Friday, 10 May 2019, at 10 a.m., at the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, Hamburg, President Jin-Hyun Paik presiding CASE CONCERNING THE DETENTION OF THREE UKRAINIAN NAVAL VESSELS (Ukraine v. Russian Federation) Verbatim Record Present: President Jin-Hyun Paik Vice-President David Attard Judges José Luís Jesus Jean-Pierre Cot Anthony Amos Lucky Stanislaw Pawlak Shunji Yanai James L. Kateka Albert J. Hoffmann Zhiguo Gao Boualem Bouguetaia Elsa Kelly Markiyan Kulyk Alonso Gómez-Robledo Tomas Heidar Óscar Cabello Sarubbi Neeru Chadha Kriangsak Kittichaisaree Roman Kolodkin Liesbeth Lijnzaad Registrar Philippe Gautier ITLOS/PV.19/C26/1/Rev.1 ii 10/05/2019 a.m. Ukraine is represented by: H.E. Olena Zerkal, Deputy Foreign Minister, as Agent; and Ms Marney L. Cheek, Member of the Bar of the District of Columbia; Covington & Burling LLP, Mr Jonathan Gimblett, Member of the Bar of Virginia and the District of Columbia; Covington & Burling LLP, Professor Alfred H.A. Soons, Utrecht University School of Law; Associate Member of the Institute of International Law, Professor Jean-Marc Thouvenin, University Paris Nanterre; Secretary General of the Hague Academy of International Law; Member of the Paris Bar; Sygna Partners, as Counsel and Advocates; Ms Oksana Zolotaryova, Director, International Law Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Colonel Leonid Zaliubovskyi, Colonel of Justice, Naval Forces of Ukraine, Mr Nikhil V. Gore, Covington & Burling -
Ukrainian and Russian Waterways and the Development of European Transport Corridors
European Transport \ Trasporti Europei n. 30 (2005): 14-36 Ukrainian and Russian waterways and the development of European transport corridors Michael Doubrovsky1∗ 1Odessa National Maritime University, Odessa, Ukraine Abstract Four of the nine international transport corridors pass through the territory of Ukraine: №3, №5, №7, and №9. In recent years Ukraine conducted an active policy supporting the European initiatives on the international transport corridors and offered variants of corridors to the European community. In the field of a water transport it is planned to carry out the construction of new and reconstruction of existing infrastructure (regarding corridors № 9; TRACECA; Baltic - Black Sea) in the main Ukrainian ports. The paper considers the situation in the Ukrainian waterways as a part of the international transport corridors. It presents an analysis of the existing situation and some planning measures. In order to optimize and rationally development the inland waterways and seaports of the Black Sea – Azov Sea region it is necessary to speed up the working out and official approval of the regional transport ways network. Regarding Ukrainian seaports this task is carried out within the framework of program TRACECA, and also by Steering Committee of Black Sea PETRA and working group on transport of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. To connect the new members countries of EU two approaches are considered: (1) the use of the Danube River due to restoration of navigation in its Ukrainian part, providing an exit to the Black Sea; (2) the creation of new inland water-transport links providing a more rational and uniform distribution of freight traffics from the Central and Northern Europe (using the third largest river in Europe - Dnepr River running into the Black Sea). -
STATEMENT by MR. ALEXANDER LUKASHEVICH, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE of the RUSSIAN FEDERATION, at the 1209Th MEETING of the OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL
PC.DEL/1544/18 14 December 2018 ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation STATEMENT BY MR. ALEXANDER LUKASHEVICH, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, AT THE 1209th MEETING OF THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL 13 December 2018 More on Ukraine’s military provocation in the Black Sea Mr. Chairperson, Over the past two weeks, we have heard many unfounded accusations against Russia in connection with the actions of Russian border guards in the Black Sea on 25 November in response to the provocation by the Ukrainian navy. Using these events as a pretext, the Ukrainian delegation frustrated the adoption at the Ministerial Council meeting in Milan of a document on the settlement of the internal Ukrainian crisis and a political declaration. The situation surrounding this recent incident requires a detailed analysis. We shall therefore set out in detail the chronology of events so that no one is left with any doubt as to the provocative nature of the Ukrainian navy’s actions. I might add that they posed a danger to the countless non-military vessels that were present at that time in the waters of the Kerch Strait. In parallel, we shall show you some slides indicating where and how this happened. So, at 11.37 hours on 24 November, the Russian State Border Service reported the movement of four Ukrainian navy ships in the Black Sea heading towards the Russian coast: two support vessels and two gunboats. At 16.40, two Ukrainian navy ships, the Horlivka support vessel and the Yany Kapu ocean-going tugboat, were identified in Russia’s exclusive economic zone 20 nautical miles from the border. -
The Khmelnytsky Uprising Was a Cossack Rebellion in Ukraine Between the Years 1648–1657 Which Turned Into a Ukrainian War of Liberation from Poland
The Khmelnytsky Uprising was a Cossack rebellion in Ukraine between the years 1648–1657 which turned into a Ukrainian war of liberation from Poland. Under the command of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky , the Cossacks [warrior caste] allied with the Crimean Tatars, and the local peasantry, fought several battles against forces of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The result was an eradication of the control of the Polish and their Jewish intermediaries. Between 1648 and 1656, tens of thousands of Jews—given the lack of reliable data, it is impossible to establish more accurate figures—were killed by the rebels, and to this day the Khmelnytsky uprising is considered by Jews to be one of the most traumatic events in their history . The losses inflicted on the Jews of Poland during the fatal decade 1648-1658 were appalling. In the reports of the chroniclers, the number of Jewish victims varies between one hundred thousand and five hundred thousand…even exceeding the catastrophes of the Crusades and the Black Death in Western Europe. Some seven hundred Jewish communities in Poland had suffered massacre and pillage . In the Ukrainian cities situated on the left banks of the Dnieper, the region populated by Cossacks... the Jewish communities had disappeared almost completely . In 1 the localities on the right shore of the Dneiper or in the Polish part of the Ukraine as well as those of Volhynia and Podolia, wherever Cossacks had made their appearance, only about one tenth of the Jewish population survived . http://www.holocaust-history.org/questions/ukrainians.shtml Our research shows that a significant portion of the Ukrainian population voluntarily cooperated with the invaders of their country and voluntarily assisted in the Holocaust. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
