.SIAK-Journal – Journal for Police Science and Practice

Jakubowicz, Linda Lilith Migration and History. The way to a transnational culture of remembrance

SIAK-Journal − Journal for Police Science and Practice (International Edition/2019), 75-95. doi: 10.7396/IE_2019_H

Please cite this articel as follows:

Jakubowicz, Linda Lilith (2019). Migration and History. The way to a transnational culture of remembrance, SIAK-Journal − Journal for Police Science and Practice (International Edition Vol. 9), 75-95, Online: http://dx.doi.org/10.7396/IE_2019_H.

© Federal Ministry of the Interior – Sicherheitsakademie / NWV, 2019

Note: A hard copy of the article is available through the printed version of the SIAK-Journal published by NWV (http://nwv.at). published online: 8/2019 2019 .SIAK-InternAtIonAl edItIon

Migration and History The way to a transnational culture of remembrance

The issue of migration is more relevant than ever. The variants of legal immigration to Austria are also increasingly being considered and discussed in the wake of the developments of the last few years – especially the experiences of the so­called “refugee crisis” of 2015. On the whole, this is happening ahead of wide­reaching efforts to gauge the issue of migration in its entirety and complexity more deeply than ever before, to develop state regulations and to arrive at a national migration strategy, which also takes global implications into consideration. Against this background, the 2015 establishment of the Migration Council under the direction of Paul Lendvai is to be judged as the continuation of its work in the Migration Commission as a consultative body of the competent departments in the Austrian Federal Ministry of the Interior and – with the Linda LiLith Jakubowicz, establishment of Department III/13 (National, European and International Migration Researcher at the Institute of Strategies) – the creation of the corresponding administrative structures in the same. Science and Research at the Security Academy of the Austrian Federal Ministry of the Interior.

O ne finding which precedes the ex­ the associated influx, especially to Vienna, planations given in the final report of the continue to form identity in this context – Migration Council is that Austria is clearly consider on the one hand the eager refer­ seen as an immigration country in terms of ence to the Vienna telephone directory net immigration figures. What sets it apart or the corresponding culinary traditions; from traditional immigration countries, on the other hand, the more recent immi­ such as the USA, Canada or Australia, is gration history –, particularly the labour the fact that this attribution is an integral migration from the former Yugoslavia part of the self­image and national identity and Turkey from the 1960s on, which has of those states.1 The reasons for this are so far been little or barely researched and manifold, but should be seen ostensibly, rarely crops up in the public perception in that they have been heavily influenced and in national narratives. Fischer states: by immigration since their founding and “In the case of migrants from the coun­ this policy has largely been continued, tries of the former Yugoslavia, there is a combined with the active imprinting of the double lack of representation: they have corresponding narratives. equally seldom been treated in the history Migration has always played a significant of Vienna as they are prominently absent role for Austria as well. In particular, the time from contemporary mainstream discourses of the Austro­Hungarian monarchy and and spaces”.2 Yet, the influx of so­called

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“migrant workers” has significantly in­ or emigration.” Moreover: “A differen­ fluenced the country and its social, cul­ tiated image of Austria would be important tural and economic development in many for social cohesion and could be developed ways.3 through a process of reflection and discus­ All the necessary political regulations sion in society as a whole.”7 relating to immigration in all areas4 also Recent activities8 – in particular around deal with those people who have already the 50th anniversary of the recruitment been living in Austria for some time agreements of Turkey and Yugoslavia in and whose children often already have 2014 and 2016 – that are increasing (but children. Hence, an Austrian (migration) starting from a low level) and deal with history and the visualisation and involve­ Austria’s recent migration history9 should ment of migrant living environments and also be judged against this background. positions also play an important role in The 2012 establishment of the Centre for the narrative of the majority. Last but not Migration Research, which is dedicated least, the examination of the history of to the research desideratum of historical migrant workers in Austria also includes migration research and not least on the an integrative and appreciative moment initiative of the former Deputy Governor for subsequent (or successor) generations, Wolfgang Sobotka10 and initiatives and because “(...) inclusion in a community exhibition projects at local and regional also occurs, among other things, through level – for example in Vorarlberg11, Tyrol12, inclusion in the collective memory of this Vienna13, Salzburg14 and Styria15 – may community”.5 also be understood in this context. The socio­political significance of this In the case of the abovementioned en­ subject is thus obvious and has been re­ deavours, the integrative function men­ cognised by both the Austrian Federal tioned is not central, because “(...) it is Government and the Expert Council for [ultimately] not just about the history of Integration6, part of the Federal Minis­ migrants, but also about the history of try for Europe, Integration and Foreign Austrian society, which has changed as a Affairs, which states in its 2015 Integra­ result of migration”.16 Thus, the demand tion Report under the heading “Austria as for stronger (historical) representation is a place of identification and affiliation”: not primarily focused on “helping migrant “Austria can and should create oppor­ women to achieve their rights”17, but much tunities to be accepted as a (new, first, second) rather that the inclusion of this part of homeland. (...) It is also necessary to create Austrian history frees up the view of one’s a realistic and up­to­date image of Austria, own (common) past and thus enables it to which includes both historical and current be reflected upon, since “migration is one immigration and emigration as one of of the most crucial elements in understand­ its integral parts. The common image of ing European post­war history and the Austria is very much based on the stability present.”18 and homogeneity of its population, which It also touches on fundamental aspects was never a given in its history. (...) In of democracy policy19, because “[there is] official histography, subjects such as im­ no identity without history”.20 Moreover, migration, integration or national identity as Walter Hämmerle notes, “(...) it is also construction are only of minor significance highly relevant for the Republic whether and so, for example, there is no complete the people of this state will still feel picture of the history of either immigration Austrian and loyal to this community”.21

