No Arab Spring for Algeria MAY 2014
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
The Question of 'Race' in the Pre-Colonial Southern Sahara
The Question of ‘Race’ in the Pre-colonial Southern Sahara BRUCE S. HALL One of the principle issues that divide people in the southern margins of the Sahara Desert is the issue of ‘race.’ Each of the countries that share this region, from Mauritania to Sudan, has experienced civil violence with racial overtones since achieving independence from colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. Today’s crisis in Western Sudan is only the latest example. However, very little academic attention has been paid to the issue of ‘race’ in the region, in large part because southern Saharan racial discourses do not correspond directly to the idea of ‘race’ in the West. For the outsider, local racial distinctions are often difficult to discern because somatic difference is not the only, and certainly not the most important, basis for racial identities. In this article, I focus on the development of pre-colonial ideas about ‘race’ in the Hodh, Azawad, and Niger Bend, which today are in Northern Mali and Western Mauritania. The article examines the evolving relationship between North and West Africans along this Sahelian borderland using the writings of Arab travellers, local chroniclers, as well as several specific documents that address the issue of the legitimacy of enslavement of different West African groups. Using primarily the Arabic writings of the Kunta, a politically ascendant Arab group in the area, the paper explores the extent to which discourses of ‘race’ served growing nomadic power. My argument is that during the nineteenth century, honorable lineages and genealogies came to play an increasingly important role as ideological buttresses to struggles for power amongst nomadic groups and in legitimising domination over sedentary communities. -
Revolutions in the Arab World Political, Social and Humanitarian Aspects
REPORT PREPARED WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF THE PROJECT EXPANSION OF THE LIBRARY OF COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT, CO-FUNDED BY EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND REVOLUTIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS RADOSŁAW BANIA, MARTA WOŹNIAK, KRZYSZTOF ZDULSKI OCTOBER 2011 COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT OFFICE FOR FOREIGNERS, POLAND DECEMBER 2011 EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW REPORT PREPARED WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF THE PROJECT EXPANSION OF THE LIBRARY OF COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT, CO-FUNDED BY EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND REVOLUTIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS RADOSŁAW BANIA, MARTA WOŹNIAK, KRZYSZTOF ZDULSKI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT OFFICE FOR FOREIGNERS, POLAND OCTOBER 2011 EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND Revolutions in the Arab World – Political, Social and Humanitarian Aspects Country of Origin Information Unit, Office for Foreigners, 2011 Disclaimer The report at hand is a public document. It has been prepared within the framework of the project “Expansion of the library of Country of Origin Information Unit” no 1/7/2009/EFU, co- funded by the European Refugee Fund. Within the framework of the above mentioned project, COI Unit of the Office for Foreigners commissions reports made by external experts, which present detailed analysis of problems/subjects encountered during refugee/asylum procedures. Information included in these reports originates mainly from publicly available sources, such as monographs published by international, national or non-governmental organizations, press articles and/or different types of Internet materials. In some cases information is based also on experts’ research fieldworks. All the information provided in the report has been researched and evaluated with utmost care. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
Algerian Power Structures and Their Resilience to Change
WHO IS IN CHARGE? ALGERIAN POWER STRUCTURES AND THEIR RESILIENCE TO CHANGE Isabelle Werenfels* Since the ascendance of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to the presidency in 1999, there has been a debate – both in Algeria and among scholars observing the country – to which degree Bouteflika, a civilian, has managed to emancipate himself from the generals that brought him into power, and to what extent Algeria’s power structures have actually changed in the past decade.1 Bouteflika’s first term (1999 to 2004) was dominated by highly visible power struggles between the president and a number of influential generals, including the head of intelligence, Mediène, and the head of the general command, Lamari. These struggles abated after the president’s re-election in 2004. Since then, there has been a number of indications that Bouteflika succeeded in expanding his range of manoeuvre and thus his power by building his own networks of patronage in politics, the civil administration and the economy – most of which are based on regional affiliations (the west of the country where the president’s family stems from) and on loyalties dating back to the revolution. He placed key allies in important positions in the ministry of defence and the general command. He rid himself of influential generals at the présidence, and brought in one of his brothers, Said, as an advisor, who has now become a powerful player behind the scenes. In 2005, he apparently concluded a deal with his opponents in the military: the president granted them impunity from persecution for crimes committed during the civil war (1992-1999) in the Charte pour la paix et la réconciliation nationale. -
