Tourism and the Sex Trade Industry In Southeast Asia Ashley Mason

Tourism has the potential to be an from the individual motivations of women who important agent of development in transitional enter the industry. The health aspects of tourist societies. Tourism is an international phenomenon development of this type will also be discussed that acts on a global scale bringing about since it is an important, though often overlooked, unprecedented changes in many countries. Sex aspect of any form of development. I hope to tourism is one such change that has been wrought bring together various sources in order to in a number of Southeast Asian countries, such as understand and situate Asian sex tourism within Thailand. This paper is a discussion of the health the powerful global economic currents of world and well-being of female prostitutes engaged in the development sex tourism industry in Southeast Asia. By Throughout this paper I will primarily focusing on assessing the health of the wo~en, in draw upon information regarding the sex trade in relation to both HIV /AIDS and mental health, a the context of tourism in Thailand. The vast window will be opened through which it will be majority of information on this subject is confined possible to view the processes of development and to research gathered in Thailand, principally tourism. A discussion of the historical and because of the clear historical background of the economic factors that are behind the rise of sex industry and the country's relative political and tourism will be followed by an account of the academic accessibility compared to other patterns of HIV /AIDS transmission and prevalence Southeast Asian nations. The sex trade related to among sex trade workers. A discussion of the tourism is also found in other Southeast Asian changing patterns of demand and consumption by countries, such as the Philippines, Taiwan, Korea mass tourism will also factor into understanding and Vietnam. Increasingly, as the tolerance for the continuing complexity of the situation. As well, entering sex tourism declines in the primary guest the ways in which poverty and marginality playa nation of Japan, women from these other Southeast part in sex trade and tourism will be factored into Asian countries are imported into large Japanese the equation, relative to both individuals and cities to work. Unfortunately, there is very little nations in the global economic market. The last information related to this major shift of location section will bring up a number of questions and and how it affects the women involved. I wilt areas of investigation that have not been fully attempt to specify the country of origin regarding explored, both within this paper and in the tourism the information I have obtained on this subject, in literature in general. It is hoped that this section order to avoid contributing to homogenizing will also point out a number of areas that are female prostitutes from various backgrounds and crying out for future anthropological and cross- in different niches of the industry. Due to the disciplinary study. nature of the information I will be drawing on the As this paper focuses on sex tourism in inevitability of some homogenization in the form Asia and how it is a product of the process of of generalized references to Southeast Asia, or tourism and development, any understanding of the "women involved in the sex industry" will processes at work must be analyzed first from a unfortunately happen. historical perspective. It is important to understand the multitude of factors that have created the A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE DYNAMICS OF complex conditions that promote and protect sex MASS TOURISM AND PROSTITUTION IN tourism. Thus, the political economy of Asian sex SOUTHEAST ASIA tourism will be demonstrated to be part of a complex historical process, involving both Sex tourism in Thailand dominates the economic and political phenomenon. As well, any country's tourist market. Males traveling to attempt to discuss the importance of understanding Thailand represent roughly seventy percent of Asian sex tourism in a broad perspective must take arrivals. Even after business travel is factored out into account the complexity of forces stemming of that percentage, inbound tourism is almost thirty percent more male dominated than one could The sex trade in Southeast Asia did not predict without using the appeal of sex tourism as begin with international tourism. Some researchers. the corresponding factor (Edwards cited in Leheny trace the beginning of prostitution in Thailand 1995). As a source of revenue for Thailand, back hundreds of years to ancient Buddhist tourism is the largest single generator of foreign conceptions of gender roles, which historically exchange earning and may surpass the entire made women subordinate to men, thereby creating country's agricultural earnings (Leheny 1995). a pattern of gender relations that have endured to Tourism is aggressively marketed and promoted by today (Tranh-Dan 1983). The increase in the Tourism Authority of Thailand because of the prostitution in Thailand has alternatively been foreign currency earning potential. Sex tourism is aligned with the commercialization of the rice an important draw for tourists to Thailand and trade in the nineteenth century (Lee 1991). The other Southeast Asian countries, even though Bowring Treaty of 1855 opened Thailand to demand by local customers actually accounts for foreign laborers, most of whom were young men more prostitution in total (Cohen 1982). Clearly, from rural south China, who planned on tourists traveling to Thailand to indulge in sex supplementing their families income for a short tourism will also participate in other aspects' of the time in the mining industry, followed by their tourist economy, such as accommodation, meals, eventual return home (Leheny 1995). As well, and transportation. Thus marketing, or at least expansion in the size of the rice trade led to a large protecting, the sex trade industry has economic increase in the number of Chinese migrants to the benefits for the host country that extend well area around the port of Bangkok, resulting in an beyond the sphere of sex tourism specifically. increase in the demand for prostitution (Leheny Today, world annual travel spending of 1991). two trillion dollars exceeds the Gross National In the early 1960' s American military Product of any country in the world, with the personnel began arriving in large numbers in exception of the United States and Japan. It is Thailand and other parts of Southeast Asia. In estimated that by the year 2000, tourism will be the 1966 American servicemen began traveling to largest industry in the world (J arari et al. 1990). Thailand on one-week rest and recreation trips Tourism brings together people of diverse nations from South Vietnam. Lee points out that "during who are separated by vast economic, political and the twelve years of U.S. military 'occupation' there social differences, thus affecting both the host and was massive growth in the number of prostitutes in guest cultures. Sex tourism in Asia is an excellent bars, nightclubs and brothels in Bangkok and example of the power tourism has to drastically around the bases in the Northeast [of Thailand)" affect one nation for the pleasure of another more (1991 :79). The presence of the United States powerful nation. Leheny (1995) notes that the military had definite effects on the supply/demand shape of the sex tourism market depends largely on relationship of the sex trade in Thailand and a shifting array of political and sociocultural forces Southeast Asia. By the late 1960' s there were forty that determine the composition of the demand for thousand U.S. military personnel stationed at tourism services. Furthermore, "social change in a various bases in Thailand and approximately half a source of tourism demand can have profound million stationed in Vietnam (Thanh-Dan 1983). effects on the structure of the industry, the type of Entertainment centers catering to the needs of the tourism and the gender roles it reproduces in host military soon grew up around the bases, forming a regions" (Leheny 1995). This pattern of service infrastructure that became redundant after international demand by guest nations and the American withdrawal from Southeast Asia. In corresponding supplication in supply by host fact, the massive presence of military forces also nations characterizes the history of sex tourism in led to the diversification of the sex industry, Southeast Asia. A brief overview of the historical "moving [it] beyond the rudimentary structure of forces that have exerted pressure on host nations of simple brothels, which had largely catered to local sex tourism will demonstrate, as Leheny accurately men, to massage parlors, dance halls, and other states, the existence of sex tourism relies on a more complex environments for the marketing of peculiar and unstable combination of sexuality, sex" (Leheny 1995:373). Tranh-Dan (1983) points nationalism and economic power (1995:369). out that a similar pattern of prostitution mobility in response to military demand was found in the spare capacity in aircraft seats and hotel Philippines and Korea during the 1960' s. beds to be matched to a growing Following the end of the Vietnam War metropolitan demand for esoteric and and the dispersal of the American troops, the large competitively-priced sexual services at prostitution industry that had arisen under military tourist destinations. (Tranh-Dan demand was left without clientele. Tourists quickly 1983:534) filled this demand side of the equation, with male tourists outnumbering female tourists two to one The international tourism community contributed (Lee 1991). The first wave of tourists involved in to this process by funding and actively promoting the direct consumption of sex tourism were tourism while turning a blind-eye to the Americans and Europeans. However, by the early accompanying rise in prostitution. Tourism was 1970's Japanese involvement surpassed all other seen simply as a viable way for 'Third World' nations through the marketing of all-inclusive countries to earn badly needed foreign currency. package tours that appealed to lower income Tranh-Dan (1983) points out that the trend of Japanese with little knowledge of foreign many Asian governments in the 1970' sand 1980' s languages (Muroi and Sasaki 1997). The 1970' s was to allocate large amounts of money to the saw the continued rise in the number of Japanese aggressive promotion of national airlines, to tourists to Southeast Asia. Muroi and Sasaki point promote tourism through advertising, and to out that during the 1970' s: provide hotel accommodations and tourist Arrivals [to Southeast Asia] were infrastructure. Thus, it is evident that international dominated by men, who pressure from a variety of sources significantly constituted eighty to ninety contributed to, and continues to set the stage for, percent of all travelers from Japan sex tourism in Southeast Asia. in 1979, in contrast to tourism to More recently, new patterns have begun to West European countries and the form in the sex industry in Asia, particularly as it USA, where men were fifty to relates to Japanese tourists. From 1981 onwards, sixty percent of the the rate of growth of Japanese women traveling total. .. (1997: 185) abroad increased significantly, in some cases out- numbering men (Muroi and Sasaki 1997). The During this period, the Japanese demand for sex governments and tourist authorities of the Asian tourism was so entrenched that some companies, countries began realizing the economic potential of as reward to their male employees for this situation and began to actively market tourism extraordinary or lengthy service, used sex tours as toward Japanese women. A related change in the a reward. pattern of sex tourism ensued. Japanese women Just as the demand for the sex trade firmly avoided frequenting the areas renowned for changed according to the tastes of U.S. servicemen sex tourism in the past, and in fact began to during the 1960's, the pressure of Japanese publicly criticize the sex trade (Muroi and Sasaki customers has similarly influenced the location and 1997). Protest campaigns against sex tourism soon form of the sex industry through the 1970' sand spread to include the major nations involved in sex 1980's. As mentioned above, the male Japanese tourism, particularly as consumed by Japanese demand for the sex trade in marginal Southeast men. Clearly, the organizations placing pressure on Asia countries boomed with the increase in cheap the governments of host nations to 'clean up' their travel. Global economic development had created tourist centers had the extra weight of a potential a disparity in wealth between nations, a fact that tourist currency behind them, thereby adding would further contribute to the commodification of incentive for change in the form of new sources of sexual services by women. Tourism made foreign currency. prostitution an: In addition, women's groups based in host [I]nternationally traded commodity nations had also gained strength and protested [through the] growing integration of the adamantly against the promotion of sex tourism in tourist industry linking hotel chains and their countries (Handley 1989). Through this package holiday firms ... allowing the period of backlash against state protection of sex tourism, governments, such as that in Thailand, the sex trade in Southeast Asia, it should not be conveniently ignored the accusations that they had assumed that the women involved are passive, sanctioned and encouraged the commodification of actors in this process. As Cohen argues, the their female citizens for profit (Handley 1989). women who turn to prostitution are engaging the Yet, in 1981 the government of Thailand did order circumstances they are presented with, in terms of a crack down on the sex trade with little success. economics, cultural ideals and personal freedom, Richter (1989) discusses the difficulty that the and are making the best of the choices they have government of Thailand had in trying to abolish (1982). We should not make assumptions about something which was already illegal. The the victimization of women in the sex trade in somewhat decisive move by the Thai government Southeast Asia, but rather seek to understand the to target prostitutes had the double effect of numerous and complex circumstances which canceling many Japanese and Asian sex tours, as present them with prostitution as a relatively well as, strengthening the hold of unscrupulous lucrative option. entrepreneurs who now had an even tighter grip on the women involved in their establishments ASSESSING HEALTH AND (Richter 1989). DEVELOPMENT: MENTAL HEALTH AND The explicit pressure placed on sex OTHER CONCERNS tourism host nations in the 1980' s did eventually have the desired effect of toning down This section will attempt to provide a brief international advertising. It also had the unforeseen outline of the mental health concerns that face affect of shifting the location of sex tourism from female prostitutes engaged in sex tourism. Even a host nations to the primary guest nation of Japan. short purview of the sex tourism literature makes it The decline in sex tourism in Thailand and the rest clear that the mental health of the women involved of Southeast Asia was accompanied by a rise in the in the industry is neglected in research, in favor of migration of women to work in the sex trade in concentrating on more global processes affecting Japanese urban centers, such as Tokyo (Muroi and the phenomenon of sex tourism in general. Yet, I Sasaki 1997). Very little has been written about would argue that working with a 'bottom-up' this latest development in the tourist sex industry, approach, by first addressing the individual state of yet a number of hypotheses can be put forth. It is women's health, would shed new light on sex logical to assume that women who now have to tourism. At this point, a review of the available travel to Japan to gain some modicum of economic literature on the mental health of sex trade workers earning potential are faced with an entirely new set is in order. Unfortunately, throughout this section of problems and pressures that they must deal with. the generalizing term of "the women" will have to In the following section, an assessment of the be used since no differentiation is made between health and well-being of women involved in the actual women's experiences. Again, I would argue sex trade, and an analysis of the differential that this acts to complete the objectification and problems faced by sex trade migrants to Japan will homogenization of women in sex tourism, thereby be discussed. making them a more generic, faceless mass that is The most salient feature of this newest easier for governments and the tourism industry to trend in sex tourism is the visible effect that the politely ignore. demand of one nation can inadvertently place on Prostitutes involved in the sex industry another in the context of tourism development. The generally live on the fringes of poverty and waver women involved in sex tourism are players in a back and forth between times of relative affluence global process that has placed them and their home and destitution. Illness may hamper their ability