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Remembrance in this context represents an approach, immigrants (…) could serve a powerful historical “currency”.22 Espe­ as cultural bridges between national so­ cially the – thus far underrepresented – cieties in Europe and be the glue that binds (contemporary) historical research23 has cultures and societies together. (…) these a special responsibility here.24 Hence, groups could take on a crucial intermedi­ the contemporary historian Dirk Rupnow ating role, translating from one culture or recognised immigration after the end of the society to the other.”31 Since, as Helmut Second World War generally as a “blank König states, “something which has ear­ spot” in Austrian national memory, which ned the name of a collective European me­ is certainly also evident when looking at mory (...) is so far not in sight”.32 the state of research.25 A national migration history inevitably involves transnational (European as well “hiStoRioGRaPhicaL EM­ as global) interdependencies33 that need to PowERMEnt”26 – MiGRation be taken into account. The complexity of hiStoRY aS PaRt oF thE the process is reflected by the various ques­ nationaL naRRatiVE tions that arise in this context. In addition Integrating migrants27 into the national to those with a corresponding representa­ historiography represents one way, but – tion and participation of migrants, there is, as, for example, Ohlinger noted for Ger­ as Cornelia Kogoj notes, for example the many – not an easy one, to help increase fact as to whether “(...) the structures and social representation, visibility and “em­ global causes of labour migration [should] powerment”, i.e. self­empowerment in be worked out and presented”. 34 The dis­ the sense of empowering migrants within course on the subject of migration – along society. This is not least due to the fact with its historical significance as well as the that the majority of the members of the recognition of this part of Austrian history majority society do not expect a differen­ as part of the majority history – has thus tiated examination of their own (national) far largely been conducted “via migrants history, but rather a confirmation of known and not with them”35; so far, a largely narratives in order not to jeopardise their “symbolic exclusion” has prevailed here.36 own – weakly imprinted – national identi­ This also applies to a large extent to (con­ ties28. “The demand for immigrant history temporary) research. This makes it clear among a larger national audience is prob­ how important a “bottom­up” approach37 ably limited as an effect of fairly fixed is in the depiction of migrant memory and national identities in Europe. The reader the establishment of a collective culture of seeks confirmation and reaffirmation of the remembrance. already known (...).”29 It should also be noted that migrants and Ohlinger refers to the European level, on often their offspring too have a different or which this project, due to the lack of nation­ no relationship to the past of the majority state structures and the (previous) lack of a society38, or attach a different meaning European “master narrative”, is probably to certain events.39 The memories of the easier to realise.30 Migration history in an Holocaust and the Nazi regime should be inclusive and non­exclusive function. He mentioned here; these “(...) have become also identifies here the opportunities for an established, governmentally enforced a new narrative and the role which the and instrumentalised dominant memory40 history of immigration and immigrants can (...) in the meantime41, whereas migrants play in Europe when he says: “With such bring with them other significant historical

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Source: ÖGB archive hardly be avoided; ultimately, each person represents an individual with corresponding historical interpretations and experiences. The collective grows in certain ways only through simplification and shortening. “The process of inscribing in (national) history, of course, always carries with it the risk of essentialisation and unification of what should be dispersed. (...) In fact, neither the migrants nor the autochthonous Austrian society form homogenous entities. Neither is exclusively determined by their origin.”48 Migrant workers on the Burgenland-Yugoslav For example, transcultural research border, late 1960s/early 1970s points to the significance of heterogeneity connotations important to them – Erll of national culture in the production of speaks here of “multi(memorial) cultur­ interwoven cultures of remembrance and ality”42 – and thus do not participate in the also reveals other identificatory frame­ same way in the “Austrian memory com­ works detached from nation­state relation­ munity”.43 These “non­shared dominant ships.49 In this context, it is worth mention­ memories” thus seem to be more divisive ing “(...) the relevance that the formations than connective. This highlights the im­ beyond the nation states have for cultural portance of maintaining an open­minded memories: the global Ummah, Catholi­ view on the issue, which exposes the his­ cism, the “European left”, but also football, torical narratives and myths brought by music culture and consumer cultures”.50 migrants and creates a space in the his­ Some of the particularly important partial tory­generating process.44 In addition, this identities for Austria – since they are still opens up various analytical levels, since effective today – are the political ones, both the individual migration histories and which manifest in the socialist or Chris­ the historical narratives of the countries tian­Conservative circles.51 of origin need to be taken into account. The transnational perspective45 must not MiGRation MainStREaMinG be overlooked in holistic scientific ex­ The role of responsibility of the science of ploration and the shaping of new national history in the migration society was also narrative patterns in which migration plays emphasised by the then German Federal a role so as not to fall back into the trap President Johannes Rau in his much­ac­ of one­sided views and stereotypical attri­ claimed opening speech of the 44th Ger­ butions, nor must the importance of being man Historians’ Convention in 2002, in able to correctly interpret certain events which he asked the question, “What role and experiences for migrants;46 in this should historiography play in continuing context, Bettina Alavi speaks of “cases of to contribute significantly to the construc­ culturalisation and ethnicisation”.47 tion of a ‘we’ and indeed a new ‘we’ and The elaboration of similarities on the thus a new collective identity in an immi­ one hand represents a core element of a gration society”.52 He also asked: “What connecting historical perception, on the does history mean as a source of identifica­ other, due to the internal heterogeneity tion and identity in a society where people of society, a certain standardisation can of very different backgrounds and cultures

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live together? How do you create a ‘we’ in the history of labour migration not as an such a society? What historical roots, what appendage but rather as an integral part past does this (...) society have? Must there of national history.57 This is increasingly be many histories, or must the many have being taken into account in practical im­ to adopt one history?”53 plementation, especially in the conception These questions not only illustrate the of museums, for example in the transfor­ complexity of the process but also the need mation of the current Vorarlberg Museum for a contemporary examination of these or in well­known conceptual projects con­ same questions on the part of society and nected to the planned House of History.58 in particular on the part of historians. How­ Another challenge regarding the ques­ ever, it also clearly shows its importance tion of effective forms of historical repre­ in the emergence of a culture of remem­ sentation is the development of a “political brance which recognises migration as part we”, a kind of group identity of certain of itself and thus provides identification migrant groups or of migrants per se, frameworks for as many people living in which has now largely disappeared from Austria as possible. Austria. One such is – as Daniel G. Cohen points out in the example of the memory Finally, possible strategies of visualising of displaced persons (DPs) of the post­war and integrating migration­specific content period – an essential element in the devel­ into the national collective memory can opment of group­specific historical con­ be developed based on where and in what tent: “This absence of collective identity – ways historical representation manifests and lack of historical agency – helps us itself in a society and what challenges be­ understand why DPs, and with them, the come apparent. memory of the DP years, almost entirely There are different approaches to this: disappeared from the radar of public on the one hand, there is the actual in­ memory (…).”59 volvement of corresponding content in the In addition, certain stereotypical images prevailing national “master narratives”, in are sometimes internalised as constructive which a strong integrative moment is in­ elements of migrant identities by migrants herent, but must also resort more strongly themselves and are further consolidated in to simplifications, whereas on the other the form of recollection and maintenance hand, there is the coexistence of different of certain traditions as a characteristic of historical narratives, which better reflect cultural difference, a need arising from the existing heterogeneity but are more the desire to enhance one’s origins.60 A exposed to the risk of producing “exoti­ connection to the phenomenon of the cising parallel narratives” and thus of “return of ethnicity” described by Stuart fuelling social marginalisation and repre­ Hall emerges here as a counterpoint to the sentation as a fringe group. Therefore, it is transnationalisation of identity concepts about whether there is really “no one story, and the globalisation of territorial spaces.61 only stories”54, as Gamze Ongan notes.55 Due to the importance of historiographical The current approach within the scien­ empowerment – co­determination and tific community and the museum scene is participation of migrants in the process of mostly in favour of the first concept, which (national) historiography –, suggestions can also be summarised as migration main­ such as the “concept of ‘national’ and streaming.56 Consequently, it is conducive ‘post­national’ memory”62 can be seen as to an integration process to understand important impulses in the framework of

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Source: ÖGB archive however, the collective memory of the migrants must first be shaped and they must become aware of this. Only through the act of cultural shaping does the multi­ tude of memory spaces become a collec­ tive memory.”66 Against this background, it makes sense to consider which parameters are telling in the formation and manifestation of remem­ brance and memory and what significance they have in the design of a national master narrative (or more dominant narrative). Migrant workers in the restaurant at the Vienna After all, memory represents a “core aspect South Station, late 1960s/early 1970s. of national identity”.67 What is remem­ bered “as a community” is subject to a European historiography. However, due to continuous process of selection that takes the diversity and complexity of migration place in the present for the future past.68 histories in Europe, it seems reasonable Thus, even that selection has greater power to maintain the nation­state level63 as an over the time in which it took place than analytical frame of reference. This does over the past itself. What the community not mean losing sight of the transnational remembers is essentially decided by insti­ European (or global) context, which must tutions, the media, and not the least by in any case remain the focus of attention as historians; this culture of remembrance a constant essential frame of reference for manifests itself within various public modern historiography.64 symbols and ways of depiction. “Politics depends on symbols. (...) These symbols MEMoRY, cuLtuRES oF RE­ are condensed into narratives. And these MEM bRancE and MEMoRY in turn are able to tell people who they are SPacES65 and how they live together.”69 What is important in the question of how The Germanist Penka Angelova distin­ the specific history (or histories) of a parti­ guishes three groups of memory strategies. cular population group – thus the members Firstly, material organisation such as of a cultural or social collective – is (are) monuments, memorials or street names; integrated into the dominant narratives of secondly, social organisation (which in­ the majority society is the previous devel­ cludes symbols, coats of arms, hymns, opment and exposure of such. Further­ memorial days – in short, the various more, the immigrants themselves must be identity­forming rituals); and finally, made aware of this accumulated collective mental organisation, which includes, for memory. Memory and the concept of example, writing history textbooks, the memory spaces play an important role in way of addressing the past in (mass)media, this process. art and literature, but also the change of the “The ideal democratic case would be if language.70 the German collective memory were to The constructivist character and the re­ retain that of the immigrants as a recog­ lation to the present represent two essen­ nised and special part of itself. Before tial features of memory. Memories “(...) such a process of inclusion can take place, are subjective, highly selective situations

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that depend on the circumstances in which master narratives are rare, such as the nar­ they are recalled”.71 rative “(...) that the continence of violence Accordingly, what is important is not has become a continent of peace”83 as well only what is remembered, in what form and as the image of Europe as the cradle and with what attributions, but also what is lost preserver of the values of the Enlighten­ from view: “Remembering and forgetting ment.84 are constitutive of the nation (...)”.72 Iden­ Besides things that are forgotten or tity formation takes place both positively deliberately hidden, there are also the and negatively through history; “(...) it is positive and negative contents of national born of identification and demarcation”73; memory. In this case, Heidemarie Uhl the objects of cultural memory follow the speaks of golden and black memory spaces logic of group­relatedness, the demarca­ as “(...) points of reference with negative tion into “one’s own” and “foreign”.74 and positive connotations.”85 Unlike these, There are examples of national collective there is hardly any public space for other memories and national myths in every na­ subjects. These include, for example, tion and community, which were (and will structured labour migration to Austria, but be) maintained and cultivated as such). For also Nazi forced labour and related conti­ Austria, these are, for example, the image nuities for the subsequent recruitment of of the melting pot of turn­of­the­century migrant workers86 in the Second Republic, Vienna75, the receptiveness and helpful­ more generally, the handling of Europe’s ness76 of the native population (especial­ colonial past and its implications, which ly) relating to the Hungarian Uprising of are still relevant today, in particular also 195677 (which should be judged against the with regard to the question of the represen­ background of Austria’s pro­Western and tation and integration of underrepresented anti­communist orientation), the victim groups87, or also – as an example that an thesis – that is, the prevailing interpretation event’s temporal distance is not relevant until the 1990s that Austria was the first per se – the revolutionary year of 1848, victim of the National Socialist regime78 –, which in Austria, unlike other Central “everlasting neutrality”79, the myth of a European states, is rarely used as a histori­ consensual republic based on social part­ cal reference point.88 nership80 and the associated generation of The reflections and insights of memory a harmonising, non­violent view on recent research, in particular, affect the question history81 or the reappraisal of Austria’s of whether – in line with the current notion – National Socialist past, which has been individual memories of migrant workers increasingly intense in recent decades and can be used directly to derive a kind of represents a cornerstone in the nation­ collective memory (and thus whether the al culture of remembrance. Other things concept of memory spaces is basically have been virtually supplanted from the appropriate), since “(...) memory is one, collective memory, for example, in order if not the central, cohesion factor of the to retain the partly transfigured image of imagined community of the nation”.89 the capital city Vienna of the Fin de Siècle, In 1925, in his early work “Les cadres the contemporary presentation of the city sociaux de la memoire”90, Halbwachs as “slum city” is not part of our dominant had already assumed the opposite thesis, memory.82 Most identity­forming master according to which the reverse is true. Indi­ narratives still retain the nation state as a vidual memories therefore are fed from a frame of reference; examples of European collective memory, or at least from a so­

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Source: ÖGB archive In particular, Nora’s concept of memory spaces – or lieux de memoire – is relevant to the considerations presented here. He defines memories or memory spaces as “(...) spaces in all senses of the word (...), in which the memory of the nation (...) has condensed, embodied or crystallised to a certain degree”.96 In the third part of the work, Nora specifies what is meant by a memory space, namely a “(...) material, or immaterial, long­lasting, inter­genera­ tional, focal point of collective memory Migrant workers at the Vienna South Station, late and identity, characterised by an excess of 1960s/early 1970s. symbolic and emotional dimension, which cial or public framework; he believed “that is embedded in social, cultural and political individual memories spring from a collec­ custom, and which changes in extent as the tive memory, which is codified in places, way of perception, appropriation, applica­ language, buildings, norms, customs and tion and transmission changes”.97 Memory institutions”.91 spaces are thus “(...) central points in the However, according to the author as shared memory of a social group or nation well as Bertraux and Bertaux­Wiame or (...); these can be historical events, people, Ziegler and Konnonier­Finster, no dogma institutions or real places. Their entirety that draws a picture of completely passive, constitutes the ‘collective memory’ of a externally controlled parts or members of group”.98 society can be deduced from this.92 Rather, However, the career of the concept of a reciprocal effect of external norms and memory spaces should also be seen against influences as well as individual experi­ the background of its criticism (some of ences and memories seems obvious.93 which are quite justified).99 Yet despite Against this background, the importance its weaknesses, the concept offers a sound of existing images and objects of collective theoretical basis and serves as useful food memory produced by the public (largely for thought, which, nevertheless, has to without any share from the target group) be extended to include a transnational within the last 50 years should be inher­ perspective – in both senses of the term, ently kept in mind, and it should be taken as suggested by Bauböck100. It is also re­ into account accordingly when defining commended that a very open definition of the possible contents of Austrian migrant the concept be used; memory spaces are history – or rather migrants’ contributions thus understood as quasi synonymous with to contemporary Austrian history. “similarities in individual migrants’ memo­ The two most important ideas of cul­ ries” or as the “narrative of migration”. tural­scientific memory theory are based on considerations of collective memory nEw knowLEdGE and PRo Po­ – in particular, the connection between SaLS FoR iMPLEMEntation identity and memory, on the one hand, that The necessity and advantages of a view of Jan and Aleida Assmann94, and on the of history which takes greater account of other, the reflections of the French histo­ actual social realities have been recognised, rian Pierre Nora95. as described, at least in the recent past, by

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both contemporary history research and forms of presentation – previously de­ at the political level101. The possibilities scribed and propagated can actually be for implementation, especially, regarding regarded as the most promising. This is how such contents of the history of migra­ because it considers the different iden­ tion can specifically be methodologically tifying self­positionings of the group elaborated and as a second step, how these members and due to the lack of content contents find their way into the national separation, no corresponding assignment narratives of the majority society and also appears necessary either. The fact that a made known to the migrants and their de­ considerable proportion of the interviewees scendants themselves, without falling into do not or cannot (or not entirely) wish to the abovementioned traps (ethnicisation of identify with their role as migrant workers, oneself and others, paternalism, excessive not the least in order to avoid the sup­ heterogeneity and thus loss of identity­ posed positioning as victims (or members forming character vs. excessive generali­ of a marginalised group) further supports sations, etc.), has thus far been largely this approach. This is, if nothing else, re­ unexplored. The author’s102 dissertation, flected in the lack of or very little need completed in 2017, is devoted to this re­ for representation and visibility of one’s search desideratum and represents the first own history. It should also be considered attempt to empirically – based on the ex­ that the explicit representation of the his­ ample of the group of migrant workers tory of migrant workers is not a demand from the former Yugoslavia – realise103 arising from the community itself, but is actual contents for a migration history performed on their behalf by civil society and to examine which strategies and ap­ academics and activists for their (alleged) proaches are most promising for imple­ benefit, which ultimately – as can at least mentation. Moreover, attention is drawn be argued – is linked to a degree of pater­ to possible difficulties and, especially, nalism. to other aspects to be considered, in par­ However, it can be countered that the ticular further research needs, which are elaboration of a comprehensive, pluralist, systematically identified and named for the historical picture, encompassing as many first time. At this point, it is not possible to population groups as possible and corre­ discuss all the results in terms of contents, sponding to social realities, is both in the methodology or strategy; however, it is interest of society as a whole and also the important to present the most important objective task of historical science per se insights and thoughts, especially those (which has to act as independently of con­ which are of fundamental importance be­ temporary interests as possible). yond the corresponding target group. The concept of migration mainstream­ ing is, despite many commonalities, also Apart from those results specifically supported by heterogeneity, albeit not related to content and the elaboration of primarily the life courses themselves, at possible memory spaces for “migrant least the focus and retrospective assess­ workers” from the former Yugoslavia or ment of the same. Even the majority so­ those which could function as connecting ciety can thus be confronted more easily memories, the empirical research showed with migration­related content, which ulti­ that the migration mainstreaming – i.e. the mately represents the best prerequisite for natural and incidental integration of migra­ lasting involvement in the historical con­ tion­related content into national historical sciousness.

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Source: ÖGB archive books, monuments, (most) museums, an­ niversaries and grants, but also to music, culture107 and other forms of recognition and public representation. Likewise, not­ withstanding an academic assessment of this circumstance, the sense of history of the majority society is still oriented to­ wards national narratives. In this respect, any project of pluralisation of the view of history relevant to a society must take this circumstance into account in order to be successful. It is also not about the aboli­ Migrant workers in Vienna’s City Park, late 1960s/ tion of the category of the national, which early 1970s. is often considered by critics as obsolete, A further finding of the present re­ rather the concept must be understood in a search, which should be taken into ac­ much more layered way and must take into count in future discussions on the subject, account the social heterogeneity, in which is the gender aspect observed.104 Women different ethnic, cultural, religious (etc.) have a completely different view of their backgrounds and influences are inter­ biography and evaluate events from a nalised as normality.108 The concept of the different perspective. Primarily, the focus nation state thus does not function per se as of their representation (children, family) an element of exclusion but rather depends and the emphasis on their private lives on what content is ultimately attributed to provide a striking momentum. Conversely, it by definition. Moreover, identification the interviewed men’s stories rarely re­ with a nation is in itself not exclusive and lated to issues such as family, childhood limited to this, as the interviews conducted or private life, emphasising their greater in the context of the present work, amongst or lesser degree of public activity or pro­ other things, have shown. fessional achievement, thereby fulfilling Even clichés and stereotypes – with all the classic gender stereotypes. They also due caution being applied – can be helpful made stronger evaluations, for example on in the development of a shared identity­ general “migrant worker history”, and saw forming (culture of) memory, since they themselves as a kind of mouthpiece of the are especially capable of sharing common target group.105 Despite (or precisely be­ images – and ultimately creating a shared cause of) the heterogeneity and the me­ narrative.109 Consciousness, and hence thodically necessary demarcation presented, also memory, necessarily uses stereo­ the nation state (as communication space typing categories for the sake of simplifi­ with cultural connotations of different so­ cation; these therefore necessarily always cial groups)106, or the public orientation represent shortening. The clichéd subjects towards it, for the time being, remains the of the “Yugoslavian caretaker”110, for most important frame of reference, espe­ example, of the image of migrant workers cially since the most effective means of commuting frequently between Yugo­ visualisation are governmental, refer to slavia and Austria (with everything that the state and/or fall within its sphere of goes along with this, like crowded cars and influence. This applies to the most impor­ buses, which could also be seen in pub­ tant media, teaching content and history lic spaces, e.g. the motorways, waiting

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times at the border, etc.)111 are exemplary the common, i.e. the integrative nature of in terms of the target group. Even resort­ the project, as well as to generate further ing to the “Viennese melting pot”, which content for a common post­migrant Austri­ has also been worn out and treated with an history, are on the one hand, the recon­ justified scepticism, could be helpful in the ciliation of migrant memory spaces or emergence of an inclusive narrative112, in collective narrative with those of the ma­ which case the existing association would jority society (especially those of the same require at least a critical re­evaluation.113 age cohort) and vice versa, the examina­ The research outlined here was thus able tion of the importance of Austrian memory to bring to light many informative and spaces114 within the group of Yugoslav promising findings, although themes that migrant workers. Existing attempts to es­ had already served as essential categories, tablish historical links with Austria – both especially in the field of social science on the individual level115 and from the research, were also found. However, it was relevant communities in Austria but also not about gaining new insights into classic locally in the countries of origin – as well categories (housing, job market, family as the actual analysis of the history of less situation, transnational living environment, recent immigration to Austria (especially etc.), but about elaborating commonalities Vienna), require detailed treatment and in memory. Thus, “that it was like this” is consideration116. This is a historical facet not new, but the importance of individual that has not yet been comprehensively de­ themes in the memory of the target group veloped, thus illustrating the (in part) long and interviewees is. tradition and history that connects Austria In addition, it became clear what further with the territory of the former Yugoslavia. research is needed. In this context, par­ This depiction is, however, significant for ticular mention should be made of dealing yet another reason: For example, existing with the transgenerational aspect of memory networks in the form of actual relation­ (as an essential characteristic of a memory ships (or simply based on the knowledge space according to the original concept), of a corresponding community) may repre­ whereby the collective memories of the sent a reason for immigration to Austria – target group on their resonance and sig­ a state­related pull factor, if you will. Also, nificance within the subsequent genera­ historical connecting lines may perhaps tions of migrant workers can be examined establish a certain emotional closeness, and possibly new migration­related con­ which could be built upon accordingly. tent relating to Austrian history can be generated. It would therefore be expedient cLoSinG thouGhtS: MiGRa­ to increasingly comply with the transna­ tion hiStoRY (oR hiStoRiES) tional character of the research topic and thE ModERniSation oF through greater involvement of the per­ contEMPoRaRY hiStoRY? spective of the country of origin (for ex­ The relevance, especially with regard to its ample, through discussions with returnees (possible) contribution to the democratisa­ and generally through the assessment of tion of society, of the role and positioning “migrant worker migration” from the per­ of contemporary history three generations spective of the countries of origin). after the end of the Nazi regime is beyond Other important points in order to gain question and continues to be the main­ the broadest possible picture and, espe­ stay of the discipline. However, the social cially, to take into account the aspect of framework conditions are fundamentally

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different – a circumstance that has thus ratives as well as the attention given to a far not been adequately reached in con­ topic or group. In fact, quite the contrary temporary history research. The post­war is true. However, the framework condi­ society has become a post­migrant society. tions have changed fundamentally, which The importance of the concept of the na­ must sometimes also result in a repositio­ tion state is increasingly being called into ning of the role of (contemporary) histo­ question, not least because of advancing rians, or at least a critical examination of globalisation – and with it stronger region­ the dominant self­image. One approach alisation – and membership of the EU, but that could be discussed is one that sees also due to social individualisation; other, historians to a certain extent in a kind of more differentiated and also more plura­ mediating and balancing function, a posi­ listic forms of belonging and identification tion from which any imbalance in historical have become more important. In addition, presentation and representation may be a new zeitgeist of a new generation has counterbalanced by providing alternative emerged that has demanded an “end to the narratives, making groups that otherwise myths”; “the great narratives have been lack visibility more visible and/or break­ dissected with pleasure and passion. (...) ing new ground in the development of this This belief is increasingly turning out to content.118 be an error. Every community yearns for The subject of migration is especially identity”.117 Contemporary history has not suitable for meeting the demand of con­ yet dealt with the significance of this in tributing to (and preserving) the demo­ light of this altered framework. cratisation of society. On the one hand, This also touches on the question of the because the incipient labour migration of role and position that (contemporary) his­ the 1960s and its consequences triggered torians should and can take in the future. far­reaching processes of social change Not the least due to the broad social in­ that are still relevant today, on the other terest in popular scientific formats and hand, since the topic of migration inevi­ easier access to information of all kinds, tably opens the view to a transnational and including historical knowledge (which ultimately also a European perspective and faces new challenges relating to the lack can thus contribute to the development of verifiability and “quality control” of of a “European history”, and furthermore the information disseminated), access to as contemporary historical migration re­ historical representation and public vis­ search also focuses on fundamental ques­ ibility are subject to different mechanisms tions of methodical, theoretical, but also and negotiation processes than before. By practical approaches in a representative no means does this mean that previously and ground­breaking way for historically there was no abuse of positions of power – dealing with other minorities and margin­ which ultimately implies the assertive­ alised groups.119 ness of certain representations and nar­

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1 Migrationsrat für Österreich 2015, 10. 10 http://www.migrationsforschung.at/ 19 See, for example, Langthaler 2010 for 2 Fischer 2006, 162. de/aktuelles/drei-jahre-zmf/view. a critical examination of the concept of 3 Con tr ib ut io ns to the “ec on om ic 11 See, for example, the Vorarlberg integration. miracle” by providing the manpower, but “Vielfaltenarchiv” (Diversity Archive), 20 Schausberger 2008, 16. also socially through a large number of http://www.vielfaltenarchiv.at/ or the 21 Hämmerle 2017, 25. associations and the permanent estab­ fundamental involvement of the subject 22 See description of the Migration in lishment together with the subsequent im­ of migration in the conceptual reorien­ Europe Network’s project “Migrants migration of dependent family members tation of the Vorarlberg Museum and its moving history. Narratives of Diversity in (and later refugee migration), by which corresponding scientific activities, http:// Europe”: http://www.migrants-moving­ our current social composition is heavily www.vorarlbergmuseum.at/sammlung/ history.org/. characterised. forschung-kooperationen/migration-im­ 23 Thus, Austrian migration research 4 The Migration Council as well as the museum.html. (especially that of the recent past) was new national migration strategy currently 12 The exhibition “Migration in pictures” rather the subject of geographers, demo­ under development are approaching the of the Centre for Migrants in Tyrol, http:// graphers, sociologists and political subject in a multi-dimensional way and, www.zemit.at/de/projekte/abgeschlossene­ scientists. In addition, almost exclusively besides national aspects, also refer to projekte/migrationsbilder.html; the Telfs quantitative investigations were carried, connections at European and interna­ migration archive, see http://www.frei most of which had a policy-advisory tional levels. See, for example, Migra­ rad.at/?p=8445; the exhibition “Hall in purpose (and thus their perspective was tionsrat für Österreich 2015. motion – Traces of migration in Tyrol”, oriented towards formal and structural 5 Kogoj 2004, 82. http://www.hall-in-bewegung.at/; or conditions). See Rupnow 2016, 447. See, 6 The Expert Council for Integration head­ the exhibition of the Tyrolean Folk Art for example, also: Bakony 2013, 22. ed by Heinz Fassmann was established Museum “Everything alien in Tyrol”, 24 See, for example, the speech of the in 2010 and is organised by the Austrian http://tirol.orf.at/news/stories/2769938 /. German Federal President Johannes Federal Ministry for Europe, Integra­ 13 See the “Migration collection” project, Rau on the occasion of the 44th German tion and Foreign Affairs, https://www. funded by the City of Vienna’s MA 17 (In­ Historians’ Convention in Halle/Saale, bmeia.gv.at/integration/expertenrat/ tegration and Diversity) for the Vienna cited from Motte/Ohlinger 2004a, 9. (27.10.2017). Museum, http://www.wienmuseum.at/de/ 25 Böhler/Rupnow 2013, 3. Hardly 7 Expertenrat für Integration 2015, 71. sammlungen/migration-sammeln.html; any empirical research exists as yet 8 Like, for example, a study commis­ the Vienna Museum’s “Divided History” on labour migration and the culture sioned by the Austrian Federal Ministry Viyana – Bec – Wien” exhibition, http:// of remembrance. Regarding Austria, for Europe, Integration and Foreign www.wienmuseum.at/de/aktuelle-aus reference should be made to the works Affairs on the occasion of the anniversa­ stellungen/ansicht/geteilte-geschichte­ of Dirk Rupnow, Christiane Hintermann, ry of the recruitment agreement with viyana-bec-wien.html. Regina Wonisch and Wladimir Fischer Turkey, cf. Hahn/Stöger 2014; a recep­ 14 See the City of Salzburg’s Migration and the conceptual considerations high­ tion in the Vienna City Hall for “first Archive, https://www.stadtsalzburg.at/ lighted in the “Gastarbajteri” exhibition, generation migrant workers”, http:// internet/bildung_kultur/stadtgeschichte/ (Gürses et al. 2004). archiv.kosmo.at/news/Wien-sagt-Danke­ migrationsarchiv_439399/migrations 26 See Ohlinger 2010, 17. zu-Gastarbeitern for the same reason archiv_439401.htm. 27 The same applies to members of other or two corresponding exhibitions by the 15 Lebenswege 2015. (autochthonous) minorities or under­ Vienna Ethnological Museum: Özbas et 16 http://www.wienerzeitung.at/themen_ represented social groups. However, al. 2014; Özbas et al. 2016. channel/wz_integration/migration/ these cannot be discussed further here. 9 The word “migration history” itself 492812_Zeitpunkt-jetzt-nicht-verpassen. 28 In 1993 for example, “only” 80 % of can only be understood as a temporary html. Austrians still considered Austria to be expression, since it is concerns much 17 Note: and to pursue a paternalistic an independent nation. Cf. Bruckmüller more than the process of migration per se approach once again. 1996, 65 or Bruckmüller 1994, 15 (Rupnow 2015, 911). 18 Rupnow 2013, 15. 29 Ohlinger 2010, 17.

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30 See, for example, Leggewie/Lang 2011 a “negative founding myth” (Jeismann larger community (such as culture, reli­ or Calligano 2015 as well as Durchhardt/ 2001, 140). gion, ideology or possibly even a sports Kunz 1997 on the absence of a collective 41 See also Motte/Ohlinger 2004b, 21 or club). See, for example, Bourdieu 1983, European memory and its importance Csáky 2002, 30. 183–198 or Gehmacher 2009, 103–109. for a sustainable political identity as 42 Erll 2011, 4. 51 See Pelinka 1995. History has shown well as a concept of a European memory 43 See, for example, Hintermann 2007 that divisive partial identities and faction community. and Antic 2012, 5. mentality, such as those between Catho­ 31 Ohlinger 2010, 18. 44 However, this can only be done mar­ lics and Protestants, Germans and Slavs, 32 König et al. 2008, 22. ginally at this point. There are hardly Greater Germans and Austrians, etc.; see 33 Mo s t re p r e s e n t a t i v e s of cur r e n t any studies on the historical awareness Hämmerle 2017, 25. memory studies consider the mindset of of the ex-Yugoslavians in Austria. One 52 Speech by the German Federal Presi­ national memory spaces as generally exception is the diploma thesis of Ivana dent Johannes Rau on the occasion of the obsolete. See, for example, Erll 2011, 57 ff Antic, whose analysis led to the following 44th German Historians’ Convention in on this criticism and the concepts of interesting result: “In terms of ex-Yugo­ Halle/Saale, cited from: Motte/Ohlinger globalised memory research; Leggewie slavian history, it can be summarised that 2004a, 9. and Lang provide a revised concept for the tendency towards unreflected nation­ 53 Speech by the German Federal Presi­ memory spaces in Leggewie/Lang 2011, alist historical consciousness is growing dent Johannes Rau on the occasion of the 49 ff. with increasing Serbian socialisation” 44th German Historians’ Convention in 34 Kogoj 2004. (Antic 2012, 159). Halle/Saale in: Motte/Ohlinger 2004a, 9. 35 Böhler 2013, 3. 45 As Marc Bloch already stated about 54 Ongan 2004, 88. 36 Motte/Ohlinger 2004b, 18. the national focus of historiography in 55 See also Dülffe 2005, 20. 37 Meaning the active involvement of general: “There is no French history, 56 On the notion of “cultural main­ migrants in this process as well as the there is only one European history” streaming” or “migration mainstream­ generation of content though biographi­ (Bloch 2005, 14). ing”, see Hess et al. 2009. cal/qualitative interviews. 46 See also Gürses 2004, 24–31 on the 57 See, for example, Lozic/Hintermann 38 However, it is also important here to difficulty of exhibiting on (labour) migra­ 2010, 37 or Rupnow 2013, 11. be careful and not to make generalised tion history and dealing with history. 58 http://www.vorarlbergmuseum.at/; assumptions. Most young people with 47 Alavi 1998. http://www.hdgoe.at/. See also: http:// a migrant background as well as young 48 Rupnow 2013, 13. www.vielfaltenarchiv.at/. people with a longer family history have 49 In this context, Rupnow points out that 59 Cohen 2006, 91. similar ways of appropriating historical the reality of migration society calls into 60 Terkessides 2000. content (mass media, new media) and question the “normatively homogenous 61 See Hall 1996. thus make differences disappear when concept of ’collective’” memory, which 62 Erll 2011, 63. approaching the subject of the “Holo­ is why one should rather speak in the 63 Which, in a certain way, must also take caust”, especially since today’s young plural of “collected memories” instead of several countries into account – at least people are generally temporally a long “collective memories”, which should be the respective country of origin and its way from this time and so it can also acknowledged and shared. See Rupnow historical narratives and national myths. be assumed that “the peasant wars, the 2015, 913. 64 See, for example, the comments of the Nazis and the fall of the Berlin Wall are 50 Erll 2011, 63. See also the concept topic “Austrian contemporary history as a immersed in a similar historical fog”, see of social capital. Social capital encom­ history of the public in international com­ Schacht 2012, 6; see also Georgi 2003. passes a person’s relationships and parison to the present” by the Institute 39 See, for example, Wonisch 2012, 16. social networks, from close confidants, for Contemporary History of the Univer­ 40 Rupnow 2013, 6. Note: Michael such as family and the closest circle sity of Vienna, where the following expla­ Jeismann even sees the development of a of friends, through looser but equal­ nation can be found: “Austrian history commemoration and value community in ly meaningful contacts in recreational is understood as part of a European and Europe in which Auschwitz functions as and interest groups, to attachments to a global development process and analysed

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in a much more differentiated way using 82 Fischer 2007, 92. sentation, according to the traditional comparisons, cross-linking and trans­ 83 Dülffer 2014. allocation of women to the private sphere fer analyses”, http://www.univie.ac.at/ 84 See Deutscher Bundestag (o.A.) or and men to the public sphere can thus be zeitgeschichte/institut/schwerpunkte/ also Holtmann 2008. clearly seen, at least on the basis of the osterreichische-zeitgeschichte-als-repu 85 Uhl 2010, 12. interviews carried out in the course of blikgeschichte-im-internationalen-ver 86 See, for example, Bakony/Winter 2013, this work, about which further investiga­ gleich-bis-zur-gegenwart/. 26 f. tions and discussions would be appropri­ 65 See Nora/François 2005. 87 See, for example, Broden/Mecheril ate. 66 Jamin 2004, 155. 2007 or Spivak 2007. 106 See Csáky 2002, 33. 67 Lutz/Gawarecki 2005, 14. 88 Uhl 2010, 8. 107 These are essential elements in iden­ 68 Ibid, 15. 89 Hois et al. 2004, 216. tity formation and often make use of com­ 69 Hämmerle 2017, 25. 90 Halbwachs 1966. mon stereotypes and clichés as well as 70 Angelova 2011, 7 f. 91 Bertraux/Bertraux-Wiame 1980, 113. suitably engaged symbolism. Consider 71 Erll 2011, 7. See Ziegler/Konnonier-Finster 1993, 41 the “Sissi” films of the post-war period 72 Brix et al. 2004, 9. on Assmann’s critique of Halbwachs, or the multitude of sentimental films 73 Schneider et al. 2011. which criticises precisely that lack of with regional background or well­ 74 Assmann 1988, 13. orientation towards forms of “objective known songs like “I am from Austria” by 75 Mattl/Payer 2004, 100 f. culture” such as texts, buildings, monu­ Rainhard Fendrich; see also Pensold et 76 Wodak 1994, 46; see also Bauböck/ ments or rites. al. 2015, 109 f. Perchinig 2003. 92 Bertraux/Bertraux-Wiame 1980, 113. 108 See Terkessidis 2012, 120 ff. 77 In this context, let us refer, for example 93 See Ziegler/Kannonier-Finster 1993, 43. 109 See also Müller-Funk (not specified). to the gala and celebrations on ORF 94 See, for example, Assmann 1988; Ass­ 110 Insofar as these correspond to the around the 90th anniversary of the Bur­ mann 1999b; Assmann 1995; Assmann facts, at least regarding origin, then the genland in 2011 and the representation 1999a; Assmann 1999c. interviewees’ image of the “Yugoslavian there of helpfulness in the context of 95 See Nora 1998 or Nora/François 2005. caretaker” is strained, yet also corre­ the Hungarian Uprising. Currently, for See Uhl 2010, 8 or Hois et al. 2004, 215 f. sponds to the facts. After all, eight of the example, Hans Niessl in his commemo­ 96 Nora 1998, 7. twelve respondents (or their partners) rative speech on the occasion of the 60th 97 François 2001, 17–18. were employed as caretakers. See also anniversary of the Hungarian Uprising 98 Jamin 2004, 148. Lichtenberger 1984, 327 ff. and the bridge of Andau as a symbol: 99 See, for example, Creet/Kitzmann 111 So this image also forms the content of “The bridge of Andau has become a sign 2011, 4 ff. the interviews, even if frequent commut­ of humanity and solidarity for eternity 100 See Bauböck 2010. ing barely featured amongst the respon­ due to these historical events and the 101 See overview, page 75. dents themselves and returning to their helpfulness of the Burgenland inhabi­ 102 Jakubowicz 2017. country of origin was ostensibly limited tants” (Kurier 2016, 3). 103 Which also requires the development to holidays. 78 See, for example, Pelinka 1997, 95; of a fundamentally appropriate methodo­ 112 See Riegler 2010 and Bauböck 1996, Bakony/Winter 2013, 30 or even Uhl (not logical approach. 2 or John 1996 and John 2016. Also the specified). 104 See the dissertation of Lorber 2015 as critique of Fischer 2008. 79 See, for example, Bruckmüller 1994, one of the few pieces of research that deals 113 This image refers primarily to those 132 ff and Bauböck 1996, 8. explicitly with female labour migration. migrants who come from parts of the 80 Hintermann 2010, 75. See the entirety 105 An exception here in part was inter­ former monarchy, and thus serves as a of Rathkolb 2005. viewee number 9. It should also be noted distinction between “good” and “bad 81 However, this is only true for part of that three of the four men interviewed foreigners”. This is certainly problem­ the Austrian population and predomi­ are active members of different associa­ atic, as it is judgmental, whereby the nantly conceals the direct or indirect ex­ tions, with all the associated peculiarities fundamental question of whether the perience of migrants. already described elsewhere. This repre­ history of migration is not or is in fact

