CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
Ritual Deposition in Great Kivas: A Perspective from Point Pueblo
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
For the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology, Public Archeology
By
Meagan Elizabeth Szromba
May 2016 The thesis of Meagan Elizabeth Szromba is approved:
______Dr. Michael Love Date
______Dr. Sabina Magliocco Date
______Linda Wheelbarger Date
______Dr. James Snead, Chair Date
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California State University, Northridge Acknowledgements
I would first and foremost like to thank Linda Wheelbarger, director of the Totah
Archaeological Project, for her dedication and passion to the research conducted at Point
Pueblo: the subject of this thesis. Also to Mr. Tommy Bolack for allowing many students and enthusiasts to practice archaeology on his property, the B-Square Ranch in
Farmington, New Mexico.
To the Anthropology department at California State University, Northridge, especially to Dr. James Snead, who provided several years of guidance and education that made the completion of this thesis possible.
To my family and friends for supporting my education and enthusiasm for archaeology, something I have not and will not take for granted.
Additional thanks to Carol Lorenz and David Preston for their insight and hospitality throughout the course of this research, without which I may not have succeeded.
And finally, to the crews of both the 2014 and 2015 Totah Archaeological
Project’s field schools: you were instrumental in fueling my passion for the archaeology at Point Pueblo, and for the many adventures it has and will continue to bring.
iii Table of Contents
List of Figures v
List of Tables vi
Abstract vii
Chapter I. Introduction 1
Chapter II. Theory 4 The Archaeology of Religion and Ritual 4 Rituals and Social Organization 7 Ritual Symbolism 8 Role of Artifacts in the Ritual Context 9
Chapter III. Problem 12 Ritual Deposition in Puebloan Great Kivas 12 Context of Ritual Deposition 13 Ancestral Pueblo Ideology 14 Ethnographic Analogy to Modern Pueblo Descendants 17
Chapter IV. Background 21 The Chaco Network 21 Shift in Power and Establishment of the Totah Region 24
Chapter V. Research Design 27
Chapter VI. Context 30 Point Pueblo Community 30 Great Kiva Features 36 The Great Kiva at Point Pueblo 41
Chapter VII. Research Implementation 45
Chapter VIII. Discussion 57 Interpretation of the Ritual Deposits at Point Pueblo 57 Great Kiva Rituals in the Ancestral Pueblo World 59 Cross-Cultural Comparison 63
Chapter IX. Conclusion 67
Bibliography 69
iv List of Figures
Figure 6.1 Location of Point Pueblo on B-Square Ranch, looking east 30
Figure 6.2 The great kiva below the Shannon Bluffs, facing south 31
Figure 6.3 Needle Rock 32
Figure 6.4 The San Juan River below Point Pueblo 33
Figure 6.5 Point Pueblo site map 34
Figure 6.6 The great kiva facing south 41
Figure 6.7 Map of the great kiva at Point Pueblo 42
Figure 7.1 Map of cardinal units 50
Figure 7.2 Jet bird effigy 54
Figure 7.3 Bird bone-bead necklace 55
Figure 7.4 Tchamahia fragment 56
Figure 8.1 2015 Trench profile, northern end facing west 58
v List of Tables
Table 7.1 Artifact Counts 2012-2015 46
Table 7.2 Total Ceramics 47
Table 7.3 Total Lithics 47
Table 7.4 Total Tools 48
Table 7.5 Total Ornaments 49
Table 7.6 Artifact Comparison in Cardinal versus Non-Cardinal Units 51
Table 7.7 Artifact Counts in Cardinal Units 53
Table 7.8 Ornament Distribution in Cardinal Units 54
vi Abstract
Ritual Deposition in Great Kivas: A Perspective from Point Pueblo
By
Meagan Szromba
Master of Arts in Anthropology, Public Archeology
Ritual practices among the Ancestral Pueblo were highly complex and elaborate events that were integrated into many aspects of their social experience. Examples highlighting the significance of ideology and rituals in Pueblo culture can be found across the social and geographic landscape of the American Southwest, particularly in great kivas, or ceremonial structures that hosted public ritual events. Artifacts recovered from great kivas appear to be deliberately and organizationally deposited, and emulate the religious doctrine and world views of Puebloans. This research addresses the ritual process of artifact deposition practiced during the Secondary, post Chacoan occupation in the great kiva at Point Pueblo, a community in the Totah region of northwestern New
Mexico. Included in this inquiry is a discussion of the potential causes, intentions, and implications behind these practices, and how ritual deposition may reflect the unique cultural ideologies of the Ancestral Pueblo.
vii Chapter I. Introduction
The Ancestral Pueblo world is one that has both enchanted and bewildered academic and public communities for decades. This cultural group who once inhabited the four corners region of the American Southwest has not only helped shape the history of this country, but continues to influence the social identities of modern Pueblo descendants who remain a strong cultural presence here. The Ancestral Puebloan impact in the Southwest can be measured by the footprints these people left behind across the vast expanse of territory they once occupied; specifically, through their architecture and material culture.
In New Mexico, the Ancestral Pueblo presence is most often cited at the monumental interaction and ritual center known as Chaco Canyon; yet, the complexity and depth of Pueblo culture may also be experienced at smaller sites, ones less visible in
Chaco’s shadow. Point Pueblo, located in the Totah region of northwestern New Mexico, represents a unique opportunity to investigate cultural dynamics at a small scale to illuminate the complex ideological and ritual system of these early inhabitants of the
Americas.
Archaeological excavations thus far at Point Pueblo have been predominantly focused in the great kiva: a circular, semi-subterranean structure that displays standardized features of construction and supposed use across Pueblo territory. The incredible exactitude and attention to detail present in great kiva architecture regards these structures as the “highest form of architectural expression” of the Pueblo peoples
(Stein and Mckenna 1998:8). Being the primary location for Puebloan displays of public ritual, both in the past and present, great kivas offer unique perspectives into the
1 significance of rituals in Pueblo society and among social participants in a communal setting.
Evident in the great kiva at Point Pueblo are patterns of ritual deposition, which will be described in this thesis as the intentional act of placing or depositing artifacts at specific locations in an attempt to link “people, places, and nonhuman agents” (Pollard
2008:59) through ritual. These artifacts range from ritual items to utilitarian ones, and are commonly discovered in a variety of contexts. The patterns and motivations behind practices of ritual deposition in the great kiva at Point Pueblo will be discussed and interpreted in this thesis.
This research contributes to broader applications of anthropology by providing interpretations about the archaeology of ritual, and how ritual behaviors are powerfully coercive forces capable of shaping cultural dynamics. In lieu of centrally established leadership or hierarchical control, rituals and ideology were the primary method of social organization in Ancestral Pueblo life, and are identified as contributing to the overall complexity of this culture. Further, ritual practices additionally acted as mechanisms to promote and maintain social solidarity based on shared participation and belief in the ideological system by all cultural members (Schachner 2001).
The ritual deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo reflect the overwhelming impact of ideology and ritual in the physical manifestation of culture, and present a unique opportunity to explore how the Ancestral Pueblo preserved their personal and cultural histories. Specifically, ritual deposition at Point Pueblo provides important examples of the ways in which humans attempt to establish and maintain connections to their past, behaviors that are still recognizable in modern society. Among the Ancestral
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Pueblo, these connections were made spiritually: by permanently interring ritual artifacts in ceremonial structures to maintain continuity with sacred landscapes and the histories they held.
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Chapter II. Theory
The Archaeology of Religion and Ritual
Religion and ritual are complicated subjects to study archaeologically; by nature, human beliefs and the behaviors that motivate these beliefs are highly interpretive and subjective. Traditional anthropological theories define rituals as “prescribed, formal behaviors for occasions which have reference to ideological beliefs” (Turner 1967).
However, as archaeology is motivated by the study of material culture, understanding religious and ritual activities under this discipline must rely heavily on tangible evidence to substantiate these practices in past societies. In addition to purely materialistic interpretations, the archaeological study of ritual and religion must also consider the cultural conditions, or the “code” the material remains addressed. In this case, meaning may lie not only in the materials left behind from ritual practices themselves, but also in their interpretation, or in the way they “spoke” to the participants of ritual (Barrett
1991:1-2).
Religious beliefs provide understanding to the corporeal world, as well as answers to existential questions such as the purpose and meaning of life as it relates to the “social reality of the culture” (Renfrew 1994:49). Mythological explanations are often offered to make sense of these philosophical concepts (Renfrew 1994), which are then represented through ritual expression. Rituals and the religious doctrine they are based in are also responsible for promoting balance and harmony through activities such as prayer, for enforcing a set of values and ethics to live and abide by, and for discouraging behaviors considered restricted or taboo. The manifestation of religious and ritual practices in
4 culture may be interpreted as being cyclical in nature, whereas belief in religion directs ritual behaviors, which in turn inspire religious experiences (Renfrew 1994).
Two avenues of concentration are presented by the Archaeology of Religious
Ritual paradigm (Fogelin 2007): one that focuses on religion and one that focuses on ritual. These two subjects have a dichotomous relationship, whereas ritual is action based and material, and religion is based on belief and is symbolic and abstract. The material focus of ritual makes it a more practical option to study archaeologically; however, as ritual is “a form of human action determined or shaped by underlying religious views,”
(Fogelin 2007:57), the two subjects cannot be separated completely.
The Archaeology of Religious Ritual theory recognizes two approaches for determining and studying ritual activities among archaeological cultures: a structural approach and a practice approach. First, the structural approach sees ritual as the “action” of religion. It identifies religion as a long-lasting and stable phenomenon, thereby suggesting that rituals share these characteristics as well. According to this perspective, the stability of religion and ritual is what allows it to be socially transmitted (Fogelin
2007). A problematic element of this approach is that if ritual is only the action of religion, it becomes hard to explain as being a part of daily life. While central interpretations of religion in society must be cautionary, rituals are regular experiences: day to day routines that are performed habitually.
In contrast, the practice approach sees rituals not as religious actions, but as the constructions, creations, and modifications of religious beliefs. This perspective thereby views ritual as a process as opposed to an event, and focuses on “what it does rather than on what it means” (Fogelin 2007:58). Additionally, the practice approach recognizes that
5 the social meanings of rituals are being “constantly recontextualized,” and emphasizes the “experiential aspects of ritual and the effects of ritual on the social relations between ritual participants” (Fogelin 2007:58). These ritual experiences are understood to be expressions of the ways in which social actors create, reaffirm, or challenge social norms
(Fogelin 2007). The interactive interpretation of ritual under the practice approach provides an important framework for understanding the influence of ritual actions in archaeology, and how these actions may have manifested through the creation of ritual objects.
