The Humanitarian Crisis in East Timor
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Legal Response to Propaganda Broadcasts Related to Crisis in and Around Ukraine, 2014–2015
International Journal of Communication 9(2015), Feature 3125–3145 1932–8036/2015FEA0002 Legal Response to Propaganda Broadcasts Related to Crisis in and Around Ukraine, 2014–2015 ANDREI G. RICHTER1 Lomonosov Moscow State University, Russia Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Keywords: freedom of expression, freedom of the media, propaganda for war, incitement to hatred, international standards, rule of law, national regulators, Russia, Ukraine, UK, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova The conflict in and around Ukraine in 2014–2015 has brought about the spread of propaganda for war and hatred, especially on television and on the Internet. Research on the national laws and resolutions made by courts and independent media regulators that adjudicated complaints on Russian TV propaganda in Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, the UK, and Ukraine shows that the national courts and regulators made few references to international norms, resting, rather, on domestically developed standards. As a result, there was a lack of solid grounds for stopping, blocking, and banning programs emanating from Russian media. In particular, there was no clear line between propaganda for war and hatred, proscribed under international norms, and legally protected Kremlin interpretation of the events in Ukraine. The comparative analysis of case law attempts to provide a modern rationale for regulation of propaganda for war and hatred and through it to offer relevant recommendations. Introduction The year 2014 marked the 100th anniversary of the beginning of World War I. It is worthwhile to recall that the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia, which precipitated the start of the hostilities, included a major demand to stop nationalistic propaganda, as it flared the existing controversies. -
Conceptualising Historical Crimes
Should crimes committed in the course of Conceptualising history that are comparable to genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes be Historical Crimes referred to as such, whatever the label used at the time?180 This is the question I want to examine below. Let us compare the prob- lems of labelling historical crimes with his- torical and recent concepts, respectively.181 Historical concepts for historical crimes “Historical concepts” are terms used to de- scribe practices by the contemporaries of these practices. Scholars can defend the use of historical concepts with the argu- ment that many practices deemed inadmis- sible today (such as slavery, human sacri- fice, heritage destruction, racism, censor- ship, etc.) were accepted as rather normal and sometimes even as morally and legally right in some periods of the past. Arguably, then, it would be unfaithful to the sources, misleading and even anachronistic to use Antoon De Baets the present, accusatory labels to describe University of Groningen them. This would mean, for example, that one should not call the crimes committed during the Crusades crimes against hu- manity (even if a present observer would have good reason to qualify some of these crimes as such), for such a concept was nonexistent at the time. A radical variant of the latter is the view that not only recent la- bels should be avoided but even any moral judgments of past crimes. This argument, however, can be coun- tered with several objections. First, diverg- ing judgments. It is well known that parties V HISTOREIN OLU M E 11 (2011) involved in violent conflicts label these conflicts differently. -
The Public Eye, Summer 2010
Right-Wing Co-Opts Civil Rights Movement History, p. 3 TheA PUBLICATION OF POLITICAL R PublicEyeESEARCH ASSOCIATES Summer 2010 • Volume XXV, No.2 Basta Dobbs! Last year, a coalition of Latino/a groups suc - cessfully fought to remove anti-immigrant pundit Lou Dobbs from CNN. Political Research Associates Executive DirectorTarso Luís Ramos spoke to Presente.org co-founder Roberto Lovato to find out how they did it. Tarso Luís Ramos: Tell me about your organization, Presente.org. Roberto Lovato: Presente.org, founded in MaY 2009, is the preeminent online Latino adVocacY organiZation. It’s kind of like a MoVeOn.org for Latinos: its goal is to build Latino poWer through online and offline organiZing. Presente started With a campaign to persuade GoVernor EdWard Rendell of PennsYlVania to take a stand against the Verdict in the case of Luis RamíreZ, an undocumented immigrant t t e Who Was killed in Shenandoah, PennsYl - k n u l Vania, and Whose assailants Were acquitted P k c a J bY an all-White jurY. We also ran a campaign / o t o to support the nomination of Sonia h P P SotomaYor to the Supreme Court—We A Students rally at a State Board of Education meeting, Austin, Texas, March 10, 2010 produced an “I Stand With SotomaYor” logo and poster that people could displaY at Work or in their neighborhoods and post on their Facebook pages—and a feW addi - From Schoolhouse to Statehouse tional, smaller campaigns, but reallY the Curriculum from a Christian Nationalist Worldview Basta Dobbs! continues on page 12 By Rachel Tabachnick TheTexas Curriculum IN THIS ISSUE Controversy objectiVe is present—a Christian land goV - 1 Editorial . -
Genocide and Belonging: Processes of Imagining Communities