The Role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin Struggle for Independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1967 The role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin struggle for independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649. Andrew B. Pernal University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Pernal, Andrew B., "The role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin struggle for independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649." (1967). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6490. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6490 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. THE ROLE OF BOHDAN KHMELNYTSKYI AND OF THE KOZAKS IN THE RUSIN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE FROM THE POLISH-LI'THUANIAN COMMONWEALTH: 1648-1649 by A ‘n d r e w B. Pernal, B. A. A Thesis Submitted to the Department of History of the University of Windsor in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Faculty of Graduate Studies 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University
Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL) Volume 25 Number 1 Spring 2010 Article 5 Spring 2010 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel'nyts'kyi National University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel Part of the Education Commons, and the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Goodman, B. A., & Lyulkun, N. A. (2010). Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University. 25 (1), Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University This article is available in Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL): https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/ vol25/iss1/5 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukrainian University1 Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel’nyts’kyi National University This article presents results of an exploratory survey conducted at a central- western Ukrainian university of students’ current usage of and attitudes towards Ukrainian, Russian, and English. Before 1989, Soviet language policy positioned Russian over Ukrainian as the language of power and as the sole language of higher education. The effectiveness of national policies in post-Soviet Ukraine aimed at affirmative action for the Ukrainian language has been debatable and constrained by geographical factors of language use and language policy. The po- litical and economic status of English has the potential to impact the position of both Ukrainian and Russian in Ukraine. -
Culture and Change in Ukraine
East European Reflection Group (EE RG) Identifying Cultural Actors of Change in Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova Culture and Change in Ukraine Report prepared by Yael Ohana, Rapporteur Generale Bratislava, August 2007 Culture and Change in Ukraine “Shto delat’? (What is to be done?) I kto vinovat’? (And who is to blame?)” 19th century Russian saying Introduction1 Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine have recently become direct neighbours of the European Union. Both Moldova and Ukraine have also become closer partners of the European Union through the European Neighbourhood Policy. Neighbourhood usually refers to people next-door, people we know, or could easily get to know. It implies interest, curiosity and solidarity in the other living close by. For the moment, the European Union’s “neighbourhood” is something of an abstract notion, lacking in substance. In order to avoid ending up “lost in translation”, it is necessary to question and some of the basic premises on which cultural and other forms of European cooperation are posited. In an effort to create constructive dialogue with this little known neighbourhood, the European Cultural Foundation (ECF) and the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) are currently preparing a three- year partnership to support cultural agents of change in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. In the broad sense, this programme is to work with, and provide assistance to, initiatives and institutions that employ creative, artistic and cultural means to contribute to the process of constructive change in each of the three countries. ECF and GMF have begun a process of reflection in order to understand the extent to which the culture sphere in each of the three countries under consideration can support change, defined here as processes and dynamics contributing to democratisation, Europeanisation and modernisation in the three countries concerned. -
Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian
Geoffrey Hull and Halyna Koscharsky1 Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian When compared with its two large neighbours, Russian and Polish, the Ukrainian language presents a picture of striking internal variation. Not only are Ukrainian dialects more mutually divergent than those of Polish or of territorially more widespread Russian,2 but on the literary level the language has long been characterized by the existence of two variants of the standard which have never been perfectly harmonized, in spite of the efforts of nationalist writers for a century and a half. While Ukraine’s modern standard language is based on the eastern dialect of the Kyiv-Poltava-Kharkiv triangle, the literary Ukrainian cultivated by most of the diaspora communities continues to follow to a greater or lesser degree the norms of the Lviv koiné in 1 The authors would like to thank Dr Lance Eccles of Macquarie University for technical assistance in producing this paper. 2 De Bray (1969: 30-35) identifies three main groups of Russian dialects, but the differences are the result of internal evolutionary divergence rather than of external influences. The popular perception is that Russian has minimal dialectal variation compared with other major European languages. Maximilian Fourman (1943: viii), for instance, told students of Russian that the language ‘is amazingly uniform; the same language is spoken over the vast extent of the globe where the flag of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics flies; and you will be understood whether you are speaking to a peasant or a university professor. There are no dialects to bother you, although, of course, there are parts of the Soviet Union where Russian may be spoken rather differently, as, for instance, English is spoken differently by a Londoner, a Scot, a Welshman, an Irishman, or natives of Yorkshire or Cornwall.