Six characteristics of rituals (Fogelin 2007) are presented by the practice approach, each one identified as being variable according to the ritual context or situation:
(1) Formality: ritual activities are governed by a code of conduct and are regular
parts of daily life
(2) Tradition: ritual incorporates traditional and long-standing elements
(3) Non-variable: rituals are repetitive and consistent
(4) Rule governed: rituals abide by strict customs that regulate appropriate
behavior
(5) Symbolic: ritual practices are heavily laden in symbolism
(6) Performed: rituals are often enacted and displayed publically.
These six properties are important to consider while evaluating ritual practices in the archaeological record because they may help explain patterns in the material remains left behind from ritual events. As the material correlates of rituals are the primary method
6 of investigation into ancient ritual practices, embedding ritual artifacts with meaning is beneficial to understanding their role in the ritual context.
Rituals and Social Organization
The power of rituals in society may be measured by their ability to induce widespread social cohesion among all members of society through a mutual adherence to the cultural customs that inspire ritual action (Gluckman 1955). Customs, or engrained social behaviors acquired though enculturation, manage social conflict and encourage cohesion by functioning as a set of social laws which are unconsciously adhered to
(Szromba 2014). The obligation to abide by cultural customs is facilitated by their social convention; customs are coercive on human behavior, and exist independently from their users in every facet of society (Durkheim 1985). Communal obedience to cultural customs is effective at encouraging social solidarity by creating a sense of communitas, or a shared, existential bond (Turner 1969) among actors of ritual. Maintaining these types of systems is “dependent on the continued participation and belief” (Schachner
2001:171) in the ritual structure and on the community performance of ritual.
The use of rituals to structure society is a common attribute of middle-range or chiefdom level cultures without formally institutionalized sociopolitical authority
(Schachner 2001). In non-state level societies, rituals are “often inextricably embedded within the matrix of social organization” (Renfrew 1994:47), thereby making the separation of religion in daily life nearly impossible. In these types of social systems, leadership and power may be obtained by controlling and organizing ritual events, and by regulating the distribution of ritual knowledge. The position of ritual leaders as the primary wielders of power is intensified by the integrated nature of ideology in ritual-
7 based societies. Ritual leaders are also important actors who can initiate social change based on their control of the dominant ritual and ideological paradigms that govern the society. Again, this type of organization is reliant upon shared and mutual interest in the overarching ideological network of the culture, which is achieved by the inclusion of ritual in nearly every aspect of society.
Ritual Symbolism
A fundamental component of the ritual process is symbolism and its power in shaping and influencing ritual practices. Ritual symbols or icons are suggested to be one of the most credible ways to understand ancient belief systems (Renfrew 1994). Symbols may be identified as the “smallest unit of rituals,” and are multivocational, in that they can hold a variety of different denotations, even in the same ritual context (Turner
1967:450). Two types of symbols can be identified in rituals, and though they function separately, they also operate in unison to provide meaning in the entire ritual event.
Dominant symbols are those central to the ritual act, and are noted to possess “a high degree of constancy and consistency throughout the total symbolic system” (Turner
1967:458). In contrast, instrumental ritual symbols must be understood through the ritual context; therefore, their meaning is acquired directly from the ritual situation and does not span the complete system (Turner 1967).
In archaeology, ritual symbols manifest through the artifacts used in the ritual environment. The ambiguity of ritual symbols, or artifacts, often causes discrepancies between their intended symbolism and the behaviors directed towards them in the ritual context. For example, an artifact may simultaneously represent one thing, but symbolize a variety of things (Smith 1990). Especially in societies whose religions and rituals are
8 incorporated into many aspects of daily life, an artifact’s function or purpose can often cross-cut social and religious realms (Renfrew 1994). This characteristic of ritual symbols makes their identification in the archaeological record troublesome, thereby making it necessary to utilize additional forms of contextual evidence to interpret an artifact’s role in the ritual process.
Role of Artifacts in the Ritual Context
Identifying certain characteristics of artifacts in the archaeological contexts they are discovered in can determine their use and function, as either being utilized in a ritual or utilitarian situation. These factors can be analyzed under the behavioral archaeology paradigm, which is defined as “the study of the interactions between people and material culture” (Walker 1999:387). By imbuing artifacts with life-histories, they become animated in a social context and can therefore be attempted to be interpreted ritually.
Additionally important to consider is the role of artifacts as social participants, and their particular roles as being influenced by their intended functions. Three major types of artifact functions are listed as follows: technological or utilitarian function, socio- function, referring to the ways in which artifacts “symbolically influence social interactions,” and ideo-function, concerning how artifacts communicate information and symbolize ideology (Schiffer 1987:14).
Determining the ultimate function of artifacts additionally requires an evaluation of the contexts they are found in. Four dimensions of artifact variability (Schiffer 1987) are presented to explain the presence of artifacts in the archaeological record, and to determine whether they were used in a ritual or casual situation. The formal dimension of artifact variability refers to an artifact’s measurable properties, including its size, shape,
9 material type and color. These attributes are instrumental in categorizing and creating artifact typologies, thereby influencing the presence of certain artifact types in archeological collections. The spatial dimension concerns the provenience of artifacts, and how the locations they are found in, such as ritual or domestic spaces, can determine their use or function.
The frequency of artifact variability describes the quantity of artifacts in archaeological deposits. This can be a problematic dimension to interpret, as single artifacts are often found in several pieces upon excavation. Furthermore, many artifacts may simply not appear in the archaeological record because they have already deteriorated. Last, the relational dimension refers to “patterns of co-occurrence of artifacts,” or how artifacts are associated with one another and in their context of discovery (Schiffer 1987:19). This dimension is important not only in determining the function of artifacts, but how they function amongst one another and in the overall social matrix. By analyzing each of these four dimensions in conjunction with one another, various interpretations can be made about the patterns of artifact deposits at archaeological sites and further, how these deposits may reflect site use.
An important characteristic of ritual artifacts is their ability to become “animated” in the ritual context. This perspective views artifacts as having agency, allowing them to become animated with life and develop histories among the cultures who utilize them
(Mills and Ferguson 2008). This approach additionally “allows for artifacts to be considered [as] both utilitarian and religious depending on the questions, or contexts, being investigated” (Fogelin 2007:61-62). By recognizing that all artifacts, including utilitarian ones, may become ritualized when incorporated into a ritual context,
10 interpreting the function of artifacts in the archaeological record may be difficult (Walker and Lucero 2000). Therefore, it is necessary to investigate artifact deposits from a comprehensive approach, considering all of the various factors that may contribute to its role and function in the social context.
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Chapter III. Problem
Ritual Deposition in Puebloan Great Kivas
Creating and maintaining spiritual connections to people and places is an important part of preserving cultural histories. This is often done through ritual processes that establish spiritual ties between the ritual practitioners and the spaces they occupy.
Ritual deposition is one such example of this experience, which is the deliberate placement of objects in social spaces such as public architecture. These objects may be overtly ceremonial in nature, or may become ceremonialized through ritual. In Pueblo culture, artifacts are not defined as ritual objects by their type, but by their function and meaning in the ritual context. The purpose of ritual deposition is to symbolize veneration for the landscape (Van Dyke 2007), as well as to create links to the ancestors who utilized important ritual spaces.
The deposition of ritual artifacts in ceremonial architecture such as great kivas represents the significance of these objects in life and in the afterlife (Mills and Ferguson
2008). The process of ritually depositing artifacts in great kivas creates a “gateway” to connect the ancestral past to the present, allowing for spiritual essences to infiltrate artifacts, the architecture they are deposited in, and by extension, the people who utilized this architecture (Walker 1999). The permanent placement of artifacts in great kivas not only symbolizes an irreparable bond to the ritual structure, but may additionally be a means to safely store powerful ritual objects. “All ceremonial objects in Puebloan religion are considered to be dangerous if not used properly. This is one of the reasons that their proper storage is so important” (Mills and Ferguson 2008:345). Following the
12 deposit of artifacts in great kivas, these spaces were “intentionally sequestered or sealed”
(Mills 2008), thereby ensuring that the ritual objects would be protected indefinitely.
Context of Ritual Deposition
Ritual deposits in great kivas appear to be organized and deliberate activities that reflect Ancestral Pueblo ideologies. These events were coordinated under two circumstances: ritual renewal and ritual closure. Ritual renewal was a practice meant to rejuvenate the ceremonial function of great kivas by depositing artifacts as “offerings” of tribute to the structure. Renovations of great kivas occurred on a regular basis, perhaps within a human generation (Crown and Wills 2003) when the structures were still functional. The regularity of ritual renewals suggests that these events were practiced for symbolic purposes rather than to correct errors in construction or restore wear and tear
(Crown and Wills 2003).
Large-scale reconstructions of functional great kivas, including the dismantling of previous constructions and the redecoration of their interiors, may have also indicated a shift in social organization, possibly strengthening the legitimacy of new ritual leaders by establishing a new community identity (Squires and Hilt-Esteban Gomez 2013:10).
Further, ritual renewals may have additionally been practiced in response to events that affected the user group; for example, membership changes or alterations of group structure (Crown and Wills 2003). In this case, renewals would have emulated a rebirthing event, an important concept in Pueblo culture.
The second context of ritual deposition is in the ritual closure of great kivas. This practice involves the permanent sealing off of the structure and the termination of its use in rituals and ceremonies. The intentional destruction of ritual spaces or objects was
13 necessary because they were considered to be too powerful to exist outside of the ritual context (Mills 2008). Evidence of great kiva closure events are variable depending on site preservation, yet many display similar patterns. Ritually closed great kivas typically contain artifacts that were deposited within the structure prior to the kiva being burned.
Burning patterns suggest that the roofs of the great kivas were incinerated, causing them to collapse into the structure.
Ritual closure is interpreted to signal “total regional abandonment” (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999:381) of an area, and is done prior to population migration. In this case, ritual deposition in the context of great kiva closure and site abandonment would have been an important way to establish collective social memories among generations of
Puebloans who utilized this ritual space. By permanently depositing artifacts in great kivas before they were destroyed, continuous connections to the structure, the landscape, and the people who utilized the landscape would have been created and maintained.