GENOCIDE AND BELONGING: PROCESSES OF IMAGINING COMMUNITIES ADENO ADDIS* ABSTRACT Genocide is often referred to as “the crime of crimes.” It is a crime that is very high on the nastiness scale. The purpose of the genocidaire is of course to destroy a community—a community that he regards as a threat to his own community, whether the threat is perceived as physical, economic or cultural. The way this takes place and the complicity of law in this process has been extensively explored by scholars. But the process of destroying a community is perversely often simultaneously an “exercise in community build- ing,” a process through which intra-communal bonds and belong- ing are sought to be strengthened. This aspect of genocide has been entirely neglected by scholars, especially the role of law in that pro- cess. This article makes and defends two claims about communities and belonging in relation to genocide. First, it argues that as per- verse as it sounds, genocide is in fact an exercise in community building and law is highly implicated in that process. It defends the thesis with arguments that are conceptual as well as empirical. The second, and more hopeful, claim is that the international response * W. R. Irby Chair and W. Ray Forrester Professor of Public and Constitutional Law, Tulane University School of Law. Previous drafts of the paper were presented at an international conference at the Guanghua Law School of Zhejiang University (China) and at Tulane Law School faculty symposium. I thank participants at those meetings for the many helpful questions and comments. -
Critical Genocide Studies
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 1 April 2012 Full Issue 7.1 Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation (2012) "Full Issue 7.1," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 7: Iss. 1: Article 1. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol7/iss1/1 This Front Matter is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Editors’ Introduction Volume 7, issue 1 of Genocide Studies and Prevention continues the discussion of the state of the field of genocide studies that was initiated in volume 6, issue 3. Due to our (the editors’) keen desire to include as many different voices and perspectives as possi- ble, we reached out to old hands in the field, younger but well established scholars, and several scholars who recently completed their graduate studies but have already made an impact on the field. The sequence of the articles over the two issues began with comprehensive treat- ments and then moved into articles with more specific focuses, grouped thematically where applicable. Through the entire sequence across these two issues of GSP, we hope that readers will gain a solid sense of the history of the field and insight into some of the perdurable issues that have been at the heart of the field since its inception and that they have opportunities to reflect on the host of issues and concerns raised by authors coming from different disciplines (e.g., history, political science, sociology, psychology, philosophy) with vastly different perspectives. -
ANATOMY of PRESS CENSORSHIP in INDONESIA the Case of Jakarta, Jakarta and the Dili Massacre
April 27, 1992 Vol. 4, No. 12 ANATOMY OF PRESS CENSORSHIP IN INDONESIA The Case of Jakarta, Jakarta and the Dili Massacre Jakarta, Jakarta, better known as JJ, is a weekly magazine which its editors like to think of as Indonesia's answer to Paris-Match and its reporters treat as something more akin to New York's Village Voice. A brash, colorful, trendy magazine, JJ has been consistently on the limits of what Indonesian authorities regard as acceptable journalism. It was completely in character, therefore, that after the massacre in Dili on November 12, JJ sent two reporters off to East Timor to see what they could find out, and the two came back with some of the most graphic eyewitness accounts available. The results appeared in the issue No. 288, January 4-10, 1992. By the end of January, three editors had been sacked, a result of veiled warnings from the military and what appears to have been an effort by the publisher to pre-empt more drastic action. Asia Watch has obtained documents which offer a fascinating insight into how the case developed and how press censorship works in Indonesia. 1. The Original Story Issue No.288 contained a three-part report on Dili, consisting of an interview with the new regional commander, H.S. Mantiri whose appointment to succeed the Bali-based Major General Sintong Panjaitan had just been announced; an interview with East Timor Governor Mario Carrascalao on some of the reasons East Timorese resented the Indonesian presence; and a series of excerpts from interviews with eyewitnesses to the killings and subsequent arrests. -
10 Stages to Genocide
10 STAGES TO GENOCIDE This revised list replaces the previous 8 stages of Genocide based on Gregory H Stanton of Genocide Watch - Source: Genocide Watch http://genocidewatch.net/ 1. The differences between people are not respected. There is a division of ‘us’ CLASSIFICATION and ‘them’ - German and Jew, Hutu and Tutsi. 2. To the classification, names or symbols are used to distinguish between SYMBOLISATION people such as forcing Jewish people to wear the yellow star (and other symbols) under Nazi rule and the blue scarf for people to identify those the Khmer Rouge planned to murder. 3. The dominant group uses law, custom, and political power to deny the rights *NEW* of other groups. Examples include the Nuremberg Laws of 1935 in Nazi DISCRIMINATION Germany, which stripped Jews of their German citizenship, and prohibited their employment by the government and by universities. Denial of citizenship to the Rohingya Muslim minority in Burma is a current example. All human rights are stripped away. People are equated with animals, 4. vermin, insects or diseases. The Nazis referred to Jews as ‘vermin’ and during DEHUMANISATION the genocide in Rwanda, Tutsis were referred to as ‘cockroaches’. At this stage, hate propaganda in print and on radios are used to vilify the victim group. 5. Genocide is always organized, usually by the state, often using militias to ORGANISATION provide deniability of state responsibility. Special army units or militias are often trained and armed. 6. Propaganda continues to be spread by hate groups. The Nazis used the POLARISATION newspaper Der Stürmer to spread and incite messages of hate about Jewish people. -
The Holocaust and Mass Atrocity: the Continuing Challenge for Decision, 21 Mich
