Academic Paper Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century

Norifumi Takeishi Professor, School of Informatics and Engineering, The University of Electro-Communications, Tokyo, Japan.

Abstract

This paper focuses on army officers known as the military elite, with the aim of discussing their social aspects by comparing them with those of civilian officials from the perspective of their social background and selection process. On this basis, one of the causes of the destabilization of harmonious relations between military and civilian elites from the late-1920s onwards is examined. Since educational opportunities and professional employment opportunities became more inclusive and disassociated with specific groups, both elites began emerging from the same social base. The theory in previous studies, which states that this resulted in a gap between the social backgrounds of the two elites, causing instability in their relationship, lacks accuracy. In fact, attention must be paid to the examination-based system in elite circles instead. Both, the military elite and bureaucrats, were recruited from a wide range of people socially characterized as survivors of intense competition. Both elites enhanced their pride, and the groups became composed of those worthy of their status in 1920. As a result, the degree of compromise between the two declined and became one of the factors of the conflict.

Keywords: military officers; social background; civilian officials; selection

* Corresponding author: [email protected]

100 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi

1. Introduction to be discussed more multilaterally. As modernization progressed in The purpose of this paper is to Japan, the military elite and civilian elite, examine the factors of this conflict from the especially the civilian bureaucrats, despite perspective of educational sociology. Although occasional confrontations, had maintained this perspective may seem to give a peculiar harmonious relations as a whole since 1868. impression, this approach is effective as the In addition to wartime periods such as the modern elite is produced through school and First Sino–Japanese War (1894–1895) and education. This paper focuses on army officers the Russo–Japanese War (1904–1905), army known as the military elite, with the aim of officers did not stand out excessively, and discussing their social aspects by comparing neither did bureaucrats act in an egocentric them with those of civilian officials. More manner during peacetime. specifically, one of the causes of the desta- However, the destabilization of the bilization of harmonious relations is discussed harmonious relationship between the two based on the analysis of their social back- began causing conflicts in the late-1920s. This ground and selection process. change was not brought about by a single Previous studies related to this topic factor but by a combination of multiple are as follows. According to Takeuchi (1999), factors. In political science, for example, it is since both elites belonged to the social suggested that the deaths of all the powerful class of warriors (shizoku) for a while after and dominant politicians, bureaucrats, and modernization, internal ties had been developed army officers in modern Japan by the early between them. As a result, conflicts of interest 1920s enhanced institutional autonomy and were easier to mitigate, maintaining stability encouraged individual movements (Hata, in their relationship. From the mid-1910s 1980, p.7). The field of military history onwards, however, the Military Academy argues that the social trend of disregarding (Rikugun Shikangakkō) training the army the military prompted by the disarmament in elite based their source of recruitment on the the 1920s provoked a military backlash that traditional sector dominated by farmers, while significantly influenced the subsequent actions the modern sector predominantly consisted of officers (Tobe, 1998, p. 246). The of white-collar workers became the main fluctuation of the harmonious relationship is recruitment source of the civilian elite produced important as it led to the collapse of domestic in the route from secondary schools to the integrated systems and eventually to the loss Imperial Universities. Consequently, the of control over the army. The topic thus needs homogeneity between the two was reduced

101 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal and their relationship became unstable.1 In professions and specific classes. Therefore, it addition, the army became connected with is inadequate to attribute the origins of the physiocracy and radicalized as many army two elites to their conflicting relationship. officers came from farming families. Based on this understanding, this Hirota (1997) also argues that while paper aims to examine the background of the recruitment base of army officers expanded incompatibility between social class and to the agricultural sector, the civil elite education and attempts to analyse groups focused on the modern sector, thus creating a selected based on academic achievement gap between them. According to the sociologist, in terms of attribute and performance to this social segmentation influenced the trend discuss the factors of the conflicting relation- of the army from the late 1920s onwards. ship. Part 1 focuses on the secondary school In short, the divergence of the social curriculum and the subjects of the entrance backgrounds of the elites—the loss of the examination for higher education, as the common origin—contributed to the conflicting incompatibility seems to have been predicated relationship. However, the validity of applying on the curriculum. Part 2 elucidates the social the schema of class conflict, frequently backgrounds of the two elites based on data. referred to in the Western society to analyse Although previous studies have emphasized modern Japan, is questionable. Modern the agriculture-minded army officers and the Western Europe was generally a society in deviation from the recruitment base of the which education and professions are closely civilian elite, this part attempts to determine tied to particular social classes. Such a the validity of such arguments because it is society does not create competition based on hardly a theory derived from empirical analy- academic achievement alone, and it is not sis. In Part 3, the competitive selection process easy to reduce social class differences through experienced by the military elite is examined escalation based on academic achievement in comparison with the selection process of (Sonoda, 1983, p. 54). In fact, the overheating public officers. And then this paper presents of academic competition in Japan was attribut- a conclusion, drawn based on the findings. able to the lack of ties between education or

1 In this paper, the traditional occupational community consisting of farmers (including landlords), merchants, and craftsmen is referred to as the traditional sectors. In contrast, the occupational class born in the modern society is categorized as the modern sector. The latter sector consists of military officers, office workers, and other professionals.