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ostensible to the history of the individ­ ence point and essential aspect of self­ Sources of information ual (ethnic) groups has to be posed. See representation and identification within Alavi, Bettina (1998). Geschichtsunter­ Fischer 2006, 164. the Austrian population (see the Austrian richt in der multikulturellen Gesellschaft, Fischer, for example, explains the oc­ tourism advert). Frankfurt a.M. cupation with immigrants from south­ 116 Looking at the existing state of Angelova, Penka (2011). Zum Geleit, in: eastern Europe in turn-of-the-19th/20th­ research, it now becomes clear that the Angelova, Penka/Müller, Manfred (Eds.) century Vienna as follows: “It is a group, group of (now former) Yugoslavians in Erinnerungskulturen im Vergleich. Inter­ that might at that time not even have Austria was investigated almost exclu­ nationale Konferenz Wien, 2009, Schrif­ existed as an ’imagined community‘: the sively as a more or less homogenous tenreihe der Elias Canetti Gesellschaft, migrants from the regions that used to be immigrant group; work on individual Bd. 7, Mörlenbach, 7–10. 20th century Yugoslavia. One might ask “ethnicities” or ethnic groups is largely Antic, Ivana (2012). Das Geschichtsbe­ why the topic is defined by a territory that absent. See Bozic 1998. Lichtenberger wusstsein von Migranten. Eine Analyse did not potentially exist in the period in made a distinction according to ethnicity historisch-politischer Narrative in Bezug question. The answer lies in the strategy in her study of the labour migrants in auf Aufnahme und Herkunftsgesellschaft of my research: the potential readers of Vienna, although the representation of am Beispiel serbischer, bosnischer und history do live now” (Fischer 2006, 161). different living environments within the kroatischer Migranten, Diplomarbeit, Wien. 114 Whereby this point is still material Yugoslavian migrant workers was not Assmann, Jan (1995). Erinnern und da­ for further research. As a useful starting in the foreground (Lichtenberger 1984). zugehören. Kulturelles Gedächtnis, Zu­ point, there are some ideas expressed on There is also more recent research on gehörigkeitsstruktur und normative Ver­ this, especially Brix et al. 2004; Brix et the individual ethnic groups in Vienna, gangenheit, in: Platt, Kristin/Dabag, al. 2005a; Brix et al. 2005b. with certain differentiations having been Mihran (Eds.) Generation und Gedächt­ 115 One outcome of the interview is the made. Historically, these rarely go nis. Erinnerungen und kollektive Identi­ attempt, mostly on the subjective level, further back than the 1960s. Hardly any täten, Oldenburg, 51–75. to establish historical references to literature is available regarding the time Assmann, Jan (1988). Kollektives Ge­ Austrian history and to point out contin­ before migrant worker immigration. Of dächtnis und kulturelle Identität, in: Ass­ uities in this case. This need repeatedly particular note in this context is Chapter mann, Jan/Hölscher, Tonio (Eds.) Kultur appears in the interviews and is particu­ VI of Suppan 1996, 923–1002. und Gedächtnis, Frankfurt a.M., 9–19. larly evident in references to a family or 117 Hämmerle 2017, 25. Assmann, Aleida (1999a). Erinnerungs­ regional relationship with the – appar­ 118 Oral history research and bio ­ räume. Formen und Wandlungen des ently very positive – Imperial and Royal graphical approaches are not “new” kollektiven Gedächtnisses, München. past. But also general comparisons are per se regarding the development of new Assmann, Jan (1999b). Das kulturelle affected, such as those of the immigration content for “collective memory”. These Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung und of migrant workers, with the population feed on the memories of certain groups, politische Identität in frühen Hochkul­ movements and immigration in the mon­ such as migrants and their descendants. turen, München. archical multi-ethnic states. This aspect However, thus far, hardly any material Assmann, Jan (1999c). Kollektives und is worth mentioning, since it is particu­ exists. kulturelles Gedächtnis. Zur Phänomeno­ larly suited to serve as a memory space 119 This can be connected from the edges logie und Funktion von Gegen-Erinne­ and thus an identification framework for to a number of traditions and discussions, rung, in: Borsdorf, Ulrich/Grütter, broad sections of the population. It can for example about the history of society. Heinrich-Theodor (Eds.) Orte der Erinne­ then be further linked to the development See Rupnow 2015, 910. rung. Denkmal – Gedenkstätte – Museum, of an appropriate strategy for integrating This article is based on previous pub­ Frankfurt a.M./New York, 13–32. migrant content into an Austrian histori­ lications by the author, particularly Bakony, Vida/Winter, Renée (2013). cal narrative. The inclusion of migrant the dissertation completed in 2017 by Marginalisierte Perspektiven. Kontinui­ workers’ history in Austrian history could Jakubowicz and the contribution to täten der Arbeitsmarktpolitik in Öster­ prove to be especially fruitful, as this also Jakubowicz 2016. reich, in: Böhler, Ingrid/Rupnow, Dirk constitutes an extremely positive refer­ Arbeitsmigration in Österreich – Histo­

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