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Revolutions in the Arab World Political, Social and Humanitarian Aspects
REPORT PREPARED WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF THE PROJECT EXPANSION OF THE LIBRARY OF COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT, CO-FUNDED BY EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND REVOLUTIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS RADOSŁAW BANIA, MARTA WOŹNIAK, KRZYSZTOF ZDULSKI OCTOBER 2011 COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT OFFICE FOR FOREIGNERS, POLAND DECEMBER 2011 EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW REPORT PREPARED WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF THE PROJECT EXPANSION OF THE LIBRARY OF COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT, CO-FUNDED BY EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND REVOLUTIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS RADOSŁAW BANIA, MARTA WOŹNIAK, KRZYSZTOF ZDULSKI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT OFFICE FOR FOREIGNERS, POLAND OCTOBER 2011 EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND Revolutions in the Arab World – Political, Social and Humanitarian Aspects Country of Origin Information Unit, Office for Foreigners, 2011 Disclaimer The report at hand is a public document. It has been prepared within the framework of the project “Expansion of the library of Country of Origin Information Unit” no 1/7/2009/EFU, co- funded by the European Refugee Fund. Within the framework of the above mentioned project, COI Unit of the Office for Foreigners commissions reports made by external experts, which present detailed analysis of problems/subjects encountered during refugee/asylum procedures. Information included in these reports originates mainly from publicly available sources, such as monographs published by international, national or non-governmental organizations, press articles and/or different types of Internet materials. In some cases information is based also on experts’ research fieldworks. All the information provided in the report has been researched and evaluated with utmost care. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
Algerian Power Structures and Their Resilience to Change
WHO IS IN CHARGE? ALGERIAN POWER STRUCTURES AND THEIR RESILIENCE TO CHANGE Isabelle Werenfels* Since the ascendance of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to the presidency in 1999, there has been a debate – both in Algeria and among scholars observing the country – to which degree Bouteflika, a civilian, has managed to emancipate himself from the generals that brought him into power, and to what extent Algeria’s power structures have actually changed in the past decade.1 Bouteflika’s first term (1999 to 2004) was dominated by highly visible power struggles between the president and a number of influential generals, including the head of intelligence, Mediène, and the head of the general command, Lamari. These struggles abated after the president’s re-election in 2004. Since then, there has been a number of indications that Bouteflika succeeded in expanding his range of manoeuvre and thus his power by building his own networks of patronage in politics, the civil administration and the economy – most of which are based on regional affiliations (the west of the country where the president’s family stems from) and on loyalties dating back to the revolution. He placed key allies in important positions in the ministry of defence and the general command. He rid himself of influential generals at the présidence, and brought in one of his brothers, Said, as an advisor, who has now become a powerful player behind the scenes. In 2005, he apparently concluded a deal with his opponents in the military: the president granted them impunity from persecution for crimes committed during the civil war (1992-1999) in the Charte pour la paix et la réconciliation nationale. -
The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges
The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 1 The Hashemite Kingdom Of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/2/529) 277 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman The Prospects Of Political Islam In A Troubled Region / Moham- mad Suliman Abu Rumman; Translated by William Joseph Ward. – Am- man: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2018 (178) p. Deposit No.: 2018/2/529 Descriptors: /Politics//Islam/ يتحمل المؤلف كامل المسؤولية القانونية عن محتوى مصنفه وﻻ ّيعبر هذا المصنف عن رأي دائرة المكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: William Joseph Ward Cover and Lay-out: Mua’th Al Saied Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-80-4 2 The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Contributed Authors Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman Dr. Khalil Anani Dr. Neven Bondokji Hassan Abu Hanieh Dr. -
Algeria: Current Issues
Algeria: Current Issues Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs February 10, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21532 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Algeria: Current Issues Summary The United States has increasingly viewed the government of Algeria, as an important partner in the fight against Al Qaeda linked groups in North Africa. The Algerian economy is largely based on hydrocarbons, and the country is a significant source of natural gas for the United States and Europe. Algeria receives little development assistance from the United States, but its security forces benefit from U.S. security assistance and participation in bilateral and regional military cooperation programs. Algeria’s relative stability, always tenuous, has most recently been challenged by a series of riots and popular demonstrations that have occurred since early January 2011. The unrest initially appeared to be motivated by discontent over food prices, but has turned more overtly political since mid-January. The example of neighboring Tunisia’s “Jasmine Revolution” and the ripple effects of ongoing unrest in Egypt may contribute to opposition activism, with further protests anticipated in mid-February. The government has reacted both by attempting to assuage the public through political and economic concessions and by using the security forces to prevent and break up demonstrations. Across the region, other authoritarian governments have adopted a similar approach with varying results. Algeria’s political system is dominated by a strong presidency. The military is the heir to Algeria’s long struggle for independence from France, and has remained the most significant political force since independence in 1962. -
Legitimating an Authoritative Power Through the Foreign Policy Discourse, the Example of Algeria During the Arab Uprisings” by Côme GREVY
“Legitimating an authoritative power through the foreign policy discourse, the example of Algeria during the Arab uprisings” By Côme GREVY Written for the course: Sociologie des relations internationales dans le monde arabe Taught by Laurent Bonnefoy Fall 2014 This paper has received the KSP Student Paper Award of the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Sociologie des Relations Internationales dans le monde arabe (Laurent Bonnefoy) - Final Paper December 2014 Title: Legitimating an authoritative power through the foreign policy discourse, the example of Algeria during the Arab uprisings Author: Côme GREVY In spite of many predictions, the wind of the “Arab spring” did not blow on Algeria. To be more accurate and to use La Fontaine’s words in his poem The Oak and the Reed: facing the wind of the Arab unrest in 2011, the Algerian government did bend but did not break. This could seem surprising because Algeria actually shares many characteristics with its Arab neighbours such as Tunisia and Egypt where the revolution led to the fall of Zine el‐Abidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Indeed, Abdelaziz Bouteflika has been leading the country for 12 years at the moment of the Arab uprisings; Algeria is traditionally dominated by the army; the state of emergency was imposed during 20 years until 2011 and there is a growing discontent about the political institutions and leaders and a high rate of youth unemployment (23,6%)1. -
Why Is Trump Helping Egypt's Dictator Entrench His Power?