102 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi

2. Curriculum and Social Classes Fukuzawa Yukichi was a samurai, he studied This part examines the characteristics Dutch in the 1850s in a private school (shijuku) of the secondary education curriculum first to instead of a fief school. Yamakawa Kenjirō, highlight the social aspects of modern Japan. who studied at a fief school in Aizu fief In the pre-modern era, the Edo (Aizu han) in the 1860s and later became period, the classics were the mainstream the president of Tokyo Imperial University discipline in the dominant group of the (Tōkyō Teikokudaigaku), recalled that those warrior class. It included Chinese studies who studied mathematics at that time did (kangaku) and Japanese classics (wagaku), not even deserve to be called a samurai (Ko and the former was highly valued. Based on Yamakawa Danshaku Kinenkai, 1937, p. 96). the generalized assumption that the samurai Legitimacy was conferred on the traditional must learn the fundamentals of Chinese study of the classics.2 studies, it was the centre of education in the Nonetheless, Japan began to pursue fief schools (hankō) they attended. the path of to a modern nation through the In addition to being educated, Meiji Restoration (Meiji Ishin) in 1868. enhancing their knowledge of Chinese studies Leaders of the new era also promoted the was a matter of life or death for them. modernization of education, and as early as Some fiefs (han) imposed sanctions, such as four years later, a framework of the educa- disbarment from official appointments, refusal tional curriculum of secondary schools began of permission to succeed to a family head- to include not only the classics but also ship, and reduction of hereditary stipends, foreign languages, mathematics, and natural on those whose proficiency level failed to sciences. Modern academic disciplines became satisfy the standards (Dore, 1984, p. 87). compulsory subjects in public education. Also, the required proficiency in Chinese According to the Outline of Secondary studies was higher for those of high status. School Regulations, guidelines on secondary Utmost importance was placed on Chinese school education, published by the Ministry of studies, while modern foreign languages, Education (Monbushō) in 1881, the classics mathematics, and natural sciences were not (Chinese and Japanese classics) accounted for regarded as academic disciplines. Although 23.8 percent, English for 23.2 percent, and

2 In this paper, the academic disciplines regarded as classics in the cultural area to which a country belongs is referred to as traditional studies. Latin and Greek in Europe and Chinese studies and Confucianism in countries in the East Asian cultural sphere are deemed traditional studies. In contrast, modern studies refer to modern European languages, mathematics, and natural science.

103 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal mathematics and natural sciences for 23.8 France, in 1890 (Hashimoto et al., 2001, percent of the total number of classes. As p. 93), and for 40.2 percent at gymnasiums these figures indicate, the classic was no in Germany in 1901 (Mochida, 1998, p. 68). longer the only valued subject in secondary In Western countries that developed earlier, education, as subjects introduced from the the core of secondary education training the West began to be included. From this period elite at the turn of the century was still the onwards, the number of classes of each classics that accounted for 40–50 percent. subject slightly changed depending on the Since the bureaucratic appointment period although this basic line was maintained system was supported by imperial examina- in the next century. This guideline also tions, modern studies were neglected in the positioned secondary schools as a route to Qing dynasty facing the impact of the West higher education, while emphasizing foreign ahead of Japan. The absolutism of traditional language learning as a preparatory discipline disciplines was never changed, as the degree for higher education. This was how the early of familiarity with the classics determined the modern era departed from traditional studies relative merits. If it had been undermined, and transformed into the era of modern the ruling elite of the Qing Empire would academic disciplines. have lost the legitimacy of its own status and This emphasis on modernism in capability authorized by the imperial exami- secondary education was extremely innovative nations. It was only natural that the empire from a global perspective. In Rugby School, was reluctant to value modern study, which one of the public schools in the UK, Latin would have been self-denial. The bureaucratic and Greek classic languages accounted for selection system hindered the growth and 52.0 percent of all subjects in 1895 (Hashi- penetration of modern education (Miyazaki, moto, Fujii, Watanabe, Shindō, & Yasuhara, 1984, p. 225). 2001, p. 31). In contrast, no school was As is well known, Japan during the enthusiastically teaching mathematics, and the Meiji period developed a modern education subject was optional at Eton College while it system based on that of Western countries. It was completely disregarded at Harrow School is important to note that the Western system (Bamford, 1967, p. 62). In addition, while was introduced as a framework, yet the Rugby School had thirteen classical language country opted for its own path for the teachers, there were only two teachers of legitimacy of knowledge and curriculum. mathematics and modern foreign languages What follows next is the examination (Fujii, 1996, p. 176). In other countries, the of the process of institutionalization of modern classics accounted for 42.9 percent in Lycee, studies from the perspective of admissions

104 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi to higher education institutions. The trend studies became a condition of the elite in of entrance examinations in the West is first the Western countries. The affinity of the explained briefly prior to the discussion on traditional ruling class with traditional the trend in Japan. studies impeded the class mobility, that is, the Classical education was valued in possibility of upward mobility. The system the mainstream of secondary education in was designed to regard traditional studies as the West as it was closely related to higher legitimate and support the reproduction of the education opportunities. Knowledge of Latin traditional ruling class. and Greek was mandatory for studying at The subjects of the entrance exami- Oxbridge until the end of the First World nation of major Japanese higher education War (Fujii, 1995, p. 70). Similarly in France, institutions are explained below in relation although Ecole Polytechnique used to be a to the situation in the West. As described garande ecole training scientists and engineers, above, the formation of the secondary school the institution began to favour secondary curriculum focused more on modern studies school graduates of classical language courses from the beginning. The knowledge and in the mid-nineteenth century (Hashimoto education higher education institutions sought etal., 2001, p. 96). in their new students are described subse- A limited number of secondary quently. schools taught the two classical languages The Imperial College of Engineer- the elite should learn in the multiple-track ing (Kōbu Daigakkō), the predecessor system with many different types of secondary of the Faculty of Engineering at Tokyo schools, and the curriculum of the secondary Imperial University, had focused on English schools, the emerging bourgeoisie, and and mathematics as the subjects of the entrance children of commoners attended did not examination since its inauguration in 1873. include them. As a result, higher education According to the college regulations of 1885, was only available to the graduates of a very English accounted for 59 percent, mathematics few schools teaching the two languages and for 24 percent, Chinese classics for 9 percent, not accessible to the rest of the population. and geography for 8 percent of the full In Germany, Realgymnasium, in which only marks of the entrance examination (Kyu Latin was taught, did not recognize the same Kōbu Daigakkō Shiryō Hensankai, 1931, p. right to enter university as gymnasium until 286). As the figures indicate, English and the twentieth century (Mochida, 1998, p. 68). mathematics accounted for a very high As the classics continued to be the percentage, with a total of over 80 percent. core subject, the discipline of traditional The subjects of the entrance examination in