to countries in a position of marginality in relation to conduct business, so it is likely that the women the 'First World'. The relationship between them, conceal their health problems from their based on the liaison of tourism, is facilitated by employers. The costs of health care are also high "women's bodies which underpin the balance of for prostitutes. Prostitution and abortion are illegal payments" (Lee 1991:79). Although the economic in Southeast Asia, and only certain doctors are relationship of tourism development is at least allowed to deal with prostitutes, thus, the women partially founded in the exploitation of women in must pay for health services from their earnings (Thanh-Dan 1983). Hazardous backstreet to gain a clear picture of the individual experiences abortions often lead to secondary medical of the women involved. By treating all prostitutes implications and mental depression, which in turn as a homogenous group, we dilute their may contribute to drug addiction and alcoholism experiences and commit a grave mistake. Future (Tranh-Dan 1983). The working cycle of the investigations should seek to understand the prostitute is also relatively short, thus curbing their various health strains these women are subjected to potential earning power. In addition, the costs of in relation to their different niches within entering into prostitution are especially high prostitution and their background prior to entering because health services are poor and inegalitarian, the profession. and little public support exists for protective The gradual shift in prostitution in the legislation for sex trade workers (Tranh-Dan 1980' s away from tourist destination countries to 1983). the tourist countries of origin, led to large numbers Relatively little attention has been paid to of women migrating out of their home country. the assessment of the health of women involved in This principal shift has seen women now entering the commercial sex trade throughout Southeast Japan to work in the sex industry, as opposed to Asia in the context of tourism development. Japanese men entering the host country. The Generally little differentiation is made between women enter Japan and the sex industry with the various types of women working as prostitutes. same hopes for a better life that propelled earlier Rather, they are discussed in the literature as a women to enter the industry in their home homogeneous group who have been forced or countries. Yet, as Muroi and Sasaki argue, we chose to enter prostitution for the same reasons. should recognize that women migrating from the The lack of in-depth study into the health and well- four primary countries (Korea, Taiwan, the being of the women can be taken as a sign of their Philippines and Thailand) into Japan do not have objectification and commercialization through the same working conditions, nor do they engage international forces of development. The bulk of in the same types of jobs (1997). I would also add research on sex tourism focuses on the economic that there are variations in the woman's perception and political economy of the sex trade and ignores of their involvement in the industry and varying the realities of survival for the women involved. factors that propelled them into it. Muroi and Only rarely have I seen any mention of internal Sasaki, in their analysis of sex tourism, discuss the demographic differences between women involved differing levels of use of women's shelters in in prostitution in Southeast Asia. One example is Japan by prostitutes of varying nationalities. They presented by Ford and Koetsawang who mention determine that within the sex trade industry in the presence of different levels of social Japan: stigmatization towards prostitution and variance in Korea and Taiwan have been two community social sanctions between different of the destination countries for regions in Thailand (1991). They note that in Japanese sex tourism ... [yet] it Northeast Thailand, a daughter's involvement in can be concluded that Korea and the commercial sex industry may be tolerated as a Taiwanese women do not make means of coping with the family's poverty, while up the main work force of in the slightly more prosperous Southern region, prostitutes [as opposed to women family sanctions against prostitution are stronger. engaged as masseurs or In this second case, the women who become hostesses] in Japan and if any of involved in prostitution are more likely to keep them are engaged in prostitution, their occupation a secret from their family and they have relatively secure community. This example illustrates an important working conditions. (1997:202) area of concern for evaluating the different strains and stresses prostitution may place on women. They cite a number of factors responsible for the In attempting to assess the relationship disparity in the experiences of the women once between health and development in the context of they reach Japan. For example, Korean and sex tourism, it is important to look for factors, such Taiwanese women began arriving in Japan before as'varying levels of regional participation, in order Filipino and Thai women. Because of the historic relationship between Japan, Korea, and Taiwan speak Japanese or English, while Filipino women from World War IT and beyond, many of these often do speak English (Muroi and Sasaki 1997). women have relatives living in Japan or have Thai women tend to be more isolated because of visited there before entering the sex trade. As well, their inability to communicate with the majority this entry gap has allowed Korean and Taiwanese population. Filipino women, on the other hand, are women to establish themselves as bar owners more likely to communicate with their Japanese rather than hostesses alone. Many have been in customers in English. It is also noted by Muroi and Japan long enough to marry and thereby secure Sasaki, that due to the complexity of factors which some economic stability. Muroi and Sasaki (1997) leave Thai women in a vulnerable and precarious also note that Korean and Taiwanese women come situation, they tend to be more restricted by the bar to Japan for more diverse purposes such as owners and forbidden to go out alone. In contrast, employment, study, vocational training, and to visit Filipino women use social meeting places, such as relatives, as opposed to Thai and Filipino women. church, as a means to make friends and find In contrast, Filipino and Thai women support (Muroi and Sasaki 1997). make up the majority of prostitutes in Japan, but Clearly, there are important differences differences between their experiences do exist. between the experiences of women from various Thai women have a weaker and less secure nationalities involved in the sex trade based in position in Japan than Filipino women do. This Japan. It can logically be surmised that the same situation is created through a number of quantity of variation in experience is present reinforcing structural barriers that the women live regarding the women involved in the sex trade in within. According to Muroi and Sasaki, Thai their native countries, even if there is no systematic women go through more levels of brokerage in research to demonstrate it. Furthermore, such their recruitment compared to Filipino women differences in terms of mental health based on (1997). These levels include a local recruiter in indicators of isolation and exploitation, should be their native village, a Thai broker who forges their addressed on a more individualistic basis than passport and makes necessary arrangements for what has been done up to this point. A number of their transportation to Japan, a Japanese broker factors could provide insight into the mental health who supplies women to bars, and finally the owner of women involved in the sex trade, both at home of the bar or nightclub. This lengthy connection and abroad. For example, a systematic process serves to ensure that the Thai women have investigation into the various perceptions of a larger debt to repay to the brokers and bar prostitution according to religious orientation owners before they are allowed to work for could potentially point out differences in self- themselves. The average debt is reported to be perception and perhaps feelings of guilt or shame between three and a half to four million yen, an associated with working in the sex trade. amount that takes a number of years to repay One of the only studies that has attempted (Muroi and Sasaki 1997). Clearly, the recruiters, to discover the aspirations and hopes of women in bar owners, and brokers make enormous profits by the sex trade, beyond bettering their economic targeting Thai women for the Japanese sex trade. situation, is that by Erik Cohen in 1982. He Visa status also differs between Thai and attempted to gain an understanding of the Filipino women. Filipino women are granted pressures and stresses that prostitution put on the entertainer's visas relatively easily, due to a lives of women living on a small street in Filipino government policy that encourages Bangkok, Thailand. The women he spoke with working abroad. In contrast, Thai women can were motivated to enter the sex trade initially to usually only secure a tourist visa that does not help provide supplementary income for their allow the holder to stay more than 90 days. They families in their home villages. They also had the cannot openly look for a job without becoming hope of entering into a permanent relationship with illegal workers. Thus, Thai women are in a a farang (tourist), which would provide them with position of insecurity in Japan that is easily both emotional stability and economic support. exploited by the bar owners for profit. The last The women lived in a pattem where they engaged point to consider that differentiates these women's in multiple short-term relationships with farangs experiences is that Thai women do not usually that ended up having very little stability or permanency. Cohen comments on the pain of many women after a breakup with a farang As mentioned above, prostitution 10 boyfriend who had been providing economic and Thailand is illegal, making it extremely difficult to emotional support: collect any accurate numbers of the women The attitudes of the girls undergo involved. Many women float into and out of the a parallel change in the wake of sex trade over time as their economic needs disillusionment. It is common for necessitate. The continual recruitment of women a girl to get quite deeply involved and young girls into the industry also makes in a love-relationship with one of collection of statistics difficult. It has been the first farangs whom she meets. estimated that a quarter of a million women are The trauma of breakup of the involved in the sex trade in Bangkok alone relationship or of separation after (Phongpaichit 1982). Knowing the actual numbers the departure of the boyfriend of women involved in sex tourism is important in usually provokes a personal assessing the health and health risks of the crisis, which eventuates in a more industry's population, and the population in guarded or discriminating attitude general, in relation to HIV/AIDS. toward farangs. Some become The government of Thailand has shown a completely detached, at most consistent lack of concern regarding the feigning involvement in "staged" transmission of HIV/AIDS since the disease's first relationships. . . Owing to the appearance in the early 1980' s. The disease was ambiguity and ephermerality of generally dismissed as something that did not such liaisons, the careers of these affect Asian peoples and was reported as a disease girls are punctuated by emotional solely of foreigners (Smith 1990: 782). Awareness crises of varying degrees. (Cohen of HIV/AIDS first appeared in Thailand 10 1982:421) connection with sex tourism. Smith notes that: The cases of HIV reported during The dependency of the women on their customers the mid 1980' s were restricted to for economic consistency is a destabilizing factor members of the extensive that places them in a position of constant pressure network of gay bars and to please their customers and boyfriends in order to homosexual prostitutes serving survive. Cohen (1982) also observes that the foreign men. Health Ministry women suffer a significant level of depression after officials and many leading a breakup with a permanent customer. As their medical experts dismissed the economic situation declines without extra support threat of an AIDS epidemic in the they often experience mental anguish and country as a whole, believing it to depression as they fall back into their old life ways be a disease of foreign (1982). It is evident that the sex trade does not homosexuals and their Thai provide a lucrative lifestyle for the women who contacts. (1990:781) engage in it. Instead, they are faced with personal difficulties, harsh life conditions and other stresses As the 1980' s wore on, the Thai government that have implications for their health and well- remained inert with respect to HIV/AIDS policy. being. Very little attention has been given to this The number of people affected by the disease was aspect of the sex trade in Southeast Asia, again not made public bringing about accusations that pointing out that there are still numerous areas that the government was covering up the incidence of desperately need attention if we are to elaborate on the disease in order to protect its interests in sex our understanding of the relationship between tourism. When the official view on HIV /AIDS tourism and development. came under scrutiny by the media, the government was requested to provide the public and those in ASSESSING HEALTH AND high-risk occupations with better information on DEVELOPMENT: mV/AIDS AND the disease. This demonstrates that primacy was PROSTITUTION initially given to the interests of the tourist industry over protection of the public's health (Cohen placing the women in a situation where they must 1988). lose financial reward unless they comply.As well,. The official denial of the threat of prostitutes who are infected with HIV /AIDS may HIV /AIDS had consequences for the health of simply leave the establishment they are working at workers involved in the sex trade. Cohen notes and move to a new sex trade establishment that: (Kingman 1988). The attitude of denial of danger There are differences in the infection rates and lack of concern with the between areas of the sex trade business. Although threat of the disease was until HIV/AIDS is a concern among prostitutes serving recently also characteristic of the foreigners, greater numbers of these prostitutes are participants in the sex industry aware of the risks of the disease when compared to and its customers. Until early other women. Smith (1990) notes that the group 1987 "sex workers" were either most at risk is the poorly paid prostitutes working unaware of the existence of the in brothels in Thailand that serve Thai men. They disease, or denied that it may may not even have the resources to buy condoms pose a threat to them personally, for their customers to use, let alone endure the risk or to their customers. Neither did of losing business on account of insisting the authorities take any steps to customers use them. Most recently, it was enlighten them as to the nature of estimated that two-hundred thousand to three- the disease or on the ways to hundred thousand people in Thailand are infected protect themselves from infection. with HIV/AIDS (Smith 1990). In one study (1988:469) conducted in northern Thailand, a survey of 100 prostitutes found that close to half were infected, As public opinion mounted against the government with the highest rate among those women working for its lack of policy and action on HIV/AIDS, the in the low class brothels (Smith 1990; Hiebert and blame began to shift and fell on female sex trade Ladd 1993). Yet, the highest rates of HIV/AIDS workers. The scale of the sex trade industry meant infection in Thailand is found among injecting that it had the most potential for the widespread drug users, some of whom are also involved in the transmission of the disease to all strata of society sex trade (Ford and Koetsawang 1991). (Ford and Koetsawang 1991). There is the chance It is clear that the health implications from of infection from foreigners to Thais, and Thais working within the sex trade industry can have infecting tourists, who in turn infect their sexual grave consequences. The prevalence of SID's partners upon their return home. among sex workers has not been covered in this By the late 1980' s, some sex section, but Richter notes that outbound charters establishments began to demand that the women in from Thailand have often been dubbed the their employment undergo regular blood tests for "gonorrhea express", indicating the sex trade has a HIV /AIDS, as well as enforcing the use of wide range of health concerns (1989). Perhaps the condoms with customers. The reasons for the most important link that can be drawn from the enforcement of such practices have been prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Thailand, is the questioned. Cohen argues that these are ambiguous connection between poverty and prostitution. It is health-monitoring devices that appear to protect within the context of poverty that women are the workers' welfare but also help to assuage the attracted to the relative economic affluence of the customers' fear of catching the disease (1988). The commercial sex industry. As noted for the use of condoms is especially ambiguous since the differential distribution of HIV/AIDS between relationship between the women and their long- various sectors of the industry, poverty also plays a term partners may resemble more of an emotional role in determining the ability of women to protect relationship, rather than a business transaction their own health interests once engaged in (Cohen 1982, 1988). In addition, the ability of the prostitution. women to enforce the use of condoms with The initial disregard of the threat of customers may be severely circumspect. HIV/AIDS by the government of Thailand, also Customers may object to using them, thereby points out the relationship between tourism, development, and economic marginality in a global tourism literature in general. At the same time, I system. Tourism as an agent of change has had will propose a number of avenues that need to be enormous benefits for the economic positioning of addressed in order for this subject to be understood Thailand, but it has also placed it in a position of in its complexity. dependence on wealthy 'First World' nations. As a The most glaring omission from this paper result, the transmission of HIV/AIDS had the is the role of male prostitutes and children in the potential to break that relationship by making sex sex trade. The even sketchy numbers for women tourism an adventure too risky for foreigners to involved in the industry surpass those recorded for engage. Thus, the original official policy of silence men and children. There is little known about the can be understood as a mechanism to protect reasons that instigate male involvement in sex valuable foreign currency by the government. tourism. Just as the reasons for women's Unfortunately, the women involved as sex trade involvement in sex tourism reflect individual workers can be viewed as so-called 'sacrificial mechanisms for coping with the pressures of lambs' who face the consequences of this tourism survival in a global system, it can be assumed that development. the same variety of factors propel men to enter the This section has sought to emphasize the industry. The involvement of children in sex local and national level effects of HIV/AIDS, as it tourism is perhaps the most frightening area that is related to particular historical and social factors should be addressed. Again, the factors that in Thailand. Today, the allocation of scarce intermesh and involve children in the sex trade resources in Thailand and other Southeast Asian should be examined, rather than supplanting the nations, will be the most important element conditions discovered for women's involvement. affecting women involved in the sex trade. The different realities for men and Sensitive research should be directed at children in the assessment of tourism as an agent understanding the complex relationships between of development must also be explored. For far reaching social and political factors that sustain example, it has been demonstrated that there are and foster the commercial sex industry. As well, distinct patterns of health risk associated with the assessment of health should play a prominent female prostitutes in Southeast Asia, and that a role in seeking to understand the complexity of number of factors, such as government control of factors that intertwine within the context of HIV/AIDS information, have had severe tourism and development in the sex industry. ramifications for women's health. As well, the patterns of economic stability secured through FUTURE AREAS OF CONCERN various relationships with tourists, and the patterns REGARDING PROSTITUION, MASS of mobility by women in the sex trade, effect the TOURISM AND DEVELOPMENT IN prevalence of HIV/AIDS and other health issues. SOUTHEAST ASIA As Ford and Koetsawang point out in their study of the cultural context of HIV transmission in The study of tourism as a global, Thailand, involvement in the commercial sex economic force only began in the 1950' s. Thus, as industry is characterized by a high degree of a relatively recent area of study, it has much to geographical and occupational mobility (1991). develop in terms of the academic infrastructure of This mobility in turn affects the ability of health journals and publications, as well as, in cross- care workers to disseminate information on health disciplinary coordination. This paper has focused issues such as HIV /AIDS. It would seem logical on tourism as an agent of change in the context of to surmise that differential involvement by men in sex tourism in Southeast Asia. I have attempted to the sex trade would also result in specific structural outline the historical development of large-scale difficulties, hampering efforts to provide health prostitution, from local demand to tourist demand, information and support. The absence of regular and place it in the broader context of global medical attention and information to more processes. The scope of this paper is limited due to marginal groups, such as male and children its length and the lack of available material to draw prostitutes, may further accelerate the transmission from. As such, in the present section I will discuss ofHIV/AIDS. the obvious gaps in this paper and in the sex The interaction between prostitution and Perhaps the most important area of sex drug dependency is another avenue that has not tourism that needs to be addressed in the future is been investigated in the literature on sex tourism. the consequences on the industry, both from a Cross-disciplinary information regarding drug macro and micro perspective, in relation to the dependency and the spread of HIV/AIDS in North current