Ancestral Pueblo Ideology
Rituals were important mechanisms used to organize Ancestral Pueblo society, made possible by the integration of religion into all aspects of Pueblo culture. Ideologies, or world views and encompassing ideas, beliefs, and values, were represented by and enacted through ritual practices aimed at reaffirming and acknowledging social principles. The centrality of rituals in society is represented by the interlinking of several vital elements of Pueblo culture into a ritualistic framework, including religion, folklore, mythology, technology, and subsistence (Walker 1999). Additionally, the development of a system where belief in cultural ideologies was mutually practiced by the entire society would have maintained solidarity and social order. This type of social organization
14 viewed Pueblo ritual leaders as the wielders of power, capable of controlling access to ritual knowledge and thereby organizing ritual events and their participants.
Ancestral Pueblo ideologies were extremely complex and comprehensive, and incorporated several facets of belief and world views into an all-encompassing lifestyle system. Ritual deposits in great kivas are thought to be reflections or emulations of these ideologies, and are recognized to display patterns consistent with Pueblo beliefs. Several reoccurring themes in architecture, site characteristics, and ritual deposits are present at
Ancestral Pueblo sites throughout the Southwest, suggesting that the ideological system was shared culturally and performed through ritual events. Although the exact nature of the Pueblo’s belief system cannot be deciphered archaeologically, the material evidence that does remain, combined with cross-cultural and ethnographic data, provides compelling insight into ancient ideologies and the behaviors that generated from believing in them.
Perhaps one of the most common themes in Ancestral Pueblo ideology are the concepts of dualism and balance. Dualism is the belief in opposite and opposing forces that mutually complement one another to achieve balance. Balance is a very important idea to the Pueblo, one that is essential and responsible for maintaining harmonious relationships in society and with the natural world. Such examples of dualism include the representation of the balanced relationship between the land and the sky, or the earth and the cosmos (Squires and Hilt-Esteban Gomez 2013). Themes of dualism and balance are visible in the construction features of great houses and great kivas; great houses are above ground and visible, while great kivas are subterranean and hidden, making these structures “paired opposites” (Van Dyke 2007:131). Additionally, features within great
15 kivas are often symmetrically placed and aligned along cardinal axes, further representing the important concept of balance and duality in Pueblo ritual.
Cardinality and directionality are among the most recognizable themes in Pueblo culture, and are overtly displayed through architecture, particularly in great houses and great kivas. The origin of the concept of cardinality was likely derived from the Pueblo’s focus on centrality, dualism, and symmetry (Munro and Malville 2011). Two types of directionality are recognized in Pueblo culture: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal directionality can be referenced to the cardinal directions of north, south, east, and west, while vertical directions symbolize the upper and lower worlds (Van Dyke 2004). The converging point of these directions is the center place, “the point around which the sun, moon, and seasons revolve and the point of balance between opposing dualities” (Van
Dyke 2007:53).
North-south alignments are particularly apparent, and are believed to symbolize the “midpoint of the sun’s daily journey across the sky” (Van Dyke 2004:417). The exactitude of architectural alignments was possible due to the Pueblo’s considerable knowledge of astronomy. These “accomplished sky watchers” (Mickle 2005:12) utilized astronomy to coordinate ceremonies and rituals, plan harvests, and tell and record time.
The importance of astronomy and celestial events in Ancestral Pueblo culture is recognized not only by their architecture, but by its incorporation in daily life. This knowledge was widely shared among Pueblo communities and is corroborated by the material remains at archaeological sites (Munro and Malville 2011), suggesting that these ideas were an integral component of the overarching ideological system of Pueblo culture.
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Ethnographic Analogy to Modern Pueblo Descendants
Ethnographic comparisons are vital to interpreting the ritual behaviors of archeological societies, as these practices are likely continuous on some level with modern cultural practices. Especially among the Pueblo peoples, whose cultural ideologies stress an importance in continuity and connections to the ancestral past, ethnography can provide clues into the supposed ritual and ideological structure of
Ancestral Puebloan society. Using ethnographic data in a comparative framework with archaeological cultures may be mutually beneficial, in that it may help explain past behaviors, as well as reconnect modern communities with their cultural heritage.
Understanding the histories of descendant populations is important because “they are a principal means by which the past continues to exist in the present” (Colwell-
Chanthaphonh and Ferguson 2006:149).
While ethnographic analogy is an important tool to understand archaeological behaviors, purely analogous interpretations must be used in a cautionary capacity.
Particularly among some Pueblo groups, prehistoric and historic links are unclear, and have been significantly disrupted due to various factors including population movement, relocation, colonialism, and disease (Ware 2014). Fortunately, modern cultural practices of the Hopi and the Zuni are extremely useful in comparison to the Ancestral Pueblo because these cultural groups were subjected to less “Euroamerican influences” up until the late 1800s (Ware 2014:8). This may be especially true in regards to rituals and ideological beliefs, which are not only deeply integrated into multiple facets of Pueblo society, but are also concealed among many layers of secrecy, making these behaviors
“extremely resilient in the face of external pressures to change” (Ware 2014:14).
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The veneration of sacred landscapes is a fundamental Pueblo ideology that is represented in the archaeological record by practices of ritual deposition. Ritual deposits symbolize spiritual connections to important spaces and to the past occupants of these spaces, representing continuity between generations of Pueblo peoples. According to modern Pueblo beliefs, archaeological sites were never abandoned, but are instead still occupied by ancestral spirits (Pino 2014). Among the Hopi and the Zuni specifically, heavy importance is placed on the traditional landscapes of their ancestors, including ruins, shrines, and petroglyph sites. Spiritual ties are maintained with the past through rituals, songs and dances, and story-telling, which “compress the centuries and link[s] ancestral places with the present” (Colwell-Chanthaphonh and Ferguson 2006:151).
Ancestor veneration is another important concept to the Hopi and the Zuni, who believe that their ancestors still occupy sacred locations, and that these ancient places may link modern populations to deceased ancestors. According to the Hopi, the removal of artifacts from spaces inhabited by the ancestors may cause a disruption between the spiritual and physical realm. The Zuni regard ancient artifacts, no matter their current form, as “memory pieces,” left behind as heirlooms by their ancestors (Colwell-
Chanthaphonh and Ferguson 2006:153). This belief suggests that ritual deposition at archaeological sites may have been a means to preserve a balanced bond between ancestral and existing populations.
Contemporary beliefs in Pueblo cultures reveal that the animation of ritual objects is an important concept that embeds artifacts with agency in the ritual context. In an example from Zuni practices, conch shells are “spiritual beings who become animated once the shell is blown” (Mills and Ferguson 2008:343). After the conch is animated, it is
18 given great abilities, including curing powers and the capacity to take the lives of enemies and witches. The role of animate ritual objects is powerful, in that they are viewed as living beings with life histories that continue into the afterlife, or after they are retired from use (Mills and Ferguson 2008). Additionally, ethnographic evidence accounts for the ability of spiritual essences to infiltrate not only artifacts, but also people and architecture (Walker 1999). This supports interpretations of the importance of ritual deposition: to establish bonds to sacred landscapes and ancestors through the life force of ritual artifacts.
The ideological concepts of dualism, cardinality, and directionality that are proposed as fundamental ideas in Ancestral Pueblo culture are mirrored by modern
Pueblo beliefs in these ideas. Dualistic principles are apparent by Pueblo interpretations of the sun and moon, which are believed to complement one another. The complementary roles of the sun and moon are described in a Zuni account, in which “the ‘weak light’ of the winter solstice sun is matched with the ‘bright light’ of the full moon, and the ‘bright light’ of the summer solstice is matched with the ‘weak light’ of the new moon” (Sofaer
2008:67). Recognizing the dualism present in the relationship between the sun and the moon also supports notions of the importance of astronomy to the Pueblo, both in the archaeological record and among modern cultures.
Cardinality and directionality are additionally important concepts to both the
Ancestral Pueblo and their descendants, suggesting further that Pueblo ideologies may remain continuous through generations. In regards to astronomical alignments, Pueblo ethnography reveals the significance of north-south and east-west orientations. North- south alignments represent the noon marking, when the sun is halfway across the sky,
19 whereas east-west alignments determine equinoxes, as it marks the location of the rising and setting sun (Sofaer 2008). Another significant meaning behind north-south alignments is its mention in many Pueblo creation stories: “the people emerged in the north from the worlds below and traveled to the south in search of the sacred middle place” (Sofaer 2008:104). This center or middle place refers to the area where the cardinal and solstice directions join, “around which the recurring solar and lunar cycles revolve” (Sofaer 2008:124). These celestial cycles likely coincided with ritual events due to the integral nature of astronomy in Pueblo society.
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Chapter IV. Background
The Chaco Network
Discussions of sociopolitical complexity in the American Southwest nearly always begin at Chaco Canyon, a massive pueblo complex in the Middle San Juan Basin of New Mexico inhabited between 800 and 1300. During its near 500 year occupation,
Chaco Canyon experienced a cultural fluorescence unlike anything else seen in the prehistoric world. The monumental scale of architecture, as well as the abundance of specialized material culture centered on shared ideological principles, suggests that a highly complex and organized society was present at Chaco Canyon: one that wielded significant power and lasting influence on Ancestral Pueblo culture.
Various interpretations have been presented to explain the function and purpose of Chaco Canyon; some of these include it being used as an administrative or political hub (Gabriel 1991) organizing resource distribution to Pueblo communities throughout the region, an exotic trade locality, or a religious pilgrimage site. More comprehensive explanations suggest Chaco probably served a variety of purposes to the Ancestral
Pueblo; yet its representation, rather than its function, is most significant:
“In the beginning, The Grandmother, Spider Woman, created the world, the sun, the stars, and the People. She coaxed First People to climb the bough ladder from the underworld through the sipapu, the gateway, to come out standing and admire her good work. Then she told First People to find the itiwanna, the center place. Reclining on the ground, she rested her head on Serpent Hill and stretched her extremities equidistance to the four horizons, making her heart the center place. The canyon became her birth canal through which were born the clans who served her. Their majestic great houses were built along her spinal cord. Her arteries became their holy roads. The rain that fell on the crops planted in her womb proved the right actions and good thoughts of the First People. All traveled to the place of emergence to build sacred houses with the clans. Such was the ianyi, the power of Center Place.” (Gabriel 1991:1).
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The role of Chaco Canyon as the center place of Pueblo culture provides many important implications for its power and influence in the Southwest. The spirituality of
Chaco Canyon as the emergence place attached significant meaning to this site as a ritual center, from which the dominant ideological system of the Ancestral Pueblo radiated from. Access to ritual knowledge, as well as providing opportunities for goods exchange, would have been attractive pulls for Puebloan communities throughout the San Juan
Basin to participate in the Chacoan system. It is unlikely that the full adoption of
Chacoan ritual principles would have occurred without additional substantiation of the canyon’s power, displayed by the flourishing economy and opportunities for trade.
The ultimate scale of influence Chaco had in the Southwest can be recognized by the presence of Chaco outliers found within the San Juan Basin. Chaco outliers are peripheral communities who emulated the unique site attributes considered hallmarks of the canyon, including standardized architecture and material culture. Outliers were erected to establish a Chacoan influence outside of the canyon, thereby strengthening its stronghold on Puebloan society. Early outliers likely served as special function sites
(Irwin-Williams 2006), where ritual or trade activities took place for communities unable to access these services in the canyon. Following suit with the increasing power of
Chaco, these outliers “expanded their sphere of economic and socioceremonial influence, increased in number and size, and evolved mechanisms for integrating the local and regional population into the Chacoan system” (Irwin-Williams 2006:364-365).
Located roughly 53.5 miles to the north of Chaco Canyon is Aztec Ruins, an extensive Ancestral Puebloan ceremonial center (Stein and Mckenna 1988) built between
1085 and 1120 (Chaco Research Archive). Modeled with consideration of architectural
22 features present at Pueblo Bonito, the largest and most elaborate great house in Chaco
Canyon, the existence of this site suggests a formal implantation of the Chacoan ritual system in the Northern San Juan Basin. Aztec Ruins would have served as a proxy of
Chaco administration in the north, transmitting ritual knowledge to peripheral communities in the region. The relationship between Aztec Ruins and Chaco Canyon is additionally presented as having economic motivations, whereby an organization of agricultural exchange was facilitated at Aztec. The implementation of a redistributive system connecting Chaco Canyon to agriculturally productive communities in the north would have alleviated stress caused by unfavorable environmental conditions in the canyon, including drought and low agricultural productivity (Szromba 2013).
Another Chacoan outlier that expressed great power in the Northern San Juan
Basin was Salmon Ruins, constructed between 1088 and 1090 (Myers 2013). Like Aztec
Ruins, the great house at Salmon Ruins displays similarities with Pueblo Bonito; however, Bonito represents a more evolved style of architecture (Stein and Mckenna
1988). The sociopolitical environment at Salmon Ruins was also heavily influenced by
Chaco Canyon, recognized by the presence of Chacoan economic and ideological systems implanted here. Additionally, like Chaco and Aztec, the nature of leadership at
Salmon was religious or ritualized, suggesting that access to ritual knowledge was of prime importance to the northern prodigies of Chaco Canyon (Irwin-Williams 2006).
Judged by the scale of sociopolitical complexity at these sites, both Aztec Ruins and
Salmon Ruins were instrumental in transmitting and maintaining the Chacoan system outside of the canyon.
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Shift in Power and Establishment of the Totah Region
By the 1090s (Van Dyke 2004), the Chaco system began to falter, owing to degrading environmental conditions in the canyon. Severe drought-like conditions began to plague the canyon, which led to a decrease in cultivation success and the inability of
Chaco residents to obtain resources autonomously. Because agricultural rituals were of primary importance in ensuring success and prosperity, the failure of cultivation endeavors was interpreted as a failure of the Chacoan ritual system. Ritual leadership in the canyon also came into question at this period, due to the fact that these individuals were responsible for organizing and conducting ritual activities. As Chaco’s position as the center place of Pueblo ritual and ideology came to be doubted, communities “who had participated in and supported Chaco as a regional ritual center” (Van Dyke 2004:413) began to seek a new center place for Pueblo culture.
Beginning at approximately 1100, the Northern San Juan Basin, or the Totah region of northwestern New Mexico took claim as the new center place for Ancestral
Pueblo culture. The focus on the Totah area as the new regional center was stimulated by important factors that appealed to migrant populations leaving Chaco Canyon. Totah, meaning “rivers coming together” in Navajo (Van Dyke 2008:334), marks the location of the convergence of the San Juan, Animas, and La Plata rivers. This area sustained fertile alluvial soils and plentiful water resources to accommodate cultivation endeavors for its increasing population. Additionally, the prior establishment of two important centers,
Aztec Ruins and Salmon Ruins, made this region a logical area to settle. Population movement to Totah is consistent with the time period of Chaco’s demise and continues
24 until 1275, emphasizing the “continuing importance of this population aggregate” in the
Northern San Juan Basin (Duff and Wilshusen 2000:175).
Aztec Ruins’ location next to a permanent water source would have been an attractive feature appealing to populations leaving Chaco Canyon in search of a new ritual center. Reliable water meant that agricultural prosperity was consistent and steadily prosperous; cultivation success at Aztec would have translated into ritual success, as ritual and agriculture were closely integrated in Pueblo culture. This would have propelled Aztec to a position of higher power, causing many communities to shift their allegiance to the north. To curb the competition, Chaco leaders initiated a new phase of construction in the canyon to “generate renewed interest in Chaco as a center place and to restore confidence in the rituals that took place there” (Van Dyke 2004:423), but to no avail. By the early 1100s, Pueblo communities in the San Juan Basin largely rejected the
Chacoan ritual system.
Salmon Ruins additionally gained popularity during this time period, as this site was also in proximity to regular water sources and therefore experienced successful agriculture. Such as the nature of ritual in Chaco Canyon, “strong ties [existed] between the ideologic system and the economic system, particularly in relation to agricultural produce” at Salmon Ruins (Irwin-Williams 2006:350). The prosperity of Salmon following the demise of Chaco is evident by the material remains recovered from this site. Chaco style artifacts appear in the archaeological record at Salmon for only about 30 to 35 years; this period of occupation is referred to as the Primary, or Chacoan occupation. However, the span of habitation at this site lasted for nearly 150 years after the Primary period, recognized as the Secondary occupation (Irwin-Williams 2006). This
25 may signal a change in ideology among Salmon residents, from a previously Chaco- centered religion to a more localized one, initiated by the failure of Chaco Canyon as a central ritual authority.
Following the population migration to the Totah region in the wake of Chaco’s collapse, the previous Chaco affiliates Aztec Ruins and Salmon Ruins replaced the canyon’s role of power and became major sociopolitical nuclei (Reed 2008). Particularly,
Aztec Ruins took on an administrative role in the Totah region, coordinating interaction between Pueblo communities and re-establishing the ritual network. Occupation at
Salmon Ruins was likely more residential in nature, and focused on agricultural production rather than administration. Similar to the function of the Chaco system however, Aztec and Salmon Ruins’ influence radiated outward to marginal communities in the area, noted by a commonality of site features that indicate participation in a shared cultural network. Local Totah sodalities would have been encouraged to abandon their local traditions and seek inclusion in the new Totah system to gain economic benefits and garner access to ritual knowledge.
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Chapter V. Research Design
The focus of this research will be to investigate processes of ritual deposition in the Point Pueblo great kiva, a ceremonial community in the Totah region of New Mexico.
Specifically, this project aims to address how these activities may represent important
Pueblo ideologies. The primary research objectives motivating this project are:
(1) to define the material correlates of ritual deposition at Point Pueblo
(2) to determine the context of ritual deposition at Point Pueblo and additional great
kivas in the Totah region of New Mexico
(3) to provide explanations for the significance of ritual deposition in the Ancestral
Pueblo world
I hypothesize that ritual deposits reflect Pueblo ideologies, recognizable by depositional patterns, and that ritual deposition was incorporated into wide-spread cultural ceremonies that would have ritually renewed or ritually closed great kivas.
Further, I suggest that the ritual deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo represent a form of spiritual connectivity between the ancestral past and the present, linking
Puebloans to this landscape through ritual.
The main ideological themes that will be explored in this research include dualism and cardinality. Dualism, or the belief in the juxtaposition of opposites (Van Dyke 2007), was a fundamental concept to the Ancestral Pueblo whose practice and maintenance was essential to achieve proper social functionality. Cardinality, or referring to the cardinal directions of north, south, east, and west, was an additionally important belief of
Puebloans and is correlated to their vast and superior knowledge of cosmos. This belief
27 was supplemented by ideas of dualism and symmetry, each operating in unison to ensure balance and harmony of the natural world.
Great kiva renewal and closure events are important concepts involved in understanding ritual artifact deposition because they provide the situational context for these occurrences. Kiva renewal involves a kiva being demolished and subsequently rebuilt, emulating important Pueblo beliefs in rebirth and continuity (Crown and Wills
2003). Kiva renewal practices have been identified at several great kiva sites, and have been suggested to be relatively regular events (Squires and Hilt-Esteban Gomez 2013) intended to rejuvenate the ceremonial function of these structures. Closure is enacted during site abandonment when the kiva’s use-life is terminated by vacating populations.
Examples of closure events describe artifacts and kiva equipment left in situ prior to incineration (Adams and Reed 2006), thereby deliberately sealing the structure.
Recognizing ideological themes in the ritual deposits at Point Pueblo will be done by observing these objects’ placement in the kiva. First, if the deposits appear to be intentionally deposited at the cardinal points of the structure, this will be argued to emulate the belief in cardinality. Second if artifacts are symmetrically placed in equal abundance on either side of the great kiva, this will be recognized as a display of dualism.
Specific methodologies will involve obtaining provenience data for the key points in the structure (north, south, east, and west) and correlating this to the artifact density from each of these locations. Consideration will also be given to the types of artifacts found in each area of the kiva, to discover if patterns exist between artifact type and its depositional strategy.
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Determining the context of ritual deposition in the great kiva at Point Pueblo will be done through comparative site analysis, as well as by examining the structure itself.
By reviewing the various characteristics of ritual closure and renewal activities in
Chacoan great kivas, and by identifying these signatures at Point Pueblo, the context of ritual deposition can be explained as being involved in one or both of these scenarios.
Interpretation of the ritual deposits in Point Pueblo’s great kiva aims to be supported through comparative methodology to two nearby ritual centers: Aztec Ruins and Salmon
Ruins. Due to the close proximity of these sites, as well as their influence in the Totah region of New Mexico, these localities may display depositional strategies similar to those at Point Pueblo, and may thereby substantiate regional practices of ritual deposition as reflections of shared Pueblo ideologies.