Egypt in Transition the Third Republic
Egypt in Transition The Third Republic BY M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI n January 25, 2011, the Egyptian people took to the streets and in 18 days were able to bring down the 30-year corrupt dictatorial regime of Hosni Mubarak, using entirely Opeaceful means. That revolution set the Arab Republic of Egypt on a hopeful path to democracy. After Mubarak resigned, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) became the custodian of the transition. In June of 2012, in Egypt’s first free and fair presidential election, Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi was elected President. Slightly more than 50 percent of registered voters actually voted, and those voters gave Morsi a majority of just less than 52 percent. Having won by this slim margin, Morsi was sworn in as President on June 30, 2012, and thus the Second Republic came to be.1 He was removed by the military on July 3, 2013 and a temporary President, Adly Mansour, was appointed on July 4, 2013. Thus began the Third Republic. The Second Republic Five months later, Morsi declared his decisions beyond judicial review, and thus his authority unchallengeable. In December, 2012, he pushed a pro-Islamist constitution through a popular referendum; it passed but with less than 30 percent of the popular vote. There was no constitu- tional way to recall, impeach, or remove Morsi. The path to democracy was taking a turn towards theocratic autocracy. The serving People’s Assembly (Majliss al-Sha‘ab) had been elected under a law later declared unconstitutional. Over 60 percent of the members of the new parliament were Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and Salafists. -
Mediation and Conflict Resolution in the Arab World: the Role of the Arab League
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2013, Baden-Baden 2014, pp. 299-310. Hesham Youssef Mediation and Conflict Resolution in the Arab World: The Role of the Arab League The Middle East has more than its fair share of global problems. In fact, the region sometimes seems to almost have a monopoly on major con- flicts, many of which have implications that go far beyond the region’s borders. Looking at the map of conflicts and crises in the Middle East can therefore be quite a frustrating experience. During the past three decades or so, the Arab World has suffered from two wars against Iraq (1991 and 2003), two wars against Gaza (2008- 2009 and 2012), two wars against Lebanon (1982 and 2006), prolonged intermittent political turmoil in Yemen, a civil war that led to the seces- sion of South Sudan in 2011, another civil war that started in 1991 and led to the failure of the state in Somalia, and a military coup in Mauritania (August 2008). Numerous countries in the region are currently facing daunting challenges of transition hopefully towards democracy and the rule of law. This started with the revolution in Tunisia (December 2010), then the Egyptian revolution (January 2011), which was followed by dramatic developments in Libya, Yemen, and Syria, with changes affect- ing the region and beyond. The objective of this article is to examine the role played by the Arab League in attempting to resolve or mediate a number of conflicts in the Arab world through addressing the following elements: - The legal provisions of the Arab League pertaining to mediation - The acceptance of a mediator by the parties concerned - How the Arab League has dealt with the perception of being biased - Addressing the wrong framing of a conflict - The time factor - Reaching and accepting compromises that conflict with the principles of the Arab League - The role of external powers - Reform of the Arab League and conflict resolution. -
The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges
The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 1 The Hashemite Kingdom Of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/2/529) 277 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman The Prospects Of Political Islam In A Troubled Region / Moham- mad Suliman Abu Rumman; Translated by William Joseph Ward. – Am- man: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2018 (178) p. Deposit No.: 2018/2/529 Descriptors: /Politics//Islam/ يتحمل المؤلف كامل المسؤولية القانونية عن محتوى مصنفه وﻻ ّيعبر هذا المصنف عن رأي دائرة المكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: William Joseph Ward Cover and Lay-out: Mua’th Al Saied Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-80-4 2 The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Contributed Authors Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman Dr. Khalil Anani Dr. Neven Bondokji Hassan Abu Hanieh Dr. -
Read Middle East Brief 140 (Pdf)
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor The Great Thaw in Arab Domestic Politics of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi David Siddhartha Patel Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Associate Director for Research t has been a tumultuous decade in the Middle East since David Siddhartha Patel Ithe beginning of the Arab uprisings in 2010–2011. Bouts Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics of popular mobilization recur and echo across borders. Six Eva Bellin long-standing Arab rulers have fallen. Civil wars erupted Founding Director and continue in Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Regional and global Professor of Politics Shai Feldman powers jockey for influence, and, throughout the region, Henry J. Leir Professor of the states interfere in one another’s internal affairs. All this is Economics of the Middle East typically described as part of a regionwide revolutionary