economic crisis in Asia. The marginality of America and Europe could provide a useful Southeast Asia in comparison to 'First World' starting point. Yet, there is no reason to assume nations, such as the United States and Japan, was a that the patterns of drug dependency among sex primary factor in the original upsurge of the sex trade workers in Southeast Asia have anything trade. Tourism is a powerful means through which more than a superficial resemblance to other drug a culturally embedded economy and its associated cultures. As well, the political economy of drug values can be transformed through the relationship production would likely have entirely different with guest nations. Thus, the 'whole economy' dynamics behind it in Southeast Asia than in North must be considered when evaluating the impact of America or Europe. development through tourism. In this light, the Research assessing the health costs of current economic crises could potentially force tourist development on the consumer side of the host nations, such as Thailand, into a state of equation, have been seriously disregarded in the greater dependency on foreign currency that is sex tourism industry. An analysis of this type generated through, or in association with, the sex would need to attempt to understand the different trade. In addition, the rural poverty that is the patterns of consumption and mobility of tourists major personal impetus behind women entering the engaging in sex tourism. Generalizing the industry can only logically be exasperated by a experiences, economic conditions, or motivations global economic decline that pivots on Southeast for engaging in the sex trade create the same type Asia. The precarious and unstable economic of homogenizing difficulties, whereby the situation of women once they are involved in the complexity of the situation is reduced irrevocably. industry could also lead to greater dependency on a For example, in keeping with the concerns of this dwindling number of tourists. Alternatively, the paper, an account of the frequency of transmission depressed economic market in Asia could serve to of diseases such as HIV/AIDS or SID's, both to attract more tourists, lured by the increased value and from tourists, could have important of their foreign currency. In this case, women implications for understanding the patterns of could face greater competition for the available transmission with greater accuracy. Medical tourist money as the economic situation worsens. intervention for HIV/AIDS in Southeast Asia to The health of women will also likely suffer this point has focused almost exclusively on because of the economic crises, since their guaranteeing the cleanliness of the sex trade earnings will be devalued while expenses such as workers in order to quell the fears of potential medical care will likely increase. A micro customers. In Thailand, prostitutes and drug users understanding of global economic relationships can be forced into testing for HIV/AIDS, but the clearly provides another window to view the same does not stand for the customers (Handley relationship between tourism and development. A 1989). Such measures serve to provide assurance global financial crisis such as the "Asian Ru" to clients that the women in Thailand's sex trade should attract our attention as it potentially are "clean". It would be worthwhile to ask for provides another complex factor affecting the whose benefit such medical treatments are experiences and lives of women involved in the demanded. It seems that the nations involved most sex industry. heavily in sex tourism wish to ensure the women's health primarily for economic reasons, rather than ensuring the customer's health or the safety of the women. It is an ironic situation considering the sex This paper has attempted to highlight a industry in Asia was originally seen as immune number of global processes that interconnect to set from HIV/AIDS, since HIV/AIDS was considered the stage for sex tourism in Southeast Asia. The to be a disease of foreigners. relationship between tourism as an agent of development has been explored through a discussion of sex tourism. The historical precedent Asia must attempt to involve as many factors as set in Southeast Asia demonstrates that it is possible into the exploration of the affects of necessary to understand a phenomenon, such as development. Yet, development studies are without sex tourism, along a lengthy continuum, rather any systematic approach or formula that defines than as a static or momentary occurrence. The U.S. the elements that research should embrace, thus the military presence in Asia was discussed as a major process seems to be unlimited. The assessment of contributor to the original rise of prostitution, health and development is a long and arduous, but followed by demand by tourists. As the has the potential to provide fruitful results. The relationship of demand migrated from military current example of the affinity between health, personnel to North American and European development, and tourism does not do justice to tourists, other accompanying government and the true complexity of the relationship, but does international policy changes fostered and attempt to involve a number of macro global encouraged this shift. One result of this re- processes and micro factors into the equation. In alignment of demand was the upsurge of sex tours the future, any attempt to understand tourism, marketed directly toward male tourists. The, bulk development, and health, be it in the context of the of tourist demand gradually became a Japanese sex trade in Southeast Asia or in any other phenomenon, followed by a shift in public example, should recognize that there are no approval of sex tourism. 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