The Wives of Al-Shabaab

Adam Smith Adam Smith International

Married in the Shadows: The Wives of al-Shabaab

Dr .Orly Stern Rehabilitation Support Team (RST), 2020

Married in the Shadows: The Wives of al-Shabaab

Dr Orly Maya Stern Rehabilitation Support Team Adam Smith International

June 2020

Acknowledgements The author of this report would like to thank the Federal Government of Somalia, the Defector’s Rehabilitation Programme, Somalia’s Ministry of Internal Security and Baidoa’s Ministry of Internal Security, as well as the staff of the Somali National Women Organisation, the International Organisation for Migration and Serendi rehabilitation centre, for their assistance in conducting this research. She would also like to thank her colleagues in the Rehabilitation Support Team, for their ongoing support and input into this research.

Table of Contents

Table of Acronyms ...... 4 Introduction ...... 5 Methodology ...... 6 Research challenges ...... 7 National Programme for the Treatment and Handling of Disengaged Combatants ... 8 Al-Shabaab ...... 9 Life for women in al-Shabaab territory ...... 10 Al-Shabaab and marriage ...... 12 Al-Shabaab men finding wives ...... 14 Women choosing al-Shabaab husbands ...... 15 Forced marriages ...... 16 Abduction ...... 18 Wife inheritance ...... 19 Violence against women ...... 19 Divorce ...... 21 Wives finding out that their husbands are al-Shabaab ...... 22 Wives feelings about their husband’s membership ...... 23 Changes in marriages ...... 24 Contact between militants and their wives ...... 24 Wives’ lives when husbands are in al-Shabaab ...... 26 Treatment by communities ...... 28 Wives participating in al-Shabaab ...... 28 The roles played by wives ...... 30 Wives’ lives when husbands defect ...... 31 Why wives left al-Shabaab territory ...... 32 Ideology ...... 32 The need for services ...... 32 Searching for safety ...... 33 Death of husband ...... 34 Wife inheritance ...... 35 Husbands defecting ...... 35 Divorce or separating from husbands ...... 35

The wives of Kismayo ...... 36 After leaving al-Shabaab ...... 37 Poverty ...... 38 Stigma ...... 38 Sexual exploitation ...... 39 Fear of al-Shabaab ...... 39 Programming for wives ...... 40 Lessons learned from the women’s pilots ...... 40 Bringing more women back from al-Shabaab territory ...... 42 Conclusions ...... 43 Bibliography ...... 45

Table of Acronyms

AMISOM The African Union Mission in Somalia AS al-Shabaab ASI Adam Smith International BBC British Broadcasting Corporation CRD Centre for Research and Dialogue DDR Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration DRP Defector’s Rehabilitation Programme FCA Finn Church Aid FGS Federal Government of Somalia FMS Federal Member State GBV Gender Based Violence HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HRW Human Rights Watch ICG International Crisis Group IDP Internally Displaced Persons IOM International Organisation for Migration ISIS Islamic State MOIS Ministry of Internal Security NISA National Intelligence Security Agency

NP National Programme for the Treatment and Handling of Disengaged Combatants RST Rehabilitation Support Team SN Stabilisation Network SNA Somali National Army SPF Somali Police Force SNWO Somali National Women’s Organisation UN United Nations

Introduction

Waging a successful insurgency, requires an enabling community. Militants tend to have wives and families who support and facilitate them. Fighters and their families form a complex web – an interconnected system that needs to be understood, to truly comprehend the workings of an armed group. A key – yet under-studied – part of this picture, are the wives of militants.

This report looks at the wives of al-Shabaab’s militants; members of the Somali Islamist group embroiled in a conflict with Somalia’s government and people; the group responsible for one of the deadliest insurgencies in Africa.

This report explores the roles that al-Shabaab’s wives play in supporting their husbands and the group. It asks, to what extent are wives also ‘members’ or ‘participants’ of al-Shabaab? Do wives support their husband’s membership, or do they oppose this? Where they oppose this, are their voices able to influence their husbands? Can wives leaving, or threatening to leave, play a part in encouraging men’s defection from the group? Does the prospect of leaving wives behind in al-Shabaab territory, form a barrier to men defecting? How can we harness this knowledge in programming aimed at degrading the group?

This report seeks to understand what wives’ lives are like when living in al-Shabaab territory, while their husbands serve the group. For those wives who eventually leave – leaving their husbands and leaving al-Shabaab territory – the study seeks to understand why they left, what was the catalyst for them leaving, what their journeys out were like and what awaited them in government-held territory. The study looks at the limited programming available, aimed at assisting al-Shabaab wives, and considers how best assistance may be provided to this group – and how assisting these women might contribute to efforts aimed at promoting defection of male al-Shabaab members.

The focus of this report is on those wives of al-Shabaab members, who are primarily wives – rather than on female ‘members’ or ‘participants’ of al-Shabaab, who are also married to al- Shabaab men. The author of this report wrote another study, specifically focussing on women actively contributing to the group (see, The Invisible Women of al-Shabaab, 2019). This report builds on that earlier work, this time focussing its lens on those wives who are not actively involved with the group.

This study is written as part of the work of the Rehabilitation Support team (RST), a team of technical specialists, funded by a donor pooled fund, which provides support to the National Programme for the Treatment and Handling of Disengaged Combatants in Somalia (the ‘National Programme’), a Federal Government of Somalia led initiative, that encourages defection of al-Shabaab militants. The National Programme oversees a series of rehabilitation centres for male defectors. During the past years RST had begun to consider the best ways to incorporate women into this programme – both in terms of treatment of female defectors, as well as thinking about how to deal with women otherwise associated with al-Shabaab; as wives and family members of militants. This study – and the preceding study on female militants – form a part of these efforts.

Methodology

Over a period of two years, I conducted research on female ‘members’ of al-Shabaab. The research focussed on women participating in al-Shabaab in different ways. While carrying out that research, interviewees kept talking about al-Shabaab wives, often conflating female ‘wives’ and ‘members’. I was often frustrated by this – sifting through information on ‘wives’, trying to get to the nuggets on female ‘members’. It took me some time to realise the value that this material on wives had in itself – telling an important part of the al-Shabaab story, which merited telling. I was working on a security-focussed programme – which had its lens on those contributing to the group; those whose removal from the group could help weaken the organisation. Yet as I researched, I came across information that suggested that wives were not irrelevant from a security perspective, and that wives were intrinsically involved in the story of men’s participation in, and defection from, al-Shabaab. This led me to write this piece on al-Shabaab’s wives.

Through this same period, my programme was trying to plan programming for female al- Shabaab ‘members’. We struggled with trying to delineate wives from members, when thinking through who programme beneficiaries should be, as so many female members were also wives. It is often impossible to tell which wives were participating in al-Shabaab and which were not – especially as most female ‘members’ operate from their homes, in secret, with their participation unbeknown to neighbours and fellow al-Shabaab members. The challenges in telling these groups apart, and the evident overlap between them, led to the conclusion that programming would need to focus on both female members and wives. This necessitated a greater understanding of ‘regular’ wives (those with no active involvement) and their experiences in and out of the group.

This research builds on the research on female members, written up in The Invisible Women of al-Shabaab. To a large extent it relies on the same interviews and materials, reviewing this material, through the lens of this new focus group. An additional 12 one-on-one interviews with al-Shabaab wives were conducted for this new research, exploring in a more targeted way the experiences of wives, as wives. These interviews were held with wives, who had been part of a pilot rehabilitation programme in Mogadishu in 2019.

The earlier field work consisted of two focus group discussions with al-Shabaab wives in Baidoa (one was a group of wives of ‘high risk’ (or high level) al-Shabaab prisoners, and another with wives of ‘low risk’ defectors in a men’s rehabilitation programme). Group interviews were held at the Serendi rehabilitation centre in Mogadishu with defectors and their female family members – with each group interview being held with one family (a defector and two female relatives). In addition, one-on-one interviews were held with 23 male defectors in the Serendi rehabilitation centre in Mogadishu and focus group discussions were held with former al-Shabaab men in Baidoa – with one group of high-risk men in Baidoa prison (taking part in a programme run by Finn Church Aid (FCA) and Centre for Research and Dialogue (CRD)), and one group of men in the International Organisation for Migration’s (IOM) rehabilitation programme for men in Baidoa.

In addition, over a period of two years, interviews and discussions were held in Mogadishu, Baidoa, and over Skype/telecall, with key stakeholders, including representatives of the Federal Government of Somalia, screeners from the National Intelligence Security Agency (NISA) and representatives from the Defector’s Rehabilitation Programme (DRP) which oversees the National Programme. Members of Somali civil society were interviewed,

particularly those who work with al-Shabaab women. A number of international actors were interviewed, including embassy officials, representatives from various United Nations Agencies, staff of international organisations and researchers.

This research was carried out as part of my role as the Gender and Human Rights Advisor on the Rehabilitation Support Team, run by Adam Smith International. Many of the discussions that fed into this research, were carried out as part of this role. I would like to thank the staff of NISA, the DRP, the IOM, CRD and Finn Church Aid for facilitating the interviews required for this research. I thank those who agreed to be interviewed, and who sourced both information and interview contacts – in this dangerous context, dealing with a highly sensitive topic. The risks to interviewees, and the measures that people took to assist in this research, are acknowledged and greatly appreciated.

Research challenges Somalia is a challenging research context. The country remains in a state of war. The security situation is poor; with regular bombings and attacks, even in places like Mogadishu, removed from al-Shabaab’s territory or frontlines. For most international personnel, there are strict security rules and movement restrictions, which make qualitative research challenging.

I interviewed most key informants within the highly fortified Mogadishu International Airport (MIA) compound, as well as in other secure sites in Mogadishu and Baidoa. Male former al- Shabaab members were interviewed while taking part in rehabilitation programmes, or while they were in Baidoa prison, so they could be interviewed on those sites. Talking to wives was more challenging, as they were not housed in secured institutions. Wives had to be called into rehabilitation sites especially for the interviews – with all of the associated arrangements, costs and security challenges that entailed. Me going to them – in their communities – was felt to not be an option.

The fact that most interviewees were either beneficiaries of rehabilitation programmes, or the wives of beneficiaries, likely affected the information they gave me. For the most part these were persons who had voluntarily left al-Shabaab or its territory, as they were disillusioned with the group, and were benefitting from programming that I, as a foreign researcher, was likely seen to represent. No doubt if I had interviewed wives and militants remaining in al- Shabaab, who were ideologically supportive of the cause, I would have heard differing perspectives. The sample spoken to is therefore not representative of all al-Shabaab wives and militants. However, these were the persons that I was able to access.

Interviews and discussion groups were run with the help of translators. Recording and transcribing interviews was not seen to be an option. Due to the sensitive nature of the subject matter discussed, it was felt that people would not speak freely if they were being recorded – if they agreed to speak at all. Notes were taken by hand during sessions. This meant that translations could not be double checked for accuracy – or for content omitted from translations. In the text below are quotes from interviewees, which are italicised. These quotes represent my best possible account of the words of the translator – rather than being the actual words of interviewees. It is acknowledged that accuracy may have been lost in the wording. Still, Somalis have an expressive way of saying things – and it was felt to be valuable to include these approximate quotes, as they provide a sense of how people describe things.

The topic of this research is sensitive, both in terms of the personal issues covered (gender, marriage, divorce, sexual violence), as well as because the research deals with al-Shabaab – a terror group, operating illegally in the shadows. Some interviewees felt nervous to talk about the group – fearing for their safety or that of their loved ones. For many of the wives interviewed, their well-being after leaving al-Shabaab relies on their anonymity and on them concealing their former association with the group – creating further reluctance over speaking out and revealing their association with the group to others. Before every discussion, interviewees were guaranteed confidentiality. For this reason it was decided to not attribute specific facts or quotes to the interviewees who spoke them – including when this came from key informants who were not wives or members (referred to in the text as ‘key informants’). Information sourced from existing publications, are footnoted in the text.

There are certain themes that this report does not cover, despite their relevance to research topic. This report focuses on adult wives of al-Shabaab militants. It does not look at child brides of al-Shabaab – despite it being recognized that many girls marry militants before reaching 18. So too, it is well known that many Kenyan women marry al-Shabaab men. This report focusses on Somali wives and does not look at foreign wives of militants. There is a large body of writing on Kenyan women involved with al-Shabaab,1 yet little has been written on Somali women. This research seeks to fill this gap.

National Programme for the Treatment and Handling of Disengaged Combatants The ‘National Programme’ was created to promote defection from al-Shabaab, in the hope that this will degrade the group. Under this programme, al-Shabaab members who voluntarily defect, are screened by the National Security Intelligence Agency (NISA) and classified as ‘high risk’ or ‘low risk’. Those deemed to be ‘low risk’, are eligible for amnesty from prosecution, for participation in a rehabilitation programme; and for ultimate reintegration back into the society. Rehabilitation facilities for men are currently run in Mogadishu, Kismayo and Baidoa. Those screened as ‘high risk’ are referred to Somali courts for prosecution and possible imprisonment. The RST actively supports the Serendi center for male defectors in Mogadishu, as well as the National Programme more broadly.

At the time of writing there are programmes being initiated for women in Baidoa and Kismayo. Plans are in also place for the continuation of programming in Mogadishu. These programmes tend to include wives and female victims of al-Shabaab, as well as female active members of the group. The existing programmes for women are described towards the end of this report.

1 See for example, Coastal Muslim Women in the Coast of Kenya: Narrating Radicalization, Gender, Violence and Extremism, The African Review, Vol 45, No. 1, 2018; Irene Ndung’u and Uyo Salifu, The Role of Women in Violence Extremism in Kenya, Institute for Security Studies, East Africa Report 12, 2017; Fathima Badurdeen, Women and Recruitment in the Al-Shabaab Network: Stories of Women being Recruited by Women Recruiters in the Coastal Region of Kenya, The African Review, Vol. 45, No. 1, 2018.

Al-Shabaab

Somali militant group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujaideen, or ‘al-Shabaab’ (translated as, “the youth”), was formed in 2004, as the militant wing of the Union of Islamic Courts. Since then, al-Shabaab has waged war against the Federal Government of Somalia, Somalia’s Federal Member States and the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM). The group describes itself as being at war with “enemies of Islam”.

Through its insurgency, al-Shabaab has occupied large parts of south-central Somalia, governing the territory it holds by imposing an ultra-conservative Salafi-inspired version of Shari’ah over the population it rules. Its edicts include strict behavioural codes for women and a prohibition on women’s involvement in much of the public sphere, with strict punishments doled out for violations and dissent.

Between 2012 – 2015, al-Shabaab were pushed out from much of the urban territory it held by the Somali Armed Forces and AMISOM, with the group being relegated to smaller, largely rural parts of the country. Since 2015, al-Shabaab regained some of this land, and today the group controls large sections of rural and southern Somalia, as well as some major roadways crossing the country. However, al-Shabaab’s reach extends beyond the lands it occupies. The group retains operational capacity in other parts of the country, where it conducts regular attacks – including in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital. The group also has an international reach and is responsible for attacks in neighbouring countries, including Kenya and Uganda. Al-Shabaab taxes and extorts those living on its territory, those travelling its routes as well as businesses across the country. It has a web of informers and spies operating across Somalia – with al-Shabaab wives playing a role in this network – led by the group’s infamous Amniyat2, through which it installs feeling of fear and control.

While the groups’ precise membership numbers are unclear, it is estimated by some that al- Shabaab has about 6,000 ‘members’ and around 30/40 000 ‘associated persons’ – which includes some wives. Al-Shabaab has played clan politics cleverly. The group straddles various clans, careful not to associate too closely with any one clan. It often supports weaker groups against stronger clan rivals. A later section will discuss the part that marriage plays in al-Shabaab’s inter clan relations.

A critical factor in the group’s success is the support it receives from the population. Despite the harshness of the group’s rule, al-Shabaab delivers services, justice and relative order over the land it controls. This is valued by many when compared to the lawlessness experienced prior to al-Shabaab’s arrival. Administration of al-Shabaab’s cities operate relatively well, in comparison to some other parts of the country, where services are lacking. As courts in government areas are perceived as slow and corrupt, people to turn to al- Shabaab for dispute resolution.3 An interviewee explained, “Al-Shabaab is between a national organisation and a global terror group. They cannot act too badly in trying to do governance, or people won’t support them.”

2 Al-Shabaab’s ‘Amniyat’ is the intelligence division of al-Shabaab. The group has set up a countrywide network of informants and operatives, who gather intelligence, carry out assassinations and plan and stage suicide bombings. 3 Michael Keating and Matt Waldman, War and Peace in Somalia: National Grievances, Local Conflict and Al-Shabaab, Oxford Scholarship Online, 2019.

