Thomas Jefferson and the Meanings of Liberty
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
8 Thomas Jefferson and the Meanings of Liberty DOUGLAS L. WILSON The United States was conceived in idealism and in paradox. America joined the family of nations dedicated to the proposition that "all men are created equal," that all are en- dowed with the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that they have a natural right to rebel when those rights are denied. So said Thomas Jefferson in the American Declaration of Independence, summing up truths that Americans had learned in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, or Age of Reason, a time of momen- tous intellectual and scientific advancements that began in Europe and spread to Amer- ica. Enlightenment thinkers in Europe stressed a belief in natural law, human progress, and government as a rational instrument, ideas that profoundly influenced Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and most other American patriots. The ringing prologue of Jeffer- son's Declaration, in fact, drew much of its inspiration from English philosopher John Locke, who had held that all human beings were innately equal and good and were enti- tled to "life, liberty, and possessions." Yet in 1776, enlightened America held some 500,000 Africans in chains. Jefferson himself and George Washington, the commander of the patriot army, were large slave- holders. Indeed, slavery existed in all thirteen states and was an indispensable labor Jorce for the patriot cause. Even so, many northerners, in a burst of revolutionary idealism, moved to abolish the institution in their states. Vermont was the first to do so, in 1777. Massachusetts outlawed it by a judicial decision six years later. New Hampshire removed it by "constitutional interpretation," and Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Connecticut all adopted gradual emancipation programs. When New York and New Jersey finally freed their slaves, the institution of bondage became peculiar to the South—hence the term peculiar institution. 101 The story was dramatically different in the South. True, some individual masters, swept up in the spirit of the Revolution, voluntarily manumitted their slaves. But most southern planters and political leaders refused to follow the lead of the northern states. Because those states had so few slaves in relation to their white population, white south- erners liked to ask what the northerners had to lose in adopting emancipation. Southern whites did not see how they could abolish slavery, not with their heavy concentration of slaves (in some places they outnumbered whites) and their correspondingly large invest- ments. For white southerners of the Revolutionary generation, however, slavery, was more than a labor system, more even than a means of race control in a region brimming with blacks. It was the foundation of an entire patrician way of life, so interwoven with the fabric of southern society — as a potent status symbol, as personal wealth, as inheri- tances and dowries — that it did not seem possible to remove it. And what of Jefferson, perhaps the most enlightened southerner of his day? In Jeffer- son, we meet an American anomaly: the antislavery slaveholder. Jefferson truly hated slavery; he damned it as "this blot in our country," this "great political and moral evil," and he devised a specific plan to get rid of it i» Virginia — by gradual emancipation and colonization of the freed blacks outside the state. Yet Virginia never adopted his plan, and Jefferson himself was so much a part of his slave-holding culture — and so much in debt — that he felt unable to free his own slaves while he was alive (he did, however, provide for the liberation of five of his skilled slaves upon his death). It is not unfair to point out that Jefferson's illustrious political career—among other things, he was Revo- lutionary governor of Virginia, United States minister to France, Washington's secretary of state, and the third president of the United States — was made possible by slave labor. In this selection, a distinguished Jefferson scholar reflects on this "many-sided and multi-talented man," especially on his contradictions concerning slavery and race. In doing so, Douglas Wilson raises a crucial point about the perils ofpresentism — that is, of intruding today's values and attitudes upon the past. To do that, he warns, risks dis- torting history. What annoys him is that too many Americans today seem unable to dis- cuss the past in its own terms, unable "to make appropriate allowances for prevailing his- GL< torical conditions." As an example of presentism, Wilson discusses the story of Jefferson's alleged liaison with his house slave, Sally Flemings. The author denies the HEIv story as wholly out ofcharacter for Jefferson. But even if it were true, does it matter? slave, child This leads Wilson to a profound question that all of us ought to ponder. "How should we remember the