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Chapter VI. Context
Point Pueblo
Point Pueblo is located in Farmington, New Mexico on the B-Square Ranch, a
12,000 acre property owned and managed by Tommy Bolack. This site is an important area for archaeological study because of its inclusion in the budding sociopolitical Totah region. Point Pueblo was occupied between 800 and 1300, and is proposed to have been a center for local leadership due to its dominating position on the landscape (Wheelbarger
2008), as shown in Figure 6.1.
Figure 6.1 Location of Point Pueblo on B-Square Ranch, looking east Point Pueblo is one of four sites incorporated in the Point Pueblo Community, which includes the Needle Rock site, the Tommy Site, Mine Canyon, and Point Pueblo.
Yet, the superiority of Point Pueblo is noted by the presence of a great house and an attached great kiva here. The prominence of this site amidst additional settlements on the
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Ranch suggests that Point Pueblo functioned as a ceremonial and administrative center, facilitating community organization to surrounding Pueblo communities. This site would have been an important gathering place for local Puebloans to participate in public rituals and manage social matters in the great kiva located here.
In addition to the presence of a great kiva and an attached great house, the significance of Point Pueblo as a site is also recognized by various features of the landscape. A common attribute of many Ancestral Pueblo site placements is “sacred geography,” which involves the consideration of visibility and prominence on the landscape, including the observation of landmarks (Van Dyke 2007). Point Pueblo is situated directly below the Shannon Bluffs, shown in Figure 6.2, on a triangular shaped point that juts out to the north and faces the La Plata Mountains of Colorado.
Figure 6.2 The great kiva below the Shannon Bluffs, facing south The almost direct alignment of the great kiva to the La Plata Mountains may be a representation of the sacredness of Point Pueblo as a site. According to the beliefs of the
Jemez (or Tanoan) Pueblo, the north is the place of the ancestral homeland, and “the
31 place of emergence is in the mountain range to the north of the pueblo” (Sofaer
2008:139). To the southwest of Point Pueblo is Needle Rock, shown in Figure 6.3, a
“spectacular sandstone pinnacle set off from the bluffs, situated between two rock shelters” (Wheelbarger 2008:216).
Figure 6.3 Needle Rock Petroglyph panels on the northern and eastern faces of the pinnacle attest to the importance of this landmark to neighboring Puebloan communities, and the presence of a midden approximately 250 feet north of the Rock marks the location of the Needle Rock site (Wheelbarger 2016). Additional landmarks surrounding Point Pueblo include the
Twin Peaks to the north-west, and Sullivan Knob, Harris Mesa, and Angel Peak to the east, all prominent and highly visible markers on the horizon (Wheelbarger 2008).
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The environment surrounding Point Pueblo would have been an advantage to
Puebloans settled in the region due to the abundance of water and potential for agriculture here. Directly below the site runs the San Juan River, seen in Figure 6.4, a constant and reliable water source supplying floodplain cultivation to the north of the site
(Wheelbarger 2008).
Figure 6.4 The San Juan River below Point Pueblo While the location of the San Juan River would have been beneficial to inhabitants of Point Pueblo, it has resulted in the substantial loss of archaeological data due to flooding and erosion at peripheral sites on B-Square Ranch. However, Point
Pueblo’s location on a terrace at nearly 100 feet above the river has protected it from erosion by the river (Wheelbarger 2016). Additional resources in the area that would have been plentiful on the Ranch are piñon- juniper woodlands, important for food as well as wood, and sandstone, an excellent material for lithic tool manufacture but unfortunately poor for masonry construction (Wheelbarger 2008).
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Shown in Figure 6.5 is the result of a mapping project conducted in August of
2015 intended to show Point Pueblo and the surrounding environment in greater detail.
Figure 6.5 Point Pueblo Site Map- drawn by Linda Wheelbarger, Elaine Finner, Christine Gilbertson, and Meagan Szromba
This project revealed that the great house at Point Pueblo is rectangular, and does not follow the semi-circular slope of the terrace as previously thought. The great house appears to contain at least four rows of rooms, extending to a length of approximately 60 to 75 meters (Wheelbarger 2016). Unfortunately, erosion and bulldozing has resulted in serious degradation of this structure; yet, cultural material is still present along the entire slope descending down to the San Juan River. Point Pueblo’s great kiva is attached to the southwest edge of the rectangular great house, on a flat surface at the northwestern point of the terrace. Luckily, this has allowed for minimal destruction of the kiva caused by erosion of the terrace slope.
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Archaeological studies at Point Pueblo are led by Linda Wheelbarger, director of the Totah Archaeological Project and Southwest archaeologist. Excavations at this site began in 2006, and continue to take place during yearly summer field schools. Work at
Point Pueblo has been largely focused on excavations in the great kiva. In 2012, the first floor, or the last occupation level was identified, with additional occupations being recognized in the subsequent years. Consistent with Pueblo traditions of ritual renewal, the great kiva at Point Pueblo was reused and remodeled throughout the habitation of this site. This study’s investigation of the ritual deposits in the great kiva will concern data collected from the 2012 to 2015 field school sessions; these excavations focused on clearing the first floor level of the structure, and will therefore yield the most accurate provenience information for the artifacts.
Prior to the site being formally excavated, Point Pueblo was subjected to extensive looting and pothunting beginning in the late 1800s, and was bulldozed in the
1950s in order to build two access roads (Wheelbarger 2016). This resulted in a substantial loss of archaeological data at the site. Of particular interest to this study is the damage caused to the great kiva, which will therefore need to be considered as an area for potential bias in this research. A large pothole was identified in the eastern quadrant of the structure, damaging the construction and the interpretation of the artifact deposits in this area. Additionally, one of the roads that was bulldozed in the 1950s transected the southeastern portion of the great kiva, barely missing the antechamber. However, insightful information may still be yielded from the great kiva, due to the abundance of material remains found within the structure that reflect patterns of ritual deposition.
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Great Kiva Features
In order to better contextualize the research presented in this thesis, it is important to identify the characteristics of great kivas, the most significant public ritual structure in the Ancestral Pueblo world. These large, circular constructions were the location for several social activities and community events that incorporated the widely acknowledged ritual and ideological system of Pueblo culture. Although commonly considered a ritual structure, great kivas were likely the loci for several social events, including ceremonies, centers to discuss matters of concern, and economic transactions
(Van Dyke 2002). Great kivas were considered as the “center of community” in Pueblo society (Western National Parks Association 2014): their importance recognized by the complex nature of their construction, requiring massive feats of effort and organized labor.
Several features are identified as being characteristic of Chaco style great kivas in the Southwest. The commonality of great kiva features at peripheral Puebloan communities outside of the canyon attests to the strong integration of the Chacoan system in the San Juan Basin. Further, the standardization of these features may also be representations of repetition and recurrence, important themes in Pueblo ideology possibly attributed to the regular and cyclical nature of cosmological phenomena (Squires and Hilt-Esteban Gomez 2013). The following is a discussion of the structural components attributable to Chacoan great kivas, based on the 1960 inventory conducted by Gordon Vivian and Paul Reiter and published in the book The Great Kivas of Chaco
Canyon and Their Relationships. Although there does exist a regular appearance of great kiva characteristics throughout Chaco’s interaction zone, supporting interpretations of a
36 shared social and ideological system throughout the San Juan Basin (Van Dyke 2002), variation of some features is apparent in regards to their presence and/or absence at some sites.
Subterraneity is a feature found amongst nearly all great kivas. Typically, great kivas are semi-subterranean, being built into the ground with the roof extending up above ground level. Out of the 19 great kivas considered in this inventory, the average diameter was 15 meters, or approximately 50 feet (Vivian and Reiter 1960). It is important to note that there is no apparent relationship between population density at Ancestral Pueblo communities and great kiva size. Their standardized construction across the San Juan
Bain regardless of site size suggests that the “symbolic meaning” (Van Dyke 2002:242) behind great kiva establishment was a more prominent factor than their actual size.
A second common characteristic recognized in great kivas are crypts or niches found within the kiva’s walls. These storage areas are interpreted as having once contained ceremonially significant artifacts, or “offerings,” that were deposited during ritual events. The appearance of crypts in great kiva walls is suggested to be limited or absent due to deterioration of the walls, thereby destroying or concealing crypt features
(Vivian and Reiter 1960). Additionally restricting their appearance is the fact that crypts were probably meant to be hidden, and that open crypts likely represent the intentional removal or theft of niche items. Small poles extending from great kiva walls that possibly symbolize shelves or balconies are also features that may no longer be visible due to wall deterioration; however, the distribution of this feature is less significant, as it is only found at four out of 19 sites (Vivian and Reiter 1960).
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Antechambers are features present in all great kivas, and may be defined as small rooms conjoined with the larger structure. The exact function of these features is debated.
Historic examples see the antechamber being used as an altar place during ceremony
(Vivian and Reiter 1960), while other interpretations suggest they were an entry way; antechambers have stairs leading down from them into the great kiva that were possibly utilized by ritual leaders (more on this mentioned in the “Entrance” section). An interesting characteristic of antechambers is their placement at either the north or the south axis of the great kiva. This alignment is a significant reflection of the purpose of cosmological alignment for the Ancestral Pueblo; however, the specific meaning of the antechamber being located at either the north or the south is not explained.
Although the remains of roofing elements are rarely present at archaeological sites, great kivas were presumably roofed during their use. This was done by placing four roof supports at equidistant areas in the great kiva to maintain the roof’s construction.
Early roof supports were made of large ponderosa timbers implanted into the floor for stabilization. Later examples evolved into square masonry piers or columns that rested on stone disks (Wheelbarger 2016). To construct the roof, four timbers, piers, or columns were laid across the roof supports to form a square, and on these “rested the interior ends of a radial ‘wheel spoke’ vigas, upon which the roofing was laid” (Vivian and Reiter
1960:90). Due to the lack of remaining roofing materials at archaeological sites, not a lot is known about roof height. However, this could be estimated based on the height of the remaining great kiva walls, as well as the height of the adjoining antechamber.
Entrance into the great kiva is believed to have occurred in one of two ways: either through the antechamber, or through the kiva roof. Ritual leaders may have entered
38 through the antechamber, its design catering to the ability of these individuals to join the event under the element of surprise. The latter example would have been achieved by creating a hole or hatch in the roof, and inserting a ladder into the kiva through which people would descend. Although a roof entrance is often regarded as being common, it should be noted that in no examples were ladder sockets found in the floor of the kivas considered in this study (Vivian and Reiter 1960).