105 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal

1886 of the First Higher School (Daiichi pre-modern to the modern era. This change Kōtōgakkō), almost all whose students go on helped activate the meritocratic recruitment to the Imperial Universities after graduation, to avoid favouring the samurai, the former were Chinese classics, modern foreign languages, ruling class. Leaders of the Meiji Restoration and mathematics (Daiichi Kōtōgakkō, 1939, consisting of former samurai had the choice p. 129). to deliberately adopt the selection method Army and navy schools indicated a of focusing on Chinese studies that had an similar trend. In the Naval Academy (Kaigun affinity with the warrior class (formersamurai ), Heigakkō), Chinese classics, English, and the group to which they belonged, and to mathematics were compulsory subjects in 1875 create an elite culture reflecting samurai (Kaigun Heigakkō, 1968, p. 212). Literature disciplines such as equitation and martial and mathematics were the compulsory arts. This enhanced the advantages of the subjects of entrance examination of the group they belong to and prompted schools to Military Academy in 1878. The examination function as a mechanism of reproduction. It of foreign languages was optional, yet its was precisely for this reason that secondary mark was counted in the total score since schools in the West insisted on classical those with knowledge of foreign languages languages. undoubtedly had an advantage. In 1888, However, the leaders adopted a foreign languages became compulsory (Hirota, policy that required the elite to be proficient 1997, pp. 41-46). Top-level higher education in modern studies to force through the reor- institutions, such as the First Higher School, ganization of knowledge, leading themselves the Military Academy, and the Naval Academy to undermine their own advantages. This was added natural sciences to the subjects of the what caused the decline in the value of intel- entrance examination by 1890 and raised the lectual property that the samurai had inherited demand of each subject. from the previous era. Since the legitimatiza- These three institutions were the three tion of modern studies was a novelty for the major paths of young men in modern Japan. In samurai and the () as well contrast to Western countries that maintained as for farmers, merchants, and craftsmen, no their focus on traditional studies, mastery of specific group had an absolute advantage in modern studies became an essential condition the academic competition. As it was a novelty of elite. for all people, schools lacked teachers capable The focus on modern studies became of teaching the subjects, and an overwhelming the condition of discontinuity of the ruling majority of candidates failed the entrance class in the transition period from the examination. Nevertheless, the Meiji govern-

106 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi ment did not return the academic focus to elite insisted on the knowledge of classical Chinese classics or relax the standards. languages to differentiate themselves cultur- As a result, educational opportuni- ally from other groups. In contrast, Japanese ties grew more inclusive without ever being elites displayed their level of education excessively tied with a specific social class. to demonstrate their academic ability and Education and academic qualifications were educational background. In this sense, modern no longer the privileges of some people studies transformed schools into social and they became the subjects of interest for mobility systems. people of almost all classes. Their involvement In modern Japan, as already ex- transformed the entrance examination into a plained, those taking the path of the mili- competition participated in by many ambi- tary elite and those aiming for the civilian tious individuals rather than a mere formality. elite studied in secondary schools based on Elites were no longer associated with a the same curriculum, after which they took particular class, instead they were selected by similar entrance examinations for selection. competition. In Germany, traditional educated There are two key factors in understanding citizens and emerging economic citizens Japanese elites. One is that the curriculum engaged in conflict over schools and educational did not function favourably to any particular opportunities for a prolonged period (Mochida, class, and the other is that both elites had 1998, pp. 57-60). the same educational background. The former denied the latter's demand The next part analyses the social for their privileges and advantages. This type background of the two elites. of conflict did not arise in Japan owing to the boundlessness of educational opportunities explained earlier. 3. Social Backgrounds of the Two The inclusion of modern foreign Elites languages and modern Western philosophy, As mentioned at the beginning, rather than Chinese classical literature and previous studies have indicated the difference philosophy, in the education of the modern between army officers and the civilian elite Japanese elite symbolized its inclusiveness. in the replacement sources. This raises the The selection and definition of disciplines question of the existence of a significant from modern studies as well as the emphasis dissociation between the two. This part discusses on Western philosophy underpinned the fact the social background of the generation that education is a modern product lacking the constituting the major part of the officer backbone of the class system. The Western group in the early part of Shōwa period

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(1926–1945), that is, those who became routes met in the Military Academy, whose military students around 1900 as well as graduates became members of the officer of those who graduated from the Military corps. Previous studies have suggested the Academy around 1940. connection between army officers and the There were two routes to become agricultural class based only on analysis of army officers. The first route was to enter the social background of those who took the the Military Academy from the Army Cadet latter route without giving any attention to School (Rikugun Yōnengakkō), and the those who took the first route. This raises the second was the route to enter the Military question of how the combination of the two Academy from a secondary school. The two changes the image of army officers.