Nader Habibi hangover—the “post–Arab Spring period”—that will Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies inevitably subside as the dust settles. Pascal Menoret This Brief argues that, on the contrary, the unrest of the past decade seems like Founding Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly an aberration only because, in several important ways, domestic political life Khalil Shikaki in Arab states was frozen from the late 1970s until the 2000s. It is that period Goldman Faculty Leave Fellow of authoritarian stability—when Arab leaders almost never fell—that was the Andrew March real anomaly. Before a huge increase in oil rents from 1973 to 1986 dramatically strengthened states and regimes, the domestic politics of the Arab Middle East Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow Alex Boodrookas were just as tumultuous as they have been since 2011. -
Algeria: Current Issues
Algeria: Current Issues Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs February 10, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21532 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Algeria: Current Issues Summary The United States has increasingly viewed the government of Algeria, as an important partner in the fight against Al Qaeda linked groups in North Africa. The Algerian economy is largely based on hydrocarbons, and the country is a significant source of natural gas for the United States and Europe. Algeria receives little development assistance from the United States, but its security forces benefit from U.S. security assistance and participation in bilateral and regional military cooperation programs. Algeria’s relative stability, always tenuous, has most recently been challenged by a series of riots and popular demonstrations that have occurred since early January 2011. The unrest initially appeared to be motivated by discontent over food prices, but has turned more overtly political since mid-January. The example of neighboring Tunisia’s “Jasmine Revolution” and the ripple effects of ongoing unrest in Egypt may contribute to opposition activism, with further protests anticipated in mid-February. The government has reacted both by attempting to assuage the public through political and economic concessions and by using the security forces to prevent and break up demonstrations. Across the region, other authoritarian governments have adopted a similar approach with varying results. Algeria’s political system is dominated by a strong presidency. The military is the heir to Algeria’s long struggle for independence from France, and has remained the most significant political force since independence in 1962. -
Arab Cultural Awareness: 58 Factsheets
TRADOC DCSINT HANDBOOK NO. 2 ARAB CULTURAL AWARENESS: 58 FACTSHEETS OFFICE OF THE DEPUTY CHIEF OF STAFF FOR INTELLIGENCE US ARMY TRAINING AND DOCTRINE COMMAND FT. LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS JANUARY 2006 PURPOSE This handbook is designed to specifically provide the trainer a ‘hip pocket training’ resource. It is intended for informal squad or small group instruction. The goal is to provide soldiers with a basic overview of Arab culture. It must be emphasized that there is no “one” Arab culture or society. The Arab world is full of rich and diverse communities, groups and cultures. Differences exist not only among countries, but within countries as well. Caveat: It is impossible to talk about groups of people without generalizing. It then follows that it is hard to talk about the culture of a group without generalizing. This handbook attempts to be as accurate and specific as possible, but inevitably contains such generalizations. Treat these generalizations with caution and wariness. They do provide insight into a culture, but the accuracy and usefulness will depend on the context and specific circumstances. Comments or Suggestions: Please forward all comments, suggestions or questions to: ADCINT-Threats, 700 Scott Ave, Ft. Leavenworth, KS 66027 or email [email protected] or phone 913.684.7920/DSN 552-7920. ii WHERE IS THE ARAB WORLD? • The Arab world stretches from Morocco across Northern Africa to the Persian Gulf. The Arab world is more or less equal to the area known as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Although this excludes Somalia, Djibouti, and the Comoros Islands which are part of the Arab world. -
What's at Stake for the Gulf Arab States in Syria?
What’s at Stake for the Gulf Arab States in Syria? Hussein Ibish June 30, 2016 What’s at Stake for the Gulf Arab States in Syria? Hussein Ibish Issue Paper #6 2016 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), established in 2014, is an independent, non-profit institution dedicated to increasing the understanding and appreciation of the social, economic, and political diversity of the Arab Gulf states. Through expert research, analysis, exchanges, and public discussion, the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform decision makers shaping U.S. policy regarding this critical geo-strategic region. © 2016 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its Board of Directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington 1050 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 1060 Washington, DC 20036 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Photo Credit: AP/Pool Credit: Mandel Ngan - Pool/Getty Images Photo Credit: Mandel Ngan - Pool/Getty Images About the Author Hussein Ibish is a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He previously served as a senior fellow at the American Task Force on Palestine, executive director of the Foundation for Arab-American Leadership, and communications director for the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee.