Introduction Approaching Japanese Religions Under Globalization

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95

brill.com/jrj

Introduction Approaching Japanese Religions under Globalization

Galen Amstutz Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley, California, usa [email protected]

Ugo Dessì University of Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany [email protected]

Abstract

Research on religion and globalization is revealing that religious responses to global dynamics have been highly varied, positioned across a broad spectrum that ranges from the defensive to the open and creative. However, attempts to engage this area of studies in the case of Japanese religions have been unexpectedly few and fragmentary; the use of full-scale globalization theory remains underdeveloped. Sometimes an underlying conceptual obstacle is that the dominating perspective is reduced to the dimension of worldwide institutional expansion, which prevents a full engagement with the much more complex dynamics. In other cases, there may simply be resistance to the application of contemporary globalization theories to concrete case studies in religion. Possibly also some features peculiar to Japanese history have delayed the application of globalization perspectives to its religious worlds. Based on these premises the articles by Inoue Nobutaka, Ugo Dessì, Galen Amstutz, Victoria Rose Montrose, Girardo Rodriguez Plasencia, Regina Yoshie Matsue, and Rafael Shoji and Frank Usarski collected in this special issue address several examples and themes in this diversified, complex world as part of the ongoing work of addressing our existing gaps in awareness.

Keywords globalization – Japanese religions

A quarter century after its massive intrusion into the public discourse, the term ‘globalization’ continues to be mainly applied to changes in the world economy. Its ubiquitous popular narrative of material change is produced and reflected by the modern media on a daily basis; given the undeniable and per- vasive impact of trade, technology and money at the grassroots level such an understanding certainly reveals a pragmatic sensibility. And yet this limited perception of globalization remains inadequate. Fundamentally, it shows itself to be ideologically driven by the idea of human society as a market—quite in contrast to the claim that our allegedly postmodern age has been charac- terized by the demise of all grand narratives. As Doreen Massey aptly puts it, such application of economism to globalization reveals a persistent conventional temporal conceptualization (or alternatively, radicalization of the idea of ‘flows’) rooted in the neo-liberal expectation that, in time, all societies will be inevitably drawn into a global community whose core unifying principle is economic growth. As such, this way of imagining the global, nothing other than an updated version of the linear Eurocentric story of capitalist modernity, is actually “aspatial” (Massey 1999: 29, 34); in other words a more adequate postmodern perception of ‘space’ as consisting of contingent, constructed (in that sense truly ‘spatial’) geometries of power has been missed. And yet there is a contrasting view, from a wider perspective, that such a narrow idea of globalization as simply economic transformation is partial and reductionist since it does not seriously take into account a vast array of other interrelated phenomena and dynamics in human experience. In the last two decades an increasing amount of scholarship has been insisting that dra- matic changes in the communications media and transnational mobility have ushered in a new period of global exchanges involving not only goods but also ideas and ‘culture.’ The relationships of these additional processes to a deeper understanding of globalization have come to be variously elucidated. Through the cultural turn in ‘hard’ globalization studies the new socioeco- nomic situation has been approached as “a revamped system of flexible cap- italism” expressed in cultural life; conversely, the globalization turn in ‘soft’ cultural studies has come to appreciate economic globalization’s being con- cretely “the product of inexorable and accelerated migratory cultural flows and electronic mediations beyond the space-time envelopes of the nation- state system” (Archer et al. 2007: 4). Such conceptual recognitions became apparent, for example, in even the initial approaches to globalization such as John Tomlinson’s (1999). In current sociology, it is widely acknowledged that the major contribution to this debate has been provided by the grand theory developed by Roland Robertson, in which globalization is understood in several terms: as a distinct “human-global condition” (with emphasis on

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access introduction 85 the reflexive awareness of the world as a single place); as an identifiable historical process originating in Europe in the fifteenth century; and lastly as accelerated processes of glocalization or local adaptation of global cultural resources (e.g., Robertson 1992, 1995). Certain ideas prefigured in early post- colonial theory were also quickly applied productively to issues of globalization and glocalization and opened the way to the already classical literature on hybridization, creolization, and global flows and -scapes (e.g., García Can- clini 1995; Nederveen Pieterse 2003; Hannerz 1996; Appadurai 1996). All the time these issues have resonated with scholars in the field of cultural studies who have been concerned about the resistance of local cultures to homoge- nization. Religious studies has not played any central role in the aforementioned theoretical developments, although religion as part of culture at large can be considered as an absent guest at the table. However, religion did make an early appearance in the debate on globalization and culture through the work of Robertson, who specifically addressed the role of religious factors in his analysis of Japanese globality (Robertson 1987). Afterwards, the most notable development of the field of religion has been found in the work of Peter Beyer, who has framed his analysis of religious change under globalization in terms of a comprehensive view of global society as analyzed via Niklas Luhmann’s theories of interaction of functionally differentiated global societal subsystems and their modes of communication (Beyer 1994). According to the anthropologist Thomas Csordas (2009: 11), the publication of Beyer’s Religion and Globalization (1994) was actually one of the main factors behind the growing interest in this topic in the mid-1990s, the others being new recognition of the religious implications of the flourishing studies on globalization and transnationalism and the global impact of Pentecostalism. Sub- sequent research is revealing that religious responses to global dynamics have been highly varied, positioned across a broad spectrum that ranges from the defensive to the open and creative. Considerable attention has been paid to the issues of identity (Coleman and Collins 2004) and fundamentalism (Mis- ztal and Shupe 1992; Juergensmeyer 2003); otherwise religious phenomena as diverse as global Pentecostalism (Cox 1995; Dempster, Klaus and Petersen 1999), the New Age movement (Rothstein 2001), and new religious movements (Hex- ham and Poewe 1997; Clarke 2006) have offered themselves as obvious objects of study. Researchers have discovered that globalization not only may pose a threat to religion when understood as a promoter of detraditionalization, but may also offer new opportunities for growth and developing new religious forms. In view of Csordas’s observations, and combined with the association between globalization and mobility which can be intuitively recognized, it is

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access 86 amstutz and dessì no wonder that transnational religion has also become another area of considerable interest (Rudolph and Piscatori 1997; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000; Csordas 2009). As concerns Japanese religions, a promising overture was presented early by Robertson’s suggestion (however limited) that Japan’s modern form of global involvement reflected embedded tendencies in religious imagination such as the inclination toward syncretism, institutionalized polytheism, and the im- portance attributed to purification rituals. Similarly, scholars such as Beyer and Shupe have occasionally integrated religion in Japan in their reflections on religion and globalization (Shupe 1991; Beyer 2006). However, further attempts to engage this area of studies have been unexpectedly few and fragmentary. Among the exceptions, the Japanese scholar Inoue Nobutaka 井上順孝, who also contributes to this volume, has been investigating the impact of the information age upon the development of new religious movements in Japan in various articles since the early 1990s (Inoue 1990, 1997, 2007). The anthropologist Miyanaga Kuniko 宮永国子 has focused on Sekai Mahikari Bunmei Kyōdan 世界真光文明教団 to show how rituals, with their repetitive focus on the body and the creation of narratives, facilitate integration and provide options for countering the identity crisis induced by globalization (Miyanaga 2000). In a similar vein, Satō Takehiro’s 佐藤壮広 research on Okinawan shamans shows how the reshaping of local identities occurring at the level of religious rituals is not only dependent on the tradition and its myths but also on other factors directly related to global society (Satō 2002). Another Japanese scholar, Yamada Masanobu 山田政信, from ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Brazil has illustrated how aspects of Tenrikyō 天理教 teachings may resonate with local Christian beliefs and Kardecism (Yamada 2007). While such researches published in article or book-chapter format offered valid contributions to the debate, remarkably it was not until 2006 that the first monograph in any language explicitly devoted to the theoretically-elaborated globalization of a Japanese religion was published. That work, Cristina Rocha’s Zen in Brazil, has been of great interest because it provides an accurate inter- pretation of the overseas acculturation of this stream of Japanese Buddhism based on Arjun Appadurai’s idea of mediascapes and her own ethnographic fieldwork (Rocha 2006). What should be recalled here is that although several other interesting studies focusing on Japanese religions abroad have been published, they generally rely on conventional religious studies approaches (e.g., transplantation models or syncretism) and thus avoid engaging with contemporary globalization theory; similarly, other studies on occidentalism such as those on the Kyōto School overlap with the issue of globalization but their potential in this sense does not seem to have been fully explored. Moreover,

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access introduction 87 within this context there is some tendency to downplay the forces of the ‘neg- ative’ side involving human stereotyping, racist imagination, and so on. Along with Rocha, other successful exceptions include articles such as those of Sanda Ionescu on the adaptation of Sōka Gakkai in Germany (Ionescu 2000); Catherine Cornille on the tension between universalism and nationalism in Japanese new religious movements (Cornille 2000); John Nelson on the inter- play between contemporary temple Buddhism and global dynamics in terms of increased diversity and pluralism, the impact of new communication tech- nologies, corporate restructuring, and individualization within a risk society (Nelson 2011; cf. 2013); and Elisabetta Porcu on the global implications of ‘pop religion’ in Japan (Porcu 2014). Most recently, Ugo Dessì has analyzed in his survey monograph Japanese Religions and Globalization the diverse ways in which various traditions of Japanese Buddhism, Shintō, and new religious movements are interacting with accelerated globalization both in Japan and overseas. In particular, he has called the attention to the multidimensional nature of these processes and the crucial role played by global cultural flows and relativization, glocalization, cultural nationalism, and systemic repositioning (Dessì 2013). Still, as this succinct overview suggests, the study of Japanese religions using full-scale globalization theory remains underdeveloped. To an extent the problems may simply be methodological. Sometimes an underlying conceptual obstacle is that the dominating perspective on the ‘globalization’ of Japanese religions is reduced to the dimension of their worldwide institutional expansion, which prevents a full engagement with the much more complex dynamics. In other cases, there may simply be resistance to the application of contemporary globalization theories to concrete case studies in religion. An eloquent comment in this respect is offered by Margit Warburg’s puzzlement about “the lack of interest in empirical application of Robertson’s model” (i.e., Robertson’s concept of the global field), which has persisted in religious studies for about twenty years after its first publication (Warburg 2005). On the other hand, along with such stubborn methodological hesitation, without advocating some kind of ‘Japanese uniqueness’ theory it can perhaps also be suggested that some features peculiar to Japanese history have delayed the application of globalization perspectives to its religious worlds. First, as argued by Inoue Nobutaka in his contribution to this volume, while it is obvious that ultimately Japanese religion is no less a product of global flows than religion anywhere else, those flows have occurred in a distinctive pattern. The initial stage was the ancient regional laying down of influences from Chinese Buddhism and Confucianism on the early animistic consciousness of Shintō. In the sixteenth century, Christianity made a strong bid for entry but was eventually shut down by the Tokugawa regime for political reasons; this

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access 88 amstutz and dessì created a situation where various lines of Buddhism, along with later Confucian literacy, had a near monopoly in Japan for about 250 years during its formative early modern period. Some innovation (but deeply Japan-rooted) took place in the form of new religious movements during the nineteenth century. Then Christianity reentered Japan in the Meiji period, but its influences (usually without conversion) were largely restricted to some elite strata concerned with modernization. It has finally only been during the recent post-wwii period, as Inoue discusses, that the general Japanese public has been challenged, both in terms of import and export, by the fuller blast of the diversity of world religious thought. The diversity of their reaction has been much like that of people elsewhere but it is certainly a scene of transition if not total confusion. Second, in spite of surface appearances of cultural uniformity—which have been heavily promoted by a century old tradition of Japanese modern cultural nationalism’s ‘invented tradition’—the internal spiritual world of early modern Japan was highly diverse or even diffuse, both in terms of regions and in terms of variant lines of religious and philosophical thought. It is a truism—though one whose implications are often not fully explored—that Japan was the Asian country whose evolution seems to have had the most points of similarity to Europe’s. This introduces the question of the longue durée historical dimension reflecting extensive sociological functional differentiation and globalization. In the contemporary context, such differentiation has played a key role in the analyses of Peter Beyer, but it may well have had historically in Japan a course of development as long or longer than in Europe, manifested in factors such as recognition of ōbō 王法 (state or civil) vs. buppō 仏法 (Buddhist religious) domains of authority, along with regionalism, literacy, multiple religious partic- ipation, or the complex individuated consciousness of persons—traits which have incidentally been conducive to certain types of visionary religious universalism. This kaleidoscopic, sophisticated evolution occurred in a non-Christian context however, a condition which has often muddled the discipline of religious studies, which remains dominated by Christian history. Third, the above factors, that is, Japan’s degree of (premodern) geograph- ical peripherality and the evolution of its rich internal (but non-Christian) differentiation—when combined with its record of determined political auton- omy—made its intensified and aggravated interaction with global society after the Meiji period particularly fraught with tensions. The encounter produced Japan’s well-known blending: intense self-consciousness and cultural nationalism coexistent with a proclivity to pragmatically appropriate or exploit cultural resources from anywhere and everywhere. Similarly, the world of Japanese religions has long displayed a ratcheted-up ambivalence of tendencies between modernist nationalism and modernist universalism, a phenomenon noted by

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access introduction 89 several of the articles in this issue. However, the vocal cultural nationalist side—which persisted in Japanese cultural studies even as it dissipated in studies of other aspects of Japanese civilization—long fed a misleading discourse of orientalism and occidentalism in relation to Japan. This made the country seem unduly exceptional or alien in ways which have only slowly been over- come either on the Western side or the Japanese side, despite the longstanding injection of conceptions of cultural hybridity or creolization into international discourse and an improved historiography of Japan. Faced with these unique complications, scholars have been more hesitant than necessary in incorporating either premodern Japanese phenomena or contemporary Japanese religious life into possible global paradigms of sociological/religious development. They have also found it easier to address the ‘globalization’ of religion when it occurs in spaces outside of Japan than when it occurs within Japan itself, and easier to address institutional surfaces of religion than ideological depths. Nevertheless, despite such resistances there is a very considerable amount of globalization theory that is waiting to be tested against new empirical research on Japanese religions. Moreover, the general debate on globalization has not ceased to offer hints and venues for future research on Japan. Particularly on the skeptical side, celebrations of the emancipative potential of hybridity (already found in Homi Bhabha’s work) have been subject to critical scrutiny leading to an increased consciousness of the need to reassess imbalances of power and issues of inclusion and exclusion within global cultural flows (Krish- naswamy 2002; Kraidy 2002; Archer et al. 2007; Marotta 2008; cf. Sakamoto 1996). The very concept of flows has come to be viewed with some suspicion as a more or less explicitly uncritical celebration of mobility (Vásquez 2009), so that any over-positive assessment of cultural globalization as hyper-mobility should be balanced against the often-coercive reality of globalization as “a mobility regime” (Shamir 2005: 197). Another crucial point of ongoing investigation is the definition of the local vis-à-vis the global. Whereas some have argued against making any substantive content assumptions about the “global” as an empirical field, since it “only exists in its local effects” (Friedman 2007: 119), others have insisted on the necessary heuristic value of the couple global- local to provide interpretive frames and processes (Dirlik 1999; Gibson-Graham 2002) or even proposed a shift to the field investigation of complex “sites” existing beyond the constraints of any spatial ontology (Marston et al. 2007). Still another point of contention is the genealogy of globalization. While according to the pioneers Robertson and others globalization is originally dependent on the western experience (see, e.g., Robertson 1992: 58; and Campbell 2007), there is an expanding field of newer studies focusing on alternative polycen-

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access 90 amstutz and dessì tric models aiming to clarify the leading role of Middle-Eastern and Eastern cultures in early phases of globalization (Hobson 2004; Nederveen Pieterse 2006). Interestingly, in spite of the skepticism of certain scholars noted above about the ease or prevalence of flows or transnationalism under globalization, in this special issue of the Journal of Religion in Japan, only a few points of the articles actually indicate that the potential capacities of Japanese religion at the global level have been restrained. The articles otherwise point differently to the perhaps surprising adaptability and even hybridability of Japanese religious resources, both outside and inside the country. Below we list some of the major themes treated in the contributions to this volume. Rapidly changing contemporary Japan: Inoue Nobutaka describes in his article how the process of globalization has exercised since the 1980s a considerable influence on many aspects of religions within Japan itself in ways that are increasingly becoming statistically evident. According to Inoue, this trend applies not only to institutionalized religious life, as is shown by the new presence of unconventional groups including Muslims and the emergence of newer types of groups including hyper-religions, but also to less visible aspects of informal religiosity. For example, pop subcultures have strikingly adopted and reshaped elements from international religious and folk cultures originally alien to Japan even as they eschew elements from traditional folk life. Tensionbetween the national and the universal in Japanese consciousness: Ugo Dessì’s article applies his multidimensional model of analysis of religion within globalization to a single religious organization (Risshō Kōseikai) approached at the institutional level. Risshō Kōseikai is shown to be part of global culture and to act as a “glocalizer” that adapts global ideas to the local religious context. Yet while it contributes to global culture and the production of glocal forms—a clear sign of global involvement—it is also paradoxically entangled with cultural nationalism. A similar ambiguity also emerges in the attitudes toward other ‘global’ religions, since the official profession of pluralism may be accompanied by an uncomfortable narrower tendency toward inclusivism. At another level, Risshō Kōseikai is understood as part of the global religious subsystem that interacts with other global subsystems (such as politics and science), and addresses the residual problems that they leave unsolved. The constricting role of race under some circumstances: In any highly self- conscious civilizational tradition, ‘race’ matters. In his contribution, Galen Amstutz critically explores the history of resistance to cultural hybridization as a manifestation of racially-associated anti-globalization in American Shin Buddhism. In particular, he focuses on the ethno-chauvinism which became

Journal of Religion in Japan 3 (2014) 83–95 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:51:05PM via free access introduction 91 embedded in the Japanese-American population and the Shin Buddhist community in the context of early twentieth-century competition between the Japanese and American empires and took form as a pressure for an ‘equal but separate’ structuring of their relations with White society. Based on extensive bibliographical material, this survey is a reminder of the need to give more attention to ethnicity in some cases as a variable in globalization studies. The adaptable appeal of new religious movements under some circumstances: In her contribution focusing on the globalization of the New Religion Shinnyo- en in Hawaii, Victoria Montrose takes up the case study of the Lantern Floating festival, an adaptation of the Japanese tōrō nagashi ritual. Montrose explores the various guises in which this traditional Buddhist rite has been reshaped and glocalized, such as adopting the American Memorial Day date, the inclusion of local Hawaiian cultural elements, the inviting of other religious groups, and, perhaps crucially, allowing the general public to participate by personalizing their own lanterns. Although Montrose identifies within this process features that maintain ties to the source Japanese tradition, the success in glocalization achieved by this ritually-oriented local adaptation is testified by its current sta- tus as the regnant Hawaiian Lantern Floating Ceremony. The overseas adaptation of another new religious movement, Sōka Gakkai, is the topic of Girardo Rodriguez Plasencia’s contribution. Based on the author’s fieldwork among the small branch of this group established in Cuba in the 1990s, Rodriguez Plasencia distinguishes several different modalities in which Sōka Gakkai has attempted to negotiate its message and religious identity in this new cultural context. These include the use of the life and thought of José Martí and ‘Oriental’ spiritualities as catalysts for hybridization, the univer- salization of Sōka Gakkai’s particularistic Japanese elements, and managing a combination of pluralism, inclusivism and exclusivism in the field of interreli- gious communication. The adaptable appeal of traditional Japanese religions under some circumstances: Regina Matsue focuses on the glocalization of Shin Buddhism in contemporary Brasilia. This study illustrates a flexible option available to this traditional form of Japanese Buddhism under globalization if it can find a way to negotiate external cultural inflows and positively interact with local culture. In this specific case, it is shown how an innovative approach to hybridity taken by a few professional religious leaders has been successful in accommodating the demand for self-cultivation practices coming from a Brazilian audience influ- enced by new spiritualities. The adaptation has eventually led to the incorpo- ration of meditation—a practice normally marginalized by Shin Buddhism— within the activities of the temple, and even signs of back-influence on thinking about meditation within Japan.

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The hybridizing capacity of ancestor/spiritist cult consciousness: Finally, Rafael Shoji and Frank Usarski provide an historical overview of Japanese Reli- gions in Brazil while especially investigating the local readaptation and recon- struction of a transnational ancestor/spiritist cult consciousness. Such a con- stellation of elements, combining inspiration from Japanese, African and even European sources, has become reoriented toward worldly benefits in Brazil with great success. Their contribution analyzes in greatest detail the reinter- pretation of ancestor worship and related rituals specifically within the new religious movement Seichō-no-Ie. Readers will easily notice a certain imbalance toward case studies outside Japan in this volume, but this reflects gaps in current scholarly effort rather than any attempt to present the globalization of Japanese religions as some- thing that has mainly to do with processes occurring overseas. The globalization of Japanese religions is clearly a growing and evolving field both as human phenomenon and as object of research. In that spirit the articles collected in this special issue address merely several examples and themes in this diversified, complex world as part of the ongoing work of addressing our existing gaps in awareness.

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