Table 1: Family occupations of the Military Academy students

Military Professional Monk Farmer Merchant Craftsman Other Unemployed Total officer Employee Priest Class of 1905–1917 10.6 22.8 1.5 29.3 9.7 3.5 3.5 19.1 100.0 (8590) Class of 1918–1929 17.4 22.6 1.1 29.1 9.4 5.0 3.7 11.7 100.0 (5050) Class of 1930–1942 8.7 28.3 1.2 26.7 11.7 4.6 5.2 13.6 100.0 (7372)

Rikugundaijin Kanbō (issued each year). Rikugunshō tōkei nenpō. Tokyo: Rikugunshō.

For example, 42.7 percent of the First, not many of them came from fathers of enrolees in the Military Academy farm households, and the figure remained at from secondary schools in 1917 were farmers, less than 30 percent throughout the first half while only 18.7 percent of the father of their of the twentieth century. The combination of fellow students from the Army Cadet School students of the Army Cadet School into the had the same occupation (Rikugundaijin figure slightly reduced the relation between Kanbō, 1914, pp. 35-36); Rikugundaijin the military elite and agriculture. Kanbō, 1919, p. 18). It is essential to study Second, the modern sector consisting both groups, so as to elucidate the social of military officers, professionals, and background of army officers. employees had a high occupancy rate. The Table 1 shows the occupations of the figure, which shifted from 33.4 percent to 40.0 fathers of both groups combined. The main percent, and then to 37.0 percent, remained focus is placed on graduates after 1905 as consistently higher than the farmers. they played parts in the army after 1920. The In the third place, the occupational table indicates the following three aspects. composition varied over a period of around

108 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi forty years. This suggests that access to the Universities and the Military Academy, but Military Academy was widely available and that a certain number of students of the both not monopolized by some social classes. institutions came from farming households. As described above, children of This demonstrates that the opportunity to parents from different occupations had the enter not only the Military Academy but also possibility to become an army officer. As the Imperial Universities was available to army officers were recruited from a wide children of farmers as one of their possible range of backgrounds, they did not represent career paths. any specific occupational class. The view of Kikuchi (2003) on higher Likewise, the paternal occupations of education opportunities in modern Japan students of the Imperial Universities reveals accurately describes the above situation. the social classes constituted the civilian elite. The composition of family occupa- According to a survey conducted in 1926, tions of students enrolled in higher education 18.2 percent of the students of Tokyo Imperial institutions in Japan was characterized by University, which was the most prestigious diversity instead of monopolization, except Imperial University at that time, came from for Buddhist private universities. Students of farming households, whereas 44.3 percent government schools, the Imperial Universi- belonged to the modern sector (Tokyo Teikoku- ties, private schools, and vocational schools daigaku Gakuyūkai Kyōsaibu Jōmuiin, 1926, shared similar social backgrounds. Although pp. 34-45). In Kyoto Imperial University the social components of students varied to (Kyōto Teikokudaigaku), the second most a certain degree depending on the type of prestigious university, 14.6 percent of the school, they came from almost the same social students were from farm families and 33.8 background. (p. 367) percent from the modern sector in 1932 Although different types of higher (Monbushō Shisōkyoku, 1933, pp. 131-132). education institutions existed, he argues Children of farmers accounted for 14.6 percent that they did not correspond to any specific of the total number of students at Hokkaido classes, and that students of those institutions Imperial University (Hokkaidō Teikokudaigaku) shared almost the same social background. In in 1935 (Hokkaidō Teikokudaigaku, 1936, accord with this, since elites were formed not p. 3). The proportion of farming families was based on attributes such as family background low compared to the graduates of the Military but through higher education performance, Academy, yet it was merely a relative both military and civilian elites were produced difference. What is important is not the from almost the same social infrastructure. In proportional difference between the Imperial other words, although a slightly larger number

109 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal of students at the Military Academy came Table 2 describes the composition of from a farming background and the modern graduates of the Military Academy (class of sector was at the core of the university 1903–1927) who assumed a position above the group, classes were not divided based on the level of division chief in the centre of the army educational opportunities of each institution. including the Army Ministry (Rikugunshō), Therefore, the military elite was never the Office of Army General Staffō (Sanb monopolized by the children of the traditional Honbu), and the Inspectorate General of sector, or the civilian elite by the modern Military Training (Kyōiku Sōkanbu) (military sector. According to a study conducted to leaders), as well as those of the same genera- analyse the elite born around 1900, that is, tion who assumed equivalent posts (civilian the generation starting higher education after leaders), and whose fathers' occupations were around 1920, the political elite consisted of known. It represents the social background those from non-urban areas (Mannari, 1965, of those at the core of the nation with p. 118), suggesting that many members of policymaking power, that is, the power elite the civilian elites also were from rural areas. in modern Japan.

Table 2: Paternal occupations of military and civilian leaders

Military Professional Monk etc. Farmer Other Total (N) officer Employee Military leaders 37.6 24.2 5.7 17.0 15.5 100.0 (141) Civilian leaders 5.4 46.3 3.6 18.5 26.2 100.0 (168) Takeishi (2010).