Life for women in al-Shabaab territory

Since al-Shabaab’s early days, the group introduced restrictions for women. Women interviewed report that life is hard under al-Shabaab’s rule. One wife said, “It was no life for a woman in that area. There were difficulties.” The group has systematically removed women’s freedoms, with a strictly controlled life replacing it. Women are banned from leaving their homes without a male guardian (a mahram). Women cannot work, and women and men are prohibited from fraternising in public.4 An al-Shabaab wife explained, “There was no freedom to wear what you choose. There was no free speech. If al-Shabaab knew that you were up to something, they would torture you and put you in jail. If you follow them, there is no problem.” Another added, “Life was strict. During prayer, if someone walked out of prayer, they would kill him with sticks.” Another wife said, “If you say one word against al-Shabaab, you will be punished. You will be killed or beaten with a stick. If you say something and they catch you, they will beat you in an open area. They will call the whole community to watch. Men would beat women.”

Al-Shabaab has created a strict dress code for women – made up of many items that did not previously belong in Somali dress. Women in Somalia began dressing more conservatively in the 1990s, in part due to a heightened Salafi influence and in part, as a way to protect themselves from increased sexual violence bought about by the war. Back then, this move towards conservative dress remained fluid and subject to women’s choice. Al-Shabaab formalised this, creating a dress code that removed choice and diversity in what women wore.5 A woman in Baidoa recalled, “When the group were here, women wore full face veils and gloves.” Another added, “They were long dresses, but not soft material. We wore gloves, socks, a face mask and a long burqa.” Women are reportedly even banned from wearing bras, which al-Shabaab feel to be immodest and ‘deceptive’. Media reports tell of al Shabaab rounding up women who appear to have firm busts, inspecting whether the firmness is ‘natural’ and if not, flogging them.6

Wives interviewed in Baidoa recalled that when al-Shabaab took over the town, its associates arrived with large shipments of these mandated women’s outfits. It became compulsory for women to wear these; without these, women were prohibited from leaving their homes. “They used to punish women because of the dress code, if they were not dressing properly.” A wife explained, “You had to cover head to foot – even the face. It was heavy clothing. If you don’t wear it, they will beat and torture you.” Another said, “Some women who are not dressed in the right way, they used to be put in jail or beaten.”

One former wife said. “They don’t allow a woman to step out of the door while her hands and feet are not covered – even if you are saying hello to your neighbour. If they saw you they would put you in a jail. When you are in jail, you cannot contact your children.” This woman was questioned on whether she had been sent to jail. She recalled, “I was in jail. I stepped out of the door not properly covered up. They caught me and put me in jail. I had a three-

4 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019. 5 Ibid. 6 “Somali Women Whipped for Wearing Bras.” FoxNews.com, October 19, 2009.

month old baby. Al-Shabaab called my husband and told him that I was in jail for not following the rules. He said, ‘Keep her there.’ I had an infant at home. I was in the prison a day and a night. My baby didn’t eat during that time.” She described the room, “The jail was an iron sheet room. Women and men were kept separate. There was no matrass in there; no furniture. There were five other women in the cell.”

One wife recalled how she and seven women lived together in a house in Baidoa, during the time al-Shabaab ruled the town, as their husbands were absent or dead. Between the eight women, they could only afford three of the al-Shabaab-mandated outfits. She explained that over the four years al-Shabaab ruled their town, they had to share these three outfits – with each only able to leave the house when it was their turn with the clothes. The remaining five would have to remain at home, waiting for their chance to use the clothes. She said, “These was a time when I went to the well to fetch water. I didn’t want to wet my clothes, so I tied my Abaya [loose over-garment] at the waist. I still had trousers on, covering my legs. Al-Shabaab men saw me. They caned me on the spot. Then, they took me into custody.” She described how for the duration of her time in jail, most of her housemates could not leave their house, as she was imprisoned in one of their precious outfits.

Religious coercion is part of day-to-day life. “They will tell you to shut the doors of your business at prayer time and to go and pray. If you don’t follow, they will beat you and punish you.” Women are made to go to religious schools and indoctrination sessions. A woman interviewed said that in Baidoa, “Almost every day they taught 1000 women.”