April 8, 2019 Why Is Trump Helping Egypt’s Dictator Entrench His Power? By embracing Middle Eastern autocrats, American presidents have been making the same mistake for decades—with dangerous consequences. By Michele Dunne As someone who has watched the Egyptian people struggle against dictators for years, it is hard to fathom the fact that President Donald Trump will welcome Egypt’s brutal military leader, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, for a White House visit this week. Eight years after Egyptians went to the streets to remove 30-year ruler Hosni Mubarak and only weeks after Algerians did the same to remove 20-year autocrat Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the White House is betting on Sisi. It’s an endorsement Egypt’s president-for-life will use to entrench his grip on power: Showing he has Trump’s enthusiastic support will help Sisi force any potential critics in the army or elsewhere to follow suit. Sisi’s Oval Office photo-op will come just a week or two before Egypt holds a popular referendum on amendments to the constitution that would give Sisi an exception to term limits, allowing him to stay in office until 2034. The amendments will also give the military a constitutional right to intervene in politics and will tighten his grip over the judiciary. If the referendum is similar to Sisi’s second election in 2018, Egyptian voters—demoralized and cowed by years of brutal repression since the 2013 military coup—will largely stay home. To be clear, amending the constitution is not about the security or prosperity of Egypt. -
Bouteflika's Uncertain Fifth Term
MENARA Future Notes No. 16, January 2019 BOUTEFLIKA’S UNCERTAIN FIFTH TERM Francesca Caruso This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement No 693244 Middle East and North Africa Regional Architecture: Mapping Geopolitical Shifts, regional Order and Domestic Transformations FUTURE NOTES No. 16, January 2019 BOUTEFLIKA’S UNCERTAIN FIFTH TERM Francesca Caruso1 POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ENDORSEMENT OF BOUTEFLIKA’S FIFTH TERM In April 2019, Algerian voters will go to the polls to elect their next president. On 28 October 2018, Djamel Ould Abbes, chairman of the ruling National Liberation Front (Front de Libération Nationale, FLN), declared that the incumbent president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, is the party’s designated candidate for the elections. Bouteflika, who was first elected in 1999 and is the longest- serving Algerian head of state, has yet to announce his candidacy. The FLN’s announcement does not mean that he has accepted or that he will not drop out closer to the time in favour of another candidate. However, for the moment the only obstacle to his re-election seems to be his advanced age, 81, and deteriorating health: the other candidates pose no threat and reflect the non-existence of any real opposition.2 The FLN’s announcement came as no surprise. Despite the fact that the incumbent has been weak since suffering a stroke in 2013 – which led to a reduction in the number of public appearances he makes, during which he is seen in a wheelchair – for months, Bouteflika’s camp has been calling for him to be elected for a fifth term. -
The Sustainability of Post-Conflict Development: the Case of Algeria
sustainability Article The Sustainability of Post-Conflict Development: The Case of Algeria Khaldoon A. Mourad * and Helen Avery Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, Faculty of Social Science, Lund University, 22100 Lund, Sweden; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 6 May 2019; Accepted: 25 May 2019; Published: 29 May 2019 Abstract: The Algerian civil war, 1992–2002, affected all aspects of life in the country. Major development efforts were therefore initiated in the post-conflict era. Almost 20 years later, the economy remains fragile, and the country’s large hydrocarbon revenues have not been used to develop the infrastructure for sustainability, support energy transition or reduce structural vulnerabilities. This paper provides an overview of Algerian development strategies before and after the conflict, examining in particular the orientation of major development projects involving foreign financing. Two rural development programmes are described to illustrate the outcomes of such projects. The results show that the conflict stopped or hindered many ongoing and planned development projects in the country, especially in the agriculture sector, while new investments in industry started after the conflict. The review of individual development projects further revealed that many projects between 1980–2017 had doubtful benefits with respect to long-term development goals. Initiatives tended to be discontinued once the funding period closed, and the involvement of the private sector was low. It is therefore concluded that additional attention needs to be devoted to long-term and structural impacts of development projects, including considerations regarding sustainability, demographics, and climate-related future changes. Keywords: post-conflict recovery; development strategies; rural development projects; sustainability transitions; long-term goals; hydrocarbon dependency; MENA region 1. -