Despite the difference between the at 18.5 percent than the military leader group. former group, whose centre was the modern This suggests that both military and the civilian sector consisting mainly of military officers, leaders in modern Japan emerged from almost and the latter group composed of the modern the same base. The argument that conflicts sector dominated by professionals and employees arose between military officers and the civilian those sectors accounted for more than half of elite due to the predominance of children of each group, for 61.8 percent (37.6 + 24.2) and farmers in the former group is proven to be 51.7 percent (5.4 + 46.3), respectively. Attention invalid for the above reasons. The conflicts must be paid to the fact that the ratio of between the two elites were not triggered by farmers is about the same in both groups and a lack of common ground. even higher in the group of civilian leaders

110 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi

Table 3: Classes of directors, managers, and ministers in each ministry (April 1900)

Heimin Shizoku Kazoku Total Army Ministry/ Office of Army General Staff 1 10 11 Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1 3 4 Home Ministry 7 7 Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce 3 5 8 Ministry of Education 5 5 Ministry of Finance 1 5 6 Ministry of Communications 6 6

Naikaku Kanpōkyoku (1900).

Regarding hierarchical positions in p.46). Those who are neither aristocrats nor modern Japan, there existed three classes, samurai, such as farmers and merchants, were namely, kazoku (nobility), shizoku (warrior called commoners. class), and heimin (commoners). In simple The executive composition of each terms, kazoku consisted of former court no- ministry after the turn of the century is bles and feudal lords (Kanazawa, Kawakita, examined from the perspective of this & Yuasa, 1968, p. 9), and distinguished hierarchy. Tables 3 and 4 both show the ranks politicians, military leaders, and bureaucrats of the top elite such as directors, managers, were also added to this class. Shizoku is a and ministers of each ministry in April 1900 social stratum created based on the former and July 1930, respectively. The following samurai (Sonoda, Hamana, & Hirota, 1995, three points should be noted.

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Table 4: Classes of directors, managers, and ministers in each ministry (July 1930)

Heimin Shizoku Kazoku Total Army Ministry/ Office of Army General Staff 6 6 12 Ministry of Foreign Affairs 4 4 8 Home Ministry 4 3 7 Ministry of Commerce and Industry 2 4 6 Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 4 2 1 7 Ministry of Education 7 1 8 Ministry of Finance 3 3 6 Ministry of Communications 7 4 1 12 *In April 1925, the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce was abolished and separated into the Ministry of Commerce and Industry and the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry. Naikaku Insatsukyoku (1930).

First, the warrior class (shizoku) was The decline in the dominance of the predominant in the positions of ministries in former ruling class became evident in the 1900 (Table 3). In this table, forty-one out twentieth century. It is important to note that of forty-seven members (87.2 percent) were both the military and civilian elites dem- samurai. Ten out of eleven in the Army onstrated the same trend during these thirty Ministry and the Office of Army General years. Staff, and all members of the Home Ministry, Similar trends were observed in the the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry military of different countries. According to of Communications belonged to the warrior Nun (1986), at the end of the nineteenth class. Both military and political leaders were century, the majority of Latin American former rulers. officers began to be recruited from the middle Second, however, this composition class (p. 63). In Brazil, for example, where completely changed in 1930 (Table 4). Twenty- the dominant feudal power began to decline seven officials out of a total of sixty-six (40.9 in 1930 (Pereira, 1962, pp. 313-326), 19.8 percent) belonged to the warrior class, and percent of the Military Academy students they accounted for no more than half (six from 1941 to 1943 came from the traditional out of twelve) in the Army Ministry and the upper class, yet during the period from 1962 Office of Army General Staff. In the Home to 1966, the figure decreased to 6.0 percent, Ministry, which used to consist of only the while the ratio of children of squires also warrior class, commoners became predominant dropped from 3.8 percent to 0.5 percent members. (Stepan, 1971, p. 31). Although the above

112 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi research does not refer to whether a similar Imperial Court, whereas the Japanese nobility trend was observed in the civilian elite, army was only given complementary positions in officers began to be recruited from the middle the bureaucratic hierarchy (Sonoda, 1983, class at least in South America. p.110). The influence of the class culture in As already explained, commoners society was reduced by the shift of emphasis (heimin) became predominant in both military from origins to abilities. In other words, the and civilian service. This represents the cultures and behaviours of the upper classes decline in the dominance of the formerly ceased to serve as tickets to the elite world. privileged group because of the introduction Smith (1988) points out as follows. and thorough application of merit-based selection or, selection based on academic Whether a young man came from a performance and examination, to be more warrior family could no longer be specific. Table 4 indicates the presence of reliably told from his speech, manners, kazoku bureaucrats, yet they were also selected or social ideas; moreover, his origins after taking the same examination as were far less important to his self- commoners and the samurai. According to a esteem and the good opinion of survey of former court nobles conducted in others than whether he had a university the mid-1930s, fifty out of 131 worked as diploma and where he was employed. private company employees, civil servants, (p. 144) teachers, and soldiers with the warrior class and commoners (Asami, 2005, p. 26). They As discussed earlier, since only were no longer in honorary positions and specific groups learned classic languages and had become salaried workers. Due to the became elite, they were homogeneous groups arrival of the age of merit-based selection, in the West. In contrast, the elite no longer some kazoku, or former court nobles, were consisted of members of certain social groups required to work. in Japan due to the influence of modern If children of peasants and craftsmen studies and the examination system based on studied hard, graduated from the Military academic performance. Unlike in the West, Academy, high schools, or the Imperial members of the elite were homogeneous in the Universities, and rose to the positions of division sense that they were all selected based on their commander and state minister, their posi- academic ability. Despite the homogeneity, tions in the Imperial Court would be higher a hierarchy was established based on the than those of (kōshaku). In the United relative merits of academic performance. The Kingdom, was the centre of the next section analyses the selection of elite