University of Florida Levin College of Law UF Law Scholarship Repository UF Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2013 The oloH caust and Mass Atrocity: The onC tinuing Challenge for Decision Winston P. Nagan University of Florida Levin College of Law, [email protected] Aitza M. Haddad Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Winston P. Nagan & Aitza M. Haddad, The Holocaust and Mass Atrocity: The Continuing Challenge for Decision, 21 Mich. St. Int'l L. Rev. 337 (2013), available at http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub/612 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UF Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE HOLOCAUST AND MASS ATROCITY: THE CONTINUING CHALLENGE FOR DECISION * Winston P. Nagan & Aitza M. Haddad"~ Figure 1: Contemporary Art Expressions Symbolizing the Horror of the Holocaust' * Winston P. Nagan, J.S.D. (1977) is a Sam T. Dell Research Scholar Professor of Law at the University of Florida College of Law. He is widely published in human rights, a fellow of the RSA, and the interim Secretary General of WAAS. He is also an affiliate Professor of Anthropology and Latin American Studies and the Director of the University of Florida Institute for Human Rights, Peace and Development. ** Aitza M. Haddad, J.D. (2010), LL.M. -
“The Law of Incitement” (PDF)
THE LAW OF INCITEMENT United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Symposium "Speech, Power and Violence" ∗ by Gregory S. Gordon I. INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the origins and development of the crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. It will begin with an historical analysis of the epochal Nuremberg decisions regarding Nazi hate-mongers Julius Streicher, Hans Fritzsche and Otto Dietrich. Although these decisions did not deal explicitly with incitement as a separate crime, they laid the groundwork for future development of incitement as a crime in its own right. The essay will then examine the official birth of the incitement crime with the adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide ("Genocide Convention"). From that point through the next forty-five years, the crime was not actually applied. But that changed with the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which vigorously prosecuted incitement to genocide. Through a series of cases that progressively fleshed out elements of the crime, the ICTR jurisprudence set out the materials necessary to construct a legal framework necessary to analyze incitement. That framework was put to good use in the Canadian immigration context in the case of Rwandan politician Leon Mugesera, who delivered an infamous pre-1994 speech calling for genocide through a series of violent and macabre metaphors. The essay will conclude with an analysis of the most recent ICTR case to apply and develop the incitement framework -- Prosecutor v. Simon Bikindi. Bikindi, a popular songwriter, composed music and lyrics that provoked ethnic hatred toward Tutsis. -
Vol. 4, No. 1, 2019 Vol
VOL. 4, NO. 1, 2019 VOL. 4, NO. 1, 2019 4, NO. VOL. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE STUDIES VOLUME 4, NO. 1, 2019 International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies Published by Armenian Genocide Museum & Institute Editor in Chief: Dr. Harutyun Marutyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Associate Editor: Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Editorial Board Dr., Prof. Rouben Paul Adalian, Armenian National Institute, Washington, D.C., USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Peter Balakian, Colgate University, New York, USA [email protected] Dr. Matthias Bjørnlund, Kristeligt Dagblads Forlag, Denmark [email protected] Dr., Associate prof. Lerna Ekmekçioglu, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), USA [email protected] Dr. Donna-Lee Frieze, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia [email protected] Dr., Prof. Sévane Garibian, University of Geneva, Switzerland [email protected] Dr. Elke Hartmann, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Germany [email protected] Dr., Prof. Raymond Kevorkian, Foreign member of National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia, France [email protected] Dr. Prof., Hans-Lukas Kieser, University of Zurich, Switzerland [email protected] Dr. Suren Manukyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Dr. Armen Marsoobian, Southern Connecticut State University, New Haven, CT, USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Rubina Peroomian, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Vahram Shemmassian, California State University, Northridge, USA [email protected] Dr. Vahé Tachjian, Pázmány Péter Catholic Universtiy, Houshamadyan Project, Germany [email protected] Dr., Prof. -
The End of Suharto
Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1998) Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998. Tapol bulletin (147). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/25993/ ISSN 1356-1154 The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign TAPOL Bulletin No. 147 July 1998 The end of Suharto 21 May 1998 will go down in world history as the day when the bloody and despotic rule ofSuharto came to an end. His 32-year rule made him Asia's longest ruler after World War IL He broke many other world records, as a mass killer and human rights violator. In 196511966 he was responsible for the slaughtt:r of at least half a million people and the incarceration of more than 1.2 million. He is also respon{iible for the deaths of 200,000 East Timorese, a third of the population, one of the worst . acts ofgenocide this century. Ignoring the blood-letting that accompanied his seizure of In the last two years, other forms of social unrest took power, the western powers fell over themselves to wel hold: assaults on local police, fury against the privileges come Suharto. He had crushed the world's largest commu nist party outside the Soviet bloc and grabbed power from From the editors: We apologise for the late arrival of President Sukarno who was seen by many in the West as a this issue. -
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