One said, “They used to call all women to come out for orientation. They knocked on people’s doors to tell them to come out. The orientation was held in an empty space, outdoors. It happened once a week – between the afternoon and sunset prayers. At the orientation they would tell people that they are the only non-corrupt ones – the rest are non-believers.” Some women enjoyed these religious classes. A wife in Mogadishu said, “Learning religion was good, but the other things were hard.” Another wife recalled, “I used to hide, because I didn’t want to join. But when they knocked and saw me, I would go to the orientation.”

Al-Shabaab’s madrassas are run by officials from al-Shabaab’s da’wa (religious outreach) department. Women are taught by other women – themselves covered up with face veils, so that women never know who these women are. A focus group participant in Baidoa said, “The women who used to teach might be here. You’d never know.” Classes for women focus on religious study, ethics and outreach. One reason for these sessions is to allow women to continue al-Shabaab’s indoctrination within their homes – ensuring children are raised according to al-Shabaab’s principles and develop a commitment to the movement; seen as a key role of wives and mothers.7 Larger towns, with bigger populations of foreign fighters, reportedly have two madrassas for women – one for local and one for foreign women. Al- Shabaab is said to keep foreign fighters and their families away from local communities. The Stabilisation Network reports an interviewee explaining that this policy was implemented after a drone strike targeted high-ranking foreign fighters, with local fighters accused of leaking the information that led to the strikes.8

7 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 8 Ibid.

According to al-Shabaab’s formal rules, women are not allowed to work. When asked about this, a wife said, “No, there was no freedom of work.” Another added, “Women are not allowed to do business at all.” The prohibition on women working creates significant challenges, given the number of female headed households in Somalia. (As of 2011, it was estimated that 70% of Somali homes are female headed).9 Many women have no husbands present to support them and therefore no option but to work in order to feed their families. A wife explained that, “I had to work. There was no other option. I had to go out. I would do cleaning and washing clothes for people. The story is true that women cannot work there. But I had to feed my children.” Another wife who ran a restaurant said, “I was doing the business, but I was fearing. They told me not to do business with non-al-Shabaab people. They were not happy with me working.” There are reports that the bans on women working are sometimes used as a means of extorting bribes from women who work. There are many reported cases of women being imprisoned, beaten or both, for working.10

Wives complained about the economic difficulties they faced in al-Shabaab territory. “There was never enough for food, or medical expenses.” Many complained of a lack of financial support. “Al-Shabaab would not allow people to get aid support. So, our husband is not providing for us. But al-Shabaab is also refusing us aid. International aid, like food, education and health, are not allowed.” To make ends meet many had to rely on family. One said, “The only support we got was from family in Mogadishu.” Adding to the financial pressures is al- Shabaab’s taxation of the population. “You have to give up your sons to al-Shabaab. You must pay them eight dollars each three months, and money every week, if you do not give up your boys.” Another wife explained that they were farming, but not making enough to cover expenses. “We could do farming, but when the crops grow, al-Shabaab visited to ask for money for tax. They took $30, two times per year from each family. Everyone living there paid $30, regardless of what they did. $30 for each family.”

Women from al-Shabaab territory described the fear of living in an area experiencing active armed conflict. “You can get killed by attacks – both by government and international attacks.”

Despite the difficulties, al-Shabaab wives experienced certain advantages in treatment and conditions, discussed further below. So too, many women were ideologically committed to al- Shabaab, therefore supporting the rules and restrictions for women.

Al-Shabaab and marriage

Marriage is central to al-Shabaab’s project. A religious group at heart, marriage is fundamental to the Islamic way of life the group supports. Marriage is also essential to the group’s recruitment practices – the marriage prospects the group offers are key to its ability to attract recruits. Al-Shabaab uses marriage as a tool for advancing its socio-political interests, including harmonising clan interests. The International Crisis Group (ICG) notes

9 Somalia: The Situation of Women without Male Support, Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, November 2011. 10 Ibid.

that, “The group promises male recruits enhanced access to wives and greater social mobility, including by abolishing customs that prevent men from minor clans from marrying women from larger or more prominent ones. It uses marriage to advance relations and procure loyalties across a wide patchwork of clans. Many militants marry two to three wives from different clans. Levels of intermarriage between dominant and minority clans have increased under Al-Shabaab’s rule.”11