113 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal from the perspectives of academic ability and were engaged in competition to gain academic examination. achievement. Nonetheless, not all higher education 4. Selection Processes institutions were difficult to enter. In fact, The school education system in competent candidates concentrated in some modern Japan functioned as a place for institutions. Amano (1983) provides an selection of personnel as well as for education. accurate account of the hierarchical structure The system provided those aspiring for success in relation to the entrance as follows. and upward social mobility with extensive Many private universities and vo- opportunities for competition, where academic cational colleges struggled to attract ability became synonymous with competence. enough students to meet their quotas This was how the influence of and granted admission to non-selected ascribed statuses based on birth and lineage candidates. The intense examination declined and the elite began to consist of those competition arose not from the lack selected based on their academic achieve- of capacity in the system, but instead ment. Entrance examinations, particularly from the movement of candidates those of higher education institutions, were aspiring to enter specific schools, the opportunities for them to demonstrate their schools that were at the top of the academic skills. In contrast with Germany, hierarchy. (p. 197) where Abitur, a certificate of passing gradu- ation examinations of secondary education, What was taught and learned at uni- was the university entrance qualification, versities was not as important as what higher Japan adopted a system in which each higher education institution to enter and graduate education institution conducted academic from, which greatly influenced the rest of examinations independently to select students. As students' lives. a result, numerous secondary school graduates

114 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi

Table 5: Situation of entrance examination at the Military Academy and high schools

1900 1912 1924 1936 Candidates Admitted Candidates Admitted Candidates Admitted Candidates Admitted Army Cadet School 992 300 4424 300 1759 150 5894 300 Military Academy 2272 547 4542 514 1510 93 8988 550 High schools 3832 1426 9185 2065 31588 5193 30412 4632

Rikugundaijin Kanbō (issued each year). Rikugunshō tōkei nenpō. Tokyo: Rikugunshō; Monbudaijin Kanbō Bunshoka (issued each year). Monbushō nenpō. Tokyo:Monbushō.

Table 5 summarizes the competitive competition to enter the Naval Academy, situation of admission of the Military Academy another one of the three major paths, was also and high schools, which were referred to fierce. In 1900, 200 candidates out of 1,422 as two of the three major paths in modern gained admission (Sugimoto, 1908, p. 30), Japan, as well as of the Army Cadet School. 130 out of 2,262 in 1915 (Anno, 1916, p. There are two points to be emphasized in 138), and 240 out of 6,847 in 1936 (Kaigun this respect. Yūshuūkai, 1937, 130). The enrolment rate First, those were all competitive in 1936 was only 3.5 percent. In the same schools. The competition became intensified year, 16,270 out of 33,932 candidates (enrol- each year, as the enrolment ratio of the ment rate: 47.9 percent) obtained admission Military Academy increased from 21.1 percent to private universities, whereas 20,792 out (547/2272) to 6.1 percent, from 37.2 percent of 41,567 candidates (enrolment rate: 50.0 to 15.2 percent in high schools, and from percent) entered private vocational colleges 30.2 percent to 5.1 percent during the period (Monbudaijin Kanbō Bunshoka, 1943, pp. between 1900 and 1936. 139-141). This highlights the prominence of Second, the figures suggest that the the three major institutions. competition was constantly more intense in To study the quality of enrolled the Military Academy than in high schools. students, the percentage of the top 20 percent Although the number of candidates decreased of enrolees of each higher education institution significantly in 1924 due to disarmament, in 1918 based on their performance in since the admission quota was also reduced, secondary school was: 67 percent in the the rate was lower than high schools that Military Academy, 65 percent in high schools, attracted more than 30,000 candidates. 63 percent in navy schools, 45 percent in This suggests that the Military state vocational colleges schools, 29 percent Academy was a leading institution. The in medical colleges, 31 percent in nautical

115 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal colleges, and 14 percent in other public cadets were never free from the ordeal of and private schools (Shōkōseito Shiken examination. Jōchiiin,1919, p. 7). Navy schools include the After World War I, British officer Naval Academy, Naval Engineering College, cadets became officers after 1,372 hours of and Navy Paymasters' School, and the figure classroom lessons and 245 hours of self-study. would have been higher if it excluded the In contrast, officers in Japan were appointed latter two institutions. In any case, the trend to their posts after 3,382 hours of lessons and of the highly academic group underlines the 2,765 hours of self-study (Harries, 1994, p. difference between the three major institutions 172). The former figure of Japan was two- and other schools. and-a-half times and the latter ten times that Since high school graduates were of the UK. As suggested by this comparison, promised admission to the Imperial Univer- Japanese cadets studied and were made to sities, while the Military Academy and the study for a substantial amount of time. This Naval Academy produced the military elite, represents the army's emphasis on academic the civilian elite came from the route of the achievement. Imperial Universities after graduating high The top graduates of the Military school. They enjoyed a high social reputation Academy were awarded the Imperial Prize not only because they were engaged in public of a silver watch (onshi no gindokei) at the and professional occupations, but also because graduation ceremony. Their ranks were not they had academic background of having mere representations of honour but rather entered and graduated from extremely directly influenced the allocation of their competitive higher education institutions. posts. For example, they were required to Appointment to second lieutenant was graduate in the top third of their class to be guaranteed for those who passed the entrance able to assume the post of a company com- examination and graduated from the Military mander of the Military Academy (Akamatsu, Academy. However, a new and real compe- 1985, p. 246). At the same time, those tition started after entering the academy, as graduating in the top half were promoted the grades with which they graduated were quickly compared to those in the bottom directly reflected in their ranks when they half, and there were cases where some of the were appointed to second lieutenant. A strict fellow graduates of a colonel were majors. distinction between senior and junior position As it was really important to graduate with was made within the same age peer group the best grades possible, many devoted and the same rank of lieutenant, which greatly strenuous efforts to achieving them. Tsuji influenced the rest of their lives. Officer Masanobu, who graduated top of his class in