ALGERIA Conflict Insights Vol 1
PEACE & SECURITY REPORT Vol. 1 April 2020 ALGERIA CONFLICT INSIGHT ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and policy implications to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision-making and in the implementation of peace and security related instruments. The opinions expressed in this report are the contributors' own and do not necessarily refl ect the views of the Institute for www.ipss-addis.org/publications Peace and Security Studies. CONTENTS SITUATION ANALYSIS 2 CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT 4 ACTORS 7 DYNAMICS OF THE CONFLICT 11 CURRENT RESPONSE ASSESSMENT 13 SCENARIOS 14 STRATEGIC OPTIONS 15 REFERENCES 16 CONFLICT TIMELINE (1954-2019) 17 CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Ms. Chedine Tazi Ms. Happi Cynthia Mr. Moussa Soumahoro Ms. Muluka Shifa Ms. Pezu Catherine Mukwakwa Ms. Tigist Kebede Feyissa Ms. Tsion Belay DESIGN & LAYOUT Mr. Abel Belachew (Design & Layout) © 2020 Institute for Peace and Security Studies | Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. IPSS PEACE & SECURITY REPORT SITUATION ANALYSIS PO G LI P DP FE U P E L E X A R P T E I C C O A T N A P I N T C A Y 41.32M $4815.60 76.08 A T B I R T H ( ) Y S E R A HU NE RE M IG Cs A H N B O Figure 1: Country profile D Morocco U E and demographics R V Arab Mauritania S E Index: 0.754 L Mali Maghreb O Rank: 85/189 P Niger Union M Libya E (UMA) N Tunisia T I N D ) E I X D ( H Algeria is the largest African and Arab country and an Algeria gained its independence from France in 1962 important regional power in the MENA, with one of the after an 8-year-war that killed between 400,000 people biggest and best equipped armed forces in the sub- (according to French historians) and more than one region.1 The Algerian economy is based on a rentier state million people (according to the Algerian government).2 system that heavily relies on its hydrocarbons sector. -
Algeria Three Years After the Arab Spring
MEDITERRANEAN PAPER SERIES 2014 ALGERIA THREE YEARS AFTER THE ARAB SPRING Daniela Huber Susi Dennison James D. Le Sueur © 2014 The German Marshall Fund of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF). Please direct inquiries to: The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1744 R Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 F 1 202 265 1662 E [email protected] GMF Paper Series The GMF Paper Series presents research on a variety of transatlantic topics by staff, fellows, and partners of the German Marshall Fund of the United States. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of GMF. Comments from readers are welcome; reply to the mailing address above or by e-mail to [email protected]. About GMF The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institu- tions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democra- cies. Founded in 1972 as a non-partisan, non-profit organization through a gift from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. -
No Arab Spring for Algeria MAY 2014
Atlantic Council RAFIK HARIRI CENTER FOR THE MIDDLE EAST ISSUEBRIEF BY MOHSIN KHAN AND KARIM MEZRAN No Arab Spring for Algeria MAY 2014 The popular uprisings that swept the Arab world in 2011 passed Algeria by. While there were sporadic Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East street demonstrations calling for political change, principally in the country’s capital Algiers, they quickly the Atlantic Council studies political transitions petered out due to lack of support from the general andThe economicRafik Hariri conditions Center for in theArab Middle countries East at public.1 Unlike in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, the political and recommends US and European policies to power system in Algeria remained intact. The autocratic encourage constructive change. the president since 1999, retained complete control, also pointed to an uprising. In the context of the Arab culminatinggovernment inof hisAbdelaziz reelection Bouteflika, on April who 17 for has a beenfourth transitions, Algeria appears to be the proverbial “dog term despite his obviously failing health.2 that did not bark.” So why did the uprisings in neighboring countries not Algeria escaped the turmoil experienced by the other result in a similar political and economic transition Arab transition countries for two main reasons.4 First, in Algeria? After all, Algeria had many of the same Algerians place high priority on stability and security. ingredients present that created the upheavals in Egypt, The collective memory of the civil war of the 1990s, in Libya, and Tunisia. The country was governed by an which more than 200,000 people died, makes Algerians authoritarian regime that used the security and military extremely cautious in pushing for changes that could apparatus to restrict political freedoms and rights of lead to a repeat of that tragedy.