Great kiva floors are identified as hard, compact, earthen surfaces with successive layers of use (Vivian and Reiter 1960). Following the occupation of each floor level, a new surface would be laid on top of the existing one. Therefore, identifying the layers of great kiva use may be done by exposing each floor surface. Two vault features, either placed directly on the floor or built partially into the floor, are additional characteristics of Chacoan great kivas. Vaults are large, rectangular, masonry built structures that include dug-out openings at one or both ends. They can be long and span a considerable length of the great kiva, or be short and only occur at one end of the kiva. Vaults are highly variable in regards to their shape, size, and appearance; however, they are all generally recognized to parallel the north-south axis of the great kiva (Vivian and Reiter
1960).
A variety of functions are proposed for the vault features found in great kivas.
Perhaps the most popular is the theory that vaults operated as foot drums by placing wooden planks over the openings and stomping on them to a rhythm. Additional explanations for vaults include these areas being locations for harvest ceremonies to symbolize the successful cultivation of crops. In this instance, maize and beans sprouts would be planted in the vault openings. This explanation is substantiated by the
39 ethnographic example of the Hopi, who still practice a ceremony similar to this. A final observation among vaults is that the western vaults appear to be more elaborate than the eastern ones. This may be recognized by the supposed presence of more complicated features here, and potentially more offerings placed in the western vault (Vivian and
Reiter 1960).
Fireboxes, or hearths, are features typically located on the main central axis of the great kiva in the southern portion of the structure. The evolution of these features see fire pits built into the floor level as early examples, to fireboxes set on the floor in later occupations of great kivas (Vivian and Reiter 1960). However, some great kiva examples appear to not have developed this later form of fire containment structure. Accompanying the fireboxes and hearths are ventilator holes, typically built beneath the hearth wall at floor level.
A consistent feature of great kivas is the bench, which encircles the circumference of the structure along the inner wall. Many great kiva benches undergo renovations throughout the use-life of the structure, noted by the presence of primary or original benches, and secondary or renovated benches. Additionally, these structures are interpreted to have been used for utility purposes rather than seating. This may be recognized by the proportions of the benches; they are typically wider than they are taller, which does not support the assumption of them being used to accommodate seating
(Vivian and Reiter 1960).
Finally, despite their rarity in the Chaco area as well as at outlying sites (Vivian and Reiter 1960), peripheral rooms surrounding great kivas exist in some examples included in this inventory. These rooms are found under the same roof structure of the
40 great kiva proper; yet, their function is debated. The peripheral rooms at Aztec Ruins for example are suggested to have functioned as observation areas for celestial events, utilized by individual clans occupying the site (Wheaton 2006). In other examples, these rooms contained fire pits, and may have functioned as prayer or worship areas.
The Great Kiva at Point Pueblo
The construction features of the great kiva at Point Pueblo are consistent with
Chacoan traditions; however, with a few variances, shown in Figure 6.6 and 6.7.
Figure 6.6 The great kiva facing south
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Figure 6.7 Map of the great kiva at Point Pueblo
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The great kiva at Point Pueblo is estimated to have been constructed around 1050.
The diameter of the structure is 17.8 meters above the bench, and 16.2 meters at the base of the bench (Wheelbarger 2016). Interestingly, this is larger than the great kiva at Aztec
Ruins, which is approximately 14.4 meters (Cameron 2009), and the great kiva at Salmon
Ruins, which is 14.5 meters (Adams and Reed 2006). Crypts or niches are not visible in the walls of the great kiva at Point Pueblo, probably because they were either intentionally sealed, or may have deteriorated; only 30 to 50 centimeters of wall currently remains above the bench (Wheelbarger 2016).
Additionally, no roofing materials have been found in the great kiva at Point
Pueblo, suggesting that the latest version of the structure was not roofed (Wheelbarger
2013). This is an important observation, because it suggests a more practical approach to participation in great kiva activities. Approximately 75 people standing shoulder to shoulder in an 18 meter great kiva would have been able to view the ceremonies, once consideration is made to account for the lack of floor space (Van Dyke 2007). If the last occupation of the great kiva at Point Pueblo did not have a roof, more Puebloans would have been able to participate in ritual activities by looking into the structure rather than standing inside of it (Wheelbarger 2016).
Earlier versions of the great kiva were likely roofed in a matter similar to other
Chacoan great kivas, seeing entrance into the structure through a hole in the roof. Ritual leaders likely entered the structure by steps leading down from the antechamber. Though steps are present from the exterior down into the antechamber, future investigations hope to reveal steps connecting the antechamber to the interior of the great kiva (Wheelbarger
2016). The antechamber is located at the direct south of the structure, and is aligned with
43 the hearth associated with the first remodeled floor. Although there is no identifiable fire containment structure associated with the last occupation level, the masonry hearth is typical of Chacoan style great kivas. Below the hearth reveals evidence of a thermal stain on the original floor of the great kiva; however, this stain is small, and is not indicative of a great amount of fire activity (Wheelbarger 2016).
The bench of the great kiva displays evidence of modification throughout the structure’s use-life, a feature attributable to Puebloan practices of renewal. Finally, two vault features, or roof support platform vault complexes (Wheelbarger, personal communication, 2015) are present within the kiva, aligned 10 degrees west of true north and in perfect alignment to the antechamber. The eastern roof support platform vault complex is particularly interesting, in that this feature’s southern platform is aligned true north-south, while the northern platform is set at 10 degrees west of north (Wheelbarger
2016). The walls connecting these platforms thus appear curved, indicating that the eastern roof support platform vault complex was modified in order to achieve structural alignment with the antechamber.
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Chapter VII. Research Implementation
The data set considered in this research was chosen in order to present the most accurate information regarding the floor deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo.
Artifacts from the 2012 to 2015 field seasons are representative of the final floor, or the last use-level occupation and are likely associated with intentional deposition before the kiva’s closure. Designated as Floor 1 (the first identifiable floor that was found), the artifacts associated with this level are estimated to represent the latter portion of the PIII period occupation, or between 1270 and 1280. Floor 1 artifacts may be representative of several years, maybe 10-20, of great kiva occupation (Wheelbarger 2016, personal communication). Excavated in the summer 2015 field season was a trench that spanned the north-south axis of the great kiva. Artifacts from these trench units are technically below Floor 1; however, it appears that there are multiple levels of Floor 1 that may continue down to Floor 2, or the first remodeled floor (Wheelbarger 2016). Therefore, the artifacts recovered from the trench units are regarded as being associated with Floor 1 in this study, except in two non-cardinal units, where Floor 2 was clearly identified.
To preserve the integrity of this project, only the artifacts that were found to be placed directly on the floor of the kiva during formal excavation, discovered during screening activities but still representative of floor occupation, and those that had accurate and understandable provenience information are included in this analysis. These conditions led to the elimination of a large quantity of artifacts; however, their exclusion ensures a non-biased interpretation of artifact deposits and the patterns they may display.
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Table 7.1 details the four categories of artifact types that were developed to classify the 5,861 total artifacts included in this study, and succinctly describe the deposits present in the great kiva at Point Pueblo.
Artifact Counts 2012-2015 4500 4282 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1486 1500 1000 500 22 71 0 Ceramics Lithics Tools Ornaments
Table 7.1 The first category, “Ceramics,” includes all pottery sherds and vessels found in the great kiva. The sherds range in size and style (style is mostly indicative of the occupational period of the level they were associated with), and the vessels are defined as collections of sherds found in close association with one another that share similar patterns or design elements. As shown in Table 7.2, both the sherds and the vessels were counted as individual artifacts, and together numbered as 4,282 individual pieces.
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Total Ceramics 4000 3415 3500
3000
2500
2000
1500 867 1000
500
0 Sherds Vessels
Table 7.2 The second classification category of artifacts is “Lithics,” and includes: debitage, cores, hammerstones, retouched flakes, choppers, abraders, and scrapers. Like the
Ceramics, each type of artifact included in this category was individually counted, for a combined total of 1,486 artifacts shown in Table 7.3.
Total Lithics 1600 1341 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 86 200 15 17 25 1 1 0
Table 7.3
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The “Tools” category detailed in Table 7.4 is comprised of 22 artifacts, and includes items that would have required more specialized labor to produce, such as awls, projectile points, manos, metates, hoes, and bifaces.
Total Tools 8 7 7 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 2 1 1 1 0 Awl Projectile Mano Metate Hoe Biface Point
Table 7.4 The final category is comprised of all “Ornaments” recovered from the floor of the great kiva. These items were classified based on their rarity in the archaeological collections at Point Pueblo, as well as their presumed significance and value in Puebloan rituals. Seventy-one ornaments were identified in the great kiva deposits and are listed in
Table 7.5 as follows: bone ornaments, shell ornaments, lithic ornaments, turquoise, worked/polished/cut bone, figurines, tchamahias, and fetishes.
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Total Ornaments
30 25 25 20 17 13 15 10 10 3 5 1 1 1 0
Table 7.5 Out of a total of 52 whole or partial (accounting for the roundness of the great kiva) two-by-two meter units seen in Figure 7.1, 28 of them are considered as “cardinal” in this study: eight in the north, eight in the south, six in the east, and six in the west.
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Figure 7.1 Map of cardinal units Each unit included in this study (both cardinal and non-cardinal) has been excavated down to an identifiable floor (Floor 1 or below, with the exception of two trench units, excavated to Floor 2), recognizable by a compacted earthen surface with artifacts directly associated with it. Artifacts that were discovered lying flat on top of the floor were point located, and have specific coordinates denoting their location within the unit. Artifacts that were found during floor-level excavations during screening activities were designated the provenience location of the unit they were recovered from. The inclusion of both point located and non-point located artifacts was necessary in order to create a more viable database to analyze.
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Compiling the database for this study consisted of reviewing excavation notes, site records, and digitized files pertaining to the 2012, 2013, 2014, and 2015 Totah
Archaeological Project’s field seasons. This process included careful consideration of what data to include and exclude in order to present the truest representation of the ritual deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo. Following this review, several Excel databases were created to organize, analyze, and interpret the collected information to be presented in this thesis. Additional responsibilities included personally accessing the artifact collections to verify artifact types and counts, as well as referencing excavation records to correct errors in provenience designations. All of the aforementioned activities were aided and overseen by Linda Wheelbarger, director of the Totah Archaeological Project.