116 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi

1924, studied without leaving the dormitory a necessary condition to be appointed to of the Military Academy on Sundays, when important positions (Lory, 1943, p. 103). The students were free from strict discipline and examination handbook emphasizes that “the intense training (Sugimori, 1963, p. 23). Not qualification is granted to true officers to -dem all cadets were as diligent as he was, yet his onstrate their true value only after they enter case was by no means exceptional. the college” (Aramusha, 1916, p. 16). Young In contrast to Japan, the US Army first and second lieutenants were qualified to seems to have placed little emphasis on the take the examination, and they required the grades of West Point. According to the data recommendation of the regimental commander obtained in 1950, only 36.4 percent of army of the unit to which they belonged. Since it generals graduated in the top quartile from the was an honour for regiments to send officers academy. Even generals, the highest-ranking to the War College, regimental commanders officers in the army, did not have outstanding reduced the burden of service on those who records of academic performance (Janowitz, had graduated from the Military Academy 2017, pp. 134-135). Dwight Eisenhower and with good grades and encourage them to take George Patton, who rendered distinguished the entrance examination. As a result, top service in World War II, graduated sixty- graduates of the Military Academy engaged first out of 168 (Gunther, 1952, p.57) and in competition to enter the War College. forty-sixth out of 103 (Axelrod, 2009, p. 24), Table 6 shows the distribution of respectively. They might not have earned their the graduation-class rankings of the War place in history if the Japanese standards had College enrolees when they graduated from been applied. According to Janowitz (2017), the Military Academy. Of those who graduated while the possibility of becoming a general from the Military Academy during the period slightly increased for those graduating in the 1903 and 1912, 620 graduates entered the War top 50 percent, the possibility was slightly College. While those whose graduation results lower for those graduating in the bottom half, put them in the top ten percent of their class yet there was not much difference between the accounted for 52.5%, the proportion of those two (p.135), as academic achievement was not who graduated in the lower 50 percent only a key factor to be taken into consideration. reached 3.3 percent. Those graduating with Graduates of the Military Academy high honours have higher occupancy rates. competed to enter the War College (Rikugun Despite slight differences, the same trend was Daigakkō). Graduating from the War College observed in other periods. was highly valued, as it greatly expanded the possibility of promotion and was in fact

117 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal

Table 6: Distribution of graduation ranks of the War College enrolees in the Military Academy

Graduated from Military Graduated from Military Graduated from Military Academy between 1903-1912 Academy between 1913-1922 Academy between 1923-1932 ～10% 52.5 316 46.9 281 37.8 169 11～20 26.3 158 23.4 140 23.4 105 21～30 11.6 70 11.9 71 15.6 70 31～50 6.3 38 12.5 75 13.8 62 51～100 3.3 20 5.3 32 9.4 42 Total 100.0 602 100.0 599 100.0 448 Hata (1991).

As a result, the entrance examination finally passed the fourth time in 1914 (Oki, of the War College became highly competitive. 1995, p. 84). Arisue Seizo, who entered the college in From 1920 onwards, the core of the 1921, recalls that approximately 500 to 600 army had the base of the War College gradu- candidates applied for a place at the War Col- ates in common. Humphreys (1995) has noted lege, and seventy applicants gained admission that all the important posts in the army began through fair written and oral examinations to be assumed by them in the 1930s (p. 108). (Jōhō, 1973, p. 296). Since the competition In the meantime, most of those who did not was fierce in quantitative terms, candidates graduate from the War College remained in normally began preparing for the examination the post of lieutenant colonel until retirement. three years before, and even those whose Although the wartime military expansion abilities were recognized failed the examination also expanded opportunities for them to be several times (Kurono, 2004, p. 65). General promoted to commanders, such opportunities Tōjō Hideki, who served as prime minister, were limited and excluded senior staff officers army minister, and chief of the general staff and other senior positions. Selections of the in the 1940s, failed twice in a row in the War College determined the future of officers entrance examination, after which he finally (Drea, 2009, p. 155). entered the college in 1912 with the assist- As many as 285 of the Military ance of senior officers (Suyama, 1983, p. 63). Academy graduates (class of 1903–1927) General Anami Korechika, who served as assumed the office of section chief at the core army minister at the time of the surrender of of the army including the Army Ministry, Japan, failed the examination three times and the Office of Army General Staff, and the