leading figures of our history?" he asks. "By their greatest achieve- MOI ments and most important contributions or by their personal failures and peccadilloes?" NO1 Wilson emphatically sides with the first position. Jeffer Of Jefferson's many achievements, Wilson contends that his "pre-eminent contri- obser bution to the world was the Declaration of Independence." In discussing that contri- also i 102 butioti, Wilson confronts even worse examples of presentism: the view of Jefferson as a ranting hypocrite for trumpeting liberty and equality, yet failing to free his own slaves, and as an inveterate racist for his observations about the traits of black people in his Notes on the State of Virginia. Frankly, those observations are offensive to read today. Yet Wilson reminds us that they were speculative, "a suspicion only," and maintains that Jefferson would have readily discarded them had he encountered an outspoken, literate African American such as Frederick Douglass (whom we will meet in later selections). Addressing the question of why Jefferson did not free his slaves, Wilson observes that the great Virginian faced formidable obstacles in the con- text of his time and place. Then Wilson turns the whole question around. Instead of asking why Jefferson continued to hold slaves, the question ought to be, "How did a man who was bom into a slaveholding society, whose family and admired friends owned slaves, who inherited a fortune that was dependent on slaves and slave labor, decide at an early age that slavery was morally wrong and forcefully declare that it ought to be abolished?" As for the Declaration of Independence, Wilson makes a convincing case that Jefferson meant to include both blacks and women in his philosophical conception of equality. The author goes on to establish a powerful connection between Jefferson's Declaration and Lin- coln's address at Gettysburg during the Civil War. The Gettysburg Address, Wilson points out, "invested Jefferson's eighteenth-century notion of equality with an essentially new meaning and projected it onto the future of the nation." As a result, Americans today have a different view of the prologue of the Declaration than did Jefferson's generation. This-is a powerful, thought-provoking essay. Now that you are aware of the problem : of presentism, how would you evaluate the other readings in Portrait of America? Do they judge the past through the lens of the present, or do they assess historical figures and societies on their own terms, within the context of their times? GLOSSARY colonization; later, Henry Clay and Abraham Lincoln (in his pre—Civil War crreer) would HEMINGS, SALLY Jefferson's mulatto house endorse that approach. slave, by whom he supposedly fathered seven children. PRESENTISM The imposition of present-day values and assumptions on individuals and societies MONTICELLO Jefferson's Virginia estate. of the past. NOTES ON THE STATE OF VIRGINIA (1785) Jefferson's only published book, in which he made SOCIAL DARWINISM A belief, based on observations about the racial traits of blacks and Charles Darwin's theories of biological evolution, also offered a plan of gradual emancipation and that only the fittest individuals and societies survive. 103 "WHEN IN THE COURSE OF HUMAN EVENTS r oday, makes yesterday mean." Emily tion Dickinson's gnomic utterance con- "T:tains at least one undoubted truth — that the perspectives of the present invariably color the the meanings we ascribe to the past. Nothing con- mise firms this so readily as the changing reputations of Jeffe: historical figures, whose status often appears indexed plact to present-day preoccupations. It may be inevitable searc that every age should refashion its historical heroes in Obje a contemporary idiom, but doing so carries with it meai an obvious and inherent danger. In imposing Today's meanings on Yesterday, we run the risk of It distorting it — whether willfully, to suit our own the purposes, or unintentionally, by unwarranted as- chile sumptions and because of meager information. In him this way we lose track of what might be considered Indc the obverse of Emily Dickinson's remark: that Yes- slave terday has meanings of its own that are prior to and may necessarily independent of Today's. dent Thomas Jefferson is one of the few historical not Americans who need no introduction. Even the Thomas Jefferson, in an oil painting done in 1805 by Rembrandt tion most abbreviated knowledge of American history, at Peale. Jefferson was tall and slender, with a freckled face, gray witr. home or abroad, includes the author of the Declara- eyes, and short, powdered, red hair. The color of his hair inspired mor tion of Independence. Identified around the world one correspondent to salute him as "You red-headed son of a such with democracy and human rights, Jefferson's name bitch." Despite his aristocratic upbringing, he was largely indiffer- and words have been invoked for two hundred years ent about his clothes, which rarely fit him.