The results of this analysis concluded that of the 5,861 artifacts considered, 3,653 of them appeared in the cardinal units, while 2,208 of them were found elsewhere in the great kiva. The detailed breakdown of these counts according to artifact type are featured in Table 7.6.
Artifact Comparison in Cardinal versus Non-Cardinal Units
CERAMICS LITHICS TOOLS ORNAMENTS
3000 2800 2500 2000 1482 1500 1000 795 691 500 10 48 12 23 0 Cardinal Artifacts Non-Cardinal Artifacts
Table 7.6
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This difference of 1,445 artifacts is significant for several reasons. First, it argues that more consideration was probably made to deposit artifacts in cardinal locations than non-cardinal ones, supporting the hypothesis of this research. Second, the types of artifacts found in the cardinal units versus the non-cardinal units suggests that artifact significance may have been a factor involved in the artifact’s placement in the great kiva.
This is especially evident among the Ornaments; over half of these artifacts were deposited in the cardinal units as opposed to the non-cardinal units. Because some of the artifacts included in the Ornaments category are proposed to be meaningful in ritual, their placement in the cardinal directions of the great kiva may be a representation of this important Pueblo ideology.
It should be mentioned that there is an apparent bias in the interpretation of the ritual deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo due to the inclusion of trench artifacts.
Because the trench only spanned the north-south axis, this is the only area of the great kiva that included artifacts below Floor 1, and therefore alters the quantity of cardinal deposits in the north and the south compared to the east and the west. However, the trench units were only one-by-two meters, which is a relatively small percentage of the total cardinal area (Wheelbarger 2016, personal communication). Further, this research is merely attempting to explain ritual deposition patterns recognized thus far in the great kiva, and acknowledges that this is an ongoing process pending future excavations at
Point Pueblo.
Of the four cardinal directions, the most abundant artifact deposits appeared in the south of the great kiva, with the western units being the second. The northern section also included a significantly high quantity of artifacts; however, the artifact count in the east
52 was substantially low due to looting activities that took place here. Based on the patterns displayed in each of the other quadrants, it is arguable that had the great kiva not been looted, the eastern section of the structure would have contained a significantly higher number of artifacts. Table 7.7 shows the specific counts of artifact types at each cardinal direction in the great kiva.
Artifact Counts in Cardinal Units
CERAMICS LITHICS TOOLS ORNAMENTS
1200 1058 1000 918
800 610 600
400 246 270 214 192 200 87 6 5 2 23 1 5 1 15 0 NORTH SOUTH EAST WEST
Table 7.7 Interesting patterns emerge among specific artifact frequencies in the cardinal units in the great kiva, further attesting to the importance of ritual deposition in these locations. Particularly in the south and in the west, which contain significantly more artifacts than units in the north and east. This is especially evident among the Ornaments shown in Table 7.8; because of these artifact’s interpretation as being extraordinary compared to the additional categories, their abundance in the south and in the west suggests that these directions were particularly significant in Ancestral Pueblo ideology.
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Ornament Distribution in Cardinal Units
25 23
20 15 15
10 5 5 5
0 NORTH SOUTH EAST WEST
Table 7.8 For example, in the south of the great kiva was a jet bird effigy, shown in Figure
7.2, which is nearly identical to the hematite bird effigy recovered from Pueblo Bonito at
Chaco Canyon.
Figure 7.2 Jet bird effigy Figure 7.3 displays a bird bone-bead necklace found deposited in the south; also recovered here were numerous partial ceramic vessels (Wheelbarger 2016).
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Figure 7.3 Bird bone-bead necklace Additionally, excavations of the southern trench units in the summer of 2015 revealed what appears to be a ceremonial pit dug into the floor of the great kiva, in which several ritualistic artifacts were deposited including a partial vessel with several tiny beads placed on top of it (Wheelbarger 2016). The discovery of this pit supports claims of
55 the sacredness of this location to the Ancestral Pueblo, probably in regards to their ideological interpretation of the southern direction.
In the western quadrant, a tchamahia fragment, pictured in Figure 7.4, was deposited exactly due west.
Figure 7.4 Tchamahia fragment A tchamahia, or a ceremonial hoe, is an important ritual item which likely symbolized harvest and agricultural prosperity. The deposition of this artifact on the exact western axis of the great kiva was clearly a symbolic gesture designating the importance of this location.
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Chapter VIII. Discussion
Interpretation of the Ritual Deposits at Point Pueblo
The ritual deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo appear to support the hypothesis presented in this thesis: that acts of ritual deposition symbolize Pueblo ideologies and world views. While the ritual deposits clearly display patterns of cardinality, with a specific concentration of deposits in the south and in the west, representations of dualism and balance are inconclusive. Due to the lack of archaeological remains in the eastern quadrant resulting from severe pothunting, a substantial disparity occurs between the quantity of artifacts in the east and the west.
Additionally, a significant difference is apparent between the amount of artifacts in the south compared to the north, further challenging interpretations of ritual deposition reflecting dualism in the great kiva.
Various ethnographic examples may provide clues as to why artifact deposits in the great kiva are concentrated in the cardinal directions. According to many Pueblo creation stories, “the people emerged in the north from the worlds below and traveled to the south in search of the sacred middle place” (Sofaer 2008:104). The abundance of ritual deposits in the south may therefore represent the path of migration of the Pueblo people. Further, the significance of the east and the west may represent the directions of the rising and setting sun, the sun being a revered object to the Ancestral Pueblo.
Depositing sacred artifacts in these directions during ceremonies likely symbolized the importance of the sun’s journey to the Ancestral Pueblo at Point Pueblo.
Considerable evidence from the artifact deposits in Point Pueblo’s great kiva suggests that ritual deposition occurs in the context of ritual closure, discernable by the
57
presence of artifacts placed on the last occupied floor of the structure, Floor 1, during its
final days or weeks of use. However, no characteristic evidence of great kiva closure is
found at Point Pueblo in the form of burned remains of roofing materials. Yet, this does
not conclude that Puebloans did not ritually close the great kiva. As mentioned
previously, the latest version of the structure does not appear to be roofed (Wheelbarger
2013). The spiritual importance of the great kiva not only to residents of Point Pueblo but
to surrounding communities would have likely warranted a special closure event.
The trench profile shown in Figure 8.1 from the 2015 excavation revealed in
greater detail the existence of earlier floors before Floor 1, and evidence supporting
interpretations of ritual renewal activities in the great kiva.
40 cm
Floor 1
Floor 2
Floor 3
Figure 8.1 2015 Trench profile, northern end facing west Floor 3, or the original occupied floor level, was discovered to have been
completely cleared and cleaned before approximately 18 centimeters of “coarse gravely
sand” was deposited on top of this surface and leveled. Further, an additional 8 to 10
centimeters of “fine yellow clayey sand” was then placed on top of this previous layer,
above which was constructed the first remodeled floor, or Floor 2 (Wheelbarger 2016).
58
Discovered amid these layers of sandy material were miscellaneous artifacts; however, they were not found to be lying on the original floor, Floor 3, making it unclear if these artifacts were brought in with the imported intermediate sand layers, or incorporated into the sand layers from Floor 3. Nevertheless, they may still represent practices of artifact deposition in the context of ritual renewal, associated with the ushering in of a new use- period or occupation of the great kiva.
Ritual deposition in the great kiva would have been an important practice to signify the sacredness of Point Pueblo, as well as to establish and maintain permanent spiritual bonds to the landscape and to the ancestors who occupied the site. Especially during ritual renewals, artifact deposition would have re-animated or rejuvenated the spiritual power of the structure, and created collective social memories between previous and current occupants of the site (Squires and Hilt-Esteban Gomez 2013). Analogous to modern Pueblo practices of spiritual connectivity, ritual deposition functions as a mechanism to maintain continuity between the past and the present, between generations of Pueblo peoples and the spaces they leave their footprints on the earth (Western
National Parks Association 2014). Additionally justifying the significance of Point
Pueblo is the presence of ritual deposits here that are characteristic of widespread Pueblo ceremonies, symbolizing the role of this site as an administrative or ceremonial hub to surrounding communities in the Totah region.
Great Kiva Rituals in the Ancestral Pueblo World
Comparing the features of ritual deposition and great kiva renewal and closure at additional Pueblo sites provides important insights into the nature of ceremonialism among Totah Puebloans. At Aztec Ruins for example, ritual deposition is present in the
59 context of ritual renewal, identifiable by nine floor or occupation levels in the great kiva
(Morris 1921), and in ritual closure by fire, noted by the charred wood roof remains found on the floor of the structure (Cajete and Bodnar 2013). Several overtly ritually significant artifacts were found on the great kiva floors, including vessels, beads, and
“elements of turquoise mosaics particularly in the area in front of and west of the foot of the north stairway” (Morris 1921:126). The mention of the north as a preferred location for deposits complements interpretations of the importance of cardinality during ritual deposition acts. Although the artifact deposits in the great kiva at Point Pueblo were most abundant in the south, the importance of the northern direction as the place of emergence in Pueblo mythology appears to be represented through ritual deposition at Aztec Ruins.
An additional representation of Pueblo ideologies may be present in the great kiva at Aztec Ruins, specifically, dualism. On opposite sides of the structure, “considerable refuse deposits” were present: one at the south behind the pillars containing “vegetable litter,” and one at the east of the northern stairway behind the north pillars containing sweepings, including ashes, sherds, and vegetable substances (Morris 1921:126). It should be noted again that like utilitarian artifacts that can become “ceremonialized” through ritual, refuse materials may also take on this characteristic. Therefore, these refuse heaps were likely deposited through acts of ritual deposition, and were arguably as important as the artifact deposits in the great kiva.
At Salmon Ruins, ritually significant artifacts were identified in both the great kiva and the Tower Kiva. However, research for this thesis at Salmon Ruins revealed that specific provenience information on the artifacts was apparently compromised since the excavation in the 1970s, and is unavailable for interpretation. Because the records for
60 these collections were severely unorganized, it was additionally difficult to determine what context artifacts may have been deposited in, or if they reflected patterns of Pueblo ideologies. Details of artifact deposits in the great kiva at Salmon Ruins are limited, and are highlighted in the following statement: “the quality of preservation is such that any discussion of cultural material is almost exclusively limited to ceramics and lithics”
(Pecos Conference Notes 1975:127). No further explanation is provided concerning this.
As for the Tower Kiva, deposits are described as: scattered yellow ochre, worked wood fragments, tchamahia, broken ceramic vessels, bits of bone, basket fragments, leather pouch, botanicals (corn, beans, cacti, piñon nuts, squash), and tools, with no additional contextual information (Adams and Pippin 1975).
Yet, Salmon Ruins does display interesting patterns of closure activities at two of its kivas, originally constructed during the Primary or Chaco era occupation. Excavations and analyses of the great kiva at Salmon show that it was burned at least twice: once after the Chacoan occupation, and once more in the late Secondary occupation. The second burning took place prior to site abandonment, and would have permanently sealed off the structure and symbolized the ending of Salmon’s occupation. Intermediate of these burnings however, substantial reconstruction and renovation of the kiva occurred, including the destruction and subsequent rebuilding of the roof, the resurfacing of the floors, and the modification of floor vault features (Adams and Reed 2006).
It is interesting to note the timing and implications behind renewal practices in the great kiva at Salmon Ruins. The destruction of this kiva after the Chacoan fluorescence and the subsequent re-building of it occurred at 1263, following an influx of new residents to the site at 1240 (Reed 2008). The population increase at Salmon Ruins likely
61 represents the migration of Puebloans to the Totah area, whereby the ritual renewal accommodated the new user group who would have utilized the structure. This renewal may further signal the rejection and ending of Chacoan ritual ideology, and the ushering in of a new form of religion dominated and perpetuated by the Totah region and its inhabitants.
Supplementary insight regarding kiva closure activities comes from the Tower
Kiva at Salmon Ruins, which shows that “a catastrophic fire late in the Secondary occupation resulted in the end of the structure’s and the pueblo’s use-life” (Adams and
Reed 2006:90). Additionally noted is “a considerable amount of pottery, perishable artifacts, tools, and other kiva equipment abandoned in place after this catastrophic event” (Adams and Reed 2006:90). The mention of artifacts left in situ prior to incineration of the structure, coinciding with site abandonment, supports interpretations of the ritual practice of artifact deposition as part of a closure ceremony at Salmon Ruins.
In Chaco Canyon, renovations of great kivas at Pueblo Bonito during the Primary occupation were complex and intricate events, involving the substantial destruction of the structures before new constructions were built. This often included removing the roof and tearing down the walls. New or “renewed” great kivas would then be constructed either within the walls of previously existing kivas or on top of earlier foundations (Crown and
Wills 2003). The monumentality of these events signifies the practice of ritual renewal because such efforts would not have been made to simply correct errors in construction or renovate a deteriorating portion of the structure (Crown and Wills 2003). The energy expenditure, as well as the abundance of materials needed to complete these events,
62 suggests that ritual renewal was practiced in order to fulfill a more complex desire to maintain ritual connections with the past and preserve the continuity of Pueblo culture.
Chetro Ketl represents one of the best examples of artifact deposition during ritual renewal in Chaco Canyon; the patterns of repetition in the deposits here implies that these practices were standardized and habitual (Mills 2008). The Chetro Ketl deposits are evident not only during periods of great kiva renewals, but also during dedicatory ceremonies that would have ushered in the initial use of the structure. Dedicatory deposition at Chetro Ketl can be interpreted as a way of “ensuring that [kivas] would be ritually dressed throughout their lives” (Mills 2008:369). In this context, ritual deposition may be viewed as a way to “animate a ritual structure,” synonymous to the way bodies are adorned to create a sense of identity (Mills 2008:375).
Cross-Cultural Comparison
Interpreting the ritual and ideological foundations of archaeological societies proves to be difficult due to the subjectivity of these aspects of culture. Especially among the Ancestral Pueblo, who had no written language, most of the evidence that exists is circumstantial and based on assigning meaning to the material remains left behind and the ethnographic examples currently in practice. It is therefore necessary to also employ methods of comparison to substantiate and help interpret archaeological behaviors.
Cross-cultural examples are important comparative frameworks to support explanations of ritual activities and their significance in ancient societies.
Many examples of ritual behavior similar to the Ancestral Pueblo can be found among archaeological cultures in Mesoamerica. At the Olmec site of La Venta, the area designated Complex A is considered to be the district that dominated La Venta’s “large
63 civic-ceremonial zone” (Gillespie 2008:111). This location displays several characteristics attesting to the sacred nature of this landscape, especially through ritual deposition. Ritual deposits recovered here are symmetrical in nature, and represent
“obvious continuity” (Gillespie 2008:116) between building phases, much like Pueblo practices of deposition during ritual renewal episodes. Additionally, deposition rituals at
Complex A were inclusive, and likely involved public participation. Communal involvement in ritual deposition would have allowed individuals to be linked to the deposits, even after they were interred, thereby creating powerful social memories
(Gillespie 2008).
Ritual renewal and artifact deposition practices were behaviors also practiced by the Aztec, specifically during the New Fire ceremony. These behaviors reflected the
Aztec’s “complex mythology, […] cosmology and iconography” regarding their ritual belief systems (Elson and Smith 2001:157). The New Fire ritual took place every 52 years and signified a need to maintain cosmic order. Further, this ceremony was also intended to celebrate the beginning of another cycle of Aztec time, which coincided with the renewal of the world (Elson and Smith 2001). The fact that these highly complex ritual events were exercised in a ceremonial setting attests to the significance of their practice in Aztec culture.
During the New Fire ceremony, temples and religious structures were refurnished, and household goods and the personal belongings of religious practitioners were renewed. Additionally, religiously symbolic and household artifacts, such as pottery and censers, were deposited in designated areas during the ceremony. Countering challenges from additional interpretations of these artifact deposits being domestic middens, these
64 depositories were only utilized once, comprised of whole artifacts, and afterwards were sealed (Elson and Smith 2001). This supports the notion of these dumps being used only for ritualistic purposes and not as trash areas, to represent the process of renewal during the New Fire ceremony.
Comparisons may also be made between the Ancestral Pueblo and the Maya in regards to the utilization of artifacts in ceremonial contexts. For example, among the
Maya, both utilitarian and non-utilitarian objects were involved in ritual and deposition activities. These behaviors are in fact still practiced by modern Maya, specifically in dedication and renewal ceremonies (Walker and Lucero 2000). Ethnographic examples describe the Maya caching artifacts under house floors during dedication events to animate the household, and performing closing ceremonies to terminate or de-animate the house or objects (Lucero 2008). This practice is very similar to renewal and closing ceremonies in great kivas. Ancestor veneration is also an important tool used by the
Maya to preserve continuity between the past and the present. “The ritual manipulation of objects by agents during dedication, termination, ancestral veneration, and abandonment rituals” (Walker and Lucero 2000) creates irreparable bonds with ritual practitioners and the spaces they utilize.
A final cross-cultural comparison of ritual renewal and deposition occurs at the
Grand Shrine of Ise, “the largest and spiritually most important of all Shinto shrines in
Japan” (Coulmas 1994:1). These activities occur on a cyclical, 20 year basis. During renewal events, deities are ceremonially removed from shrines and transferred to newly constructed locations where they are housed until the cycle begins again. After the deities are brought into their new homes, their previous shrines are destroyed. This ritual cycle
65 of renewal has been occurring for nearly 2,200 years, almost without interruption, and is a fundamental component of Shinto religion (Coulmas 1994).
Ritual renewal at the Grand Shrine is done with the intention of establishing continuity with deities, ancestors, and nature (Coulmas 1994). These important values of the Shinto religion are manifested through actions of reproducing shrines in exactitude rather than conserving previous constructions. This practice is analogous to the Ancestral
Pueblo, who would purposely destroy great kiva features, such as the roof and the walls, before rebuilding and remodeling near complete replicas of the previous features. This purposeful destruction and subsequent construction of ceremonial shrines or kivas appears to be done not for aesthetic or renovation purposes, but in attempts to ritually renew a site and reaffirm spiritual links with deities or ancestors. Additionally, during ritual renewals at the Grand Shrine, ceremonial artifacts are often burned or deposited in the ground. This is likely done to perpetuate the continuity of Shinto beliefs and pay homage to ritual landscapes (Coulmas 1994). The link between Shinto and Pueblo religions is evident among their cultural ideologies regarding ideas of continuity and ancestor veneration, making them relevant examples for comparison.
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Chapter IX. Conclusion The patterns of ritual deposition in the great kiva at Point Pueblo are not only important recognitions of Ancestral Pueblo ideologies, but of the significance of this site as a ritual center. By permanently interring ritually significant artifacts in the great kiva during renewal or closure ceremonies, lasting connections would have been created between Puebloans and this sacred landscape, as well as between the ritual practitioners and the ancestral spirits who still occupied this space. Ritual deposition at Point Pueblo further symbolizes the importance of establishing and preserving continuity throughout generations, revolved around a shared ideological system that influenced the Ancestral
Pueblo’s way of life in the American Southwest.
Future research at Point Pueblo may continue to substantiate the importance of this site to communities settled on the B-Square Ranch, and to peripheral populations in the greater Totah region. Continuing excavations in the great kiva will likely reveal earlier examples of artifact deposits in the structure, and may be compared to the artifacts discussed in this thesis to contribute to a more holistic understanding of ritual deposition patterns here. Coming excavations of the attached great house at Point Pueblo may also support interpretations of the site’s significance, by potentially displaying unique architectural features or material remains that may be compared to the archaeology at
Totah’s other ritual centers: Aztec Ruins and Salmon Ruins. This may further explain the nature of interaction between these sodalities, and support claims of the overall importance of this region following the decline of Chaco Canyon.
The significance of Point Pueblo as a ceremonial center to the Ancestral Pueblo is without question. From its commanding location on the B-Square Ranch landscape, to the presence of a great house and attached great kiva, Point Pueblo clearly represents a
67 powerful ceremonial space utilized by Puebloans to showcase their unique cultural beliefs and ideologies. The sacred artifact deposits left behind in the great kiva by ritual practitioners symbolize the lasting spiritual energy of the structure, and demonstrate the fundamental human desire to maintain connections to the ancestral past. Ritual deposition at Point Pueblo therefore suggests that this site, like others across the Southwest, were never deserted, but that the ancestors still remain: “they left their imprints here… their spirits are still here” (Edaakie 2014).
68
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2016 Review of Draft 3 Master’s Thesis of Meagan Szromba: Ritual Deposition in Great Kivas: A Perspective from Point Pueblo. Submitted April 26, 2016.
Wilshusen, Richard H. and Scott G. Ortman 1999 Rethinking the Pueblo I Period in the San Juan Drainage: Aggregation, Migration, and Cultural Diversity. Kiva (64)3:369-399.
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