118 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi

Inspectorate General of Military Training, for promotion to a general in those countries, of which 266 (93.3 percent) graduated from candidates were required to graduate from the the War College. It was generally impossible Military Academy, Junior Officer's School, to play a central role in the army without and the three-year General Staff School. Less graduating from the War College. Based on than a quarter of the applicants of the General the information available on the grades of 221 Staff School passed the entrance examination officers both at the Military Academy and (Stepan, 1986, p. 139). the War College, 108 of them, that is, more Attention is now returned to Japan. than half graduated from both institutions in Officers were not the only ones who dem- the top 20 percent of their classes. Eighty- onstrated strong commitment to examination seven officers were in management positions and academic performance. They were also or higher, of which eighty-five (97.7 percent) highly valued in bureaucratic circles. Those graduated from the War College. According aspiring to become elite bureaucrat needed to the information available on the ranks of to pass the Higher Civil Service Examination seventy-eight of those officers, forty-four of (kōbun) to be qualified candidates. As to them graduated from both institutions in the the difficulty of this main examination, top 20 percent of the class (Takeishi, 2010, the passing rate in 1918 and 1928 was 16 p. 37). percent, while the rate in in 1938 was only 8 In modern Europe, which was highly percent. In 1906, 50 percent of the applicants influenced by the class culture, and in the from Tokyo Imperial University, Japan’s most aforementioned US Army, academic achieve- prestigious university, which played the role ment was not given much importance in of a training institution for bureaucrats, passed distribution of posts and promotion. However, the Higher Civil Service Entrance Examina- the phenomenon was observed in Japan and tion, whereas in 1941, only 16 percent passed other non-Western later-developing countries. and the majority failed (Spaulding, 1967, pp. In Peru, around 1960, 80 percent of the 265-269). division generals graduated from the Military Those qualified took the recruitment Academy in the top quarter. At the same time, examination of each ministry. The ministries 40 of 102 line generals in Brazil in 1964 focused on applicants' grades obtained at graduated top of the class from one of the Tokyo Imperial University and performance three major military schools. As suggested in the Higher Civil Service Examination by these examples, the true success in the and competed to hire competent candidates. army depended on academic achievement in Applicants also studied in the university to Brazil (Stepan, 1971, p. 51). To be qualified obtain the highest grades possible, as excel-

119 วารสารญี่ปุ่นศึกษา Japanese Studies Journal lent academic records were necessary to be they were familiar with and highly valued. hired into highly popular ministries (Takeishi, The elite was selected based on academic 2017, p. 168). performance. This does not simply represent a Academic records were important not change in curriculum. Because of this change, only for the recruitment process but also after while educational opportunities become avail- they joined ministries. The first departments able for groups other than specific ones, of new bureaucrats were determined based children of farmers, merchants, and craftsmen on their performance both at the university were able to enter the competition to acquire and in the kōbun examination (Abe, 1998, academic achievement, and the elite began p. 546). In other words, those with excellent to be selected from a wider range of people. grades started their service in central posts In contrast with Japan, where the that would lead to a successful career. Those transformation of the orthodox educational to whom this was not the case were appointed system led to the discontinuation of the elite, to low-profile departments. Although the the West continued to focus on classical positions were reversed in some cases in the languages, thereby reproducing the elite within subsequent career competition, those with top their group. Both in Japan and Western grades had an extremely strong tendency to Europe, diplomaism emerged in the latter become section chiefs, director generals, and half of the nineteenth century, yet while the the vice-ministers of the ministry. establishment of diplomaism destroyed the As has been discussed above, the traditional samurai culture in the former, the army placed emphasis on academic per- academic elite promoted the maintenance formance and test results in selection and of aristocratic culture in the latter (Sonoda, promotion of officers. It was not something 1983, p. 54). unique to the military bureaucracy. As was Through this process, the civilian observed in the civilian bureaucracy, it was bureaucracy, which was the civilian elite, as the organizational principle underlying the well as the military elite ceased to consist whole bureaucracy in modern Japan. of specific groups in the twentieth century. Therefore, the theory that emphasizes the 5. Conclusion attributional difference based on the argument At the point of departure of modern that the connection of the former with the Japan, the leaders of the Meiji government traditional sector and the latter with the established a school education system based modern sector destabilized lacks accuracy. on modern studies newly introduced from the In fact, attention should be paid to West and not on the traditional disciplines their experience of having passed many highly

120 Social Aspects of Military Elites in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century Norifumi Takeishi competitive examinations, as well as to the chologically superior to those positioned lower merit system in which the results of those than them, especially those belonging to other examinations established a hierarchy the top ministries, and were worthy of their ranks to bottom, and those positioned high in the (p. 164). In other words, their confidence in hierarchy had the higher the possibility of themselves that the level of their achieve- promotion. ment and competence was high enough to The bureaucratic recruitment convince others of their worthiness solidified examination system in modern Japanese was their status. Personnel selection focusing on based on the German system. However, the academic performance and examination results trainees’ system was not introduced. Simply produces such a mindset. put, the trainees’ system permitted those who The social aspects of the military had passed the examination to be qualified elite in modern Japan were the same as for becoming a bureaucrat after graduating those of bureaucrats. They shared similar from university to work as long-term unpaid social backgrounds, and both had confidence trainees, after which they were appointed as in themselves as they had survived intense a counsellor earning a regular salary. Since competitions. The bureaucracy recruitment the average age of assumption of office in system and the army officer training system Germany in the early twentieth century was were established around 1900, and from 1920 40.2 years old, it was difficult for people to onwards, those who had passed examinations become bureaucrats unless their parents or with outstanding results came to assume their wives' parents were considerably wealthy important posts in the army and ministries. (Nomura, 1995, p. 34). In contrast, reasonable This trend became intensified afterwards. The salaries were paid to officers and bureaucrats conclusion of this paper is that since both the in Japan even during their probation period. army elite and the bureaucratic elite became This Japanese salary system encour- composed of those worthy of their ranks, aged them to take pride in having been select- the degree of compromise between the elites ed for their own ability instead of their birth, declined, acting as one of the causes of the which also became a public acknowledgement. conflict between the two. Their examination results were considered to It is ideal to analyse elites of other represent their competence, particularly in non-European countries that developed later the army. According to the detailed analysis from this perspective in the future, as the of bureaucratic life by Mizutani (1999), relationship between elites in the area, as bureaucrats graduating with high marks and in modern Japan, were not predicated on scoring high in examinations tended to be psy- a western- social hierarchy and lacked

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