In the past, as a means of attracting foreign fighters, al-Shabaab promised them wives on arrival. The group pressurised local clans to offer their young women to incoming foreigners. Somali families and clans resisted this, as this went against a core Somali tradition, in which marriage is seen as a practice that secures clan relations. Some families refused to hand over their daughters to foreign fighters. Between 2007 and 2012, girls were married to foreign men – with their children identifiable due to their paler colour, and reportedly having difficulties integrating, often becoming al-Shabaab fighters at an early age. This practice receded as the number of foreign recruits went down.12

It seems that wives have differing experiences with the group, depending on, who their husbands are; their ideological support for al-Shabaab; their locations; and their personal circumstances. “There is a status of men within al-Shabaab. Then there is a hierarchy of women, because of who their husbands are and their clans.” In most of the interviews conducted for this research, women reported difficulties in being married to men in the group and described being unsupportive of their husbands’ activities. This was probably due in part to the research sample; women who had chosen to leave al-Shabaab territory and wives of men who had defected. In contrast, ‘Khadija’ and Harley’s research with a small group of wives in Kismayo concluded that, “Women who are married to Al-Shabaab fighters exercise a great deal of autonomy in their daily lives and are strongly committed to the cause of Al- Shabaab and the jihad.”13

Many al-Shabaab men marry at least one woman. A key informant from Somali government provided his view that, “Every defector has a wife. Sometimes they have two or three or four. No al-Shabaab has just one wife.” However, despite the commonly held view that all al- Shabaab militants have wives, interviews revealed there are many in the group who cannot marry. The location where a man is stationed, influences his likelihood of getting married. A defector explained, “When al-Shabaab captures a town, they marry women. They encourage the men in the group to marry women. When they are in the bush, they discourage marriage, because they are not in town, so they will not access basic needs. Older men can continue their marriages. They stop young men marrying when they are in the bush.” A younger man who served in ‘the bush’ said, “I did not have access to find a woman, because where I lived it was the bush. There were no people who lived there.” Age is a factor too – with younger men less likely to marry. A senior former member of the group said that, “80% of them [members] are not married. Only a few are married – and these are not the young ones. These are the ones who married before the start of the group.”

11 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019, at 7 - 8. 12 Ibid. 13 ‘Khadija’ and Stephen Harley, Women in Al-Shabaab, 2019, at 5.

Al-Shabaab men finding wives Many recruits were married during their tenure in the group. Defector interviewees described how they became married and how marriages were arranged in the group. Many said that while they were in the group, they got married, “the normal way” – by meeting or being introduced to a woman, getting to know her a little, and then asking her and her family permission to marry her. One defector said, “I married three wives. I married them with arranged marriages. I asked their families to give me a wife. Normally in Somalia, you approach a girl, then you date, then when you agree to marry, a man approaches the elders of that women – the father or brother – and they give her. In ‘the normal process’ – they live in his area of living, so we see each other, date and marry.”

Some defectors explained that their marriages had been arranged by family members – in keeping traditional practices. Once arranged, they would take leave from the group to travel home to marry, before heading back to their bases, leaving their brides at home. A defector recalled that his mother had made him marry while he was in al-Shabaab. She organised him a woman from the village, he was given some leave days from the group and they were married during his home leave.

Some men are provided with assistance by al-Shabaab when marrying. A defector explained, “When someone wants to marry, the group donates their support – such as accommodation and furniture. Women who are in the group collect money so that men who want to marry can get support.” Another said, “They give you money for this, if you can’t afford to marry. They would give you money and then tell you to go out and find a wife.”

Some men get even more assistance; al-Shabaab finds and allocates wives to them. A defector explained, “There are two options for finding wives. You look for a woman yourself and ask al-Shabaab for support. Or al-Shabaab can bring a woman for you. They can arrange it.” Defectors explained that this is common. When asked why men might need al-Shabaab’s help in finding brides, a defector explained, “In rural areas people are less. They are poorer than in cities. Their cultures are different. Maybe they give their girls to cousins. The probability of getting wives or women is less in the countryside, compared to the cities. Because al-Shabaab are now thrown out of the city, they are now in the country.”

When asked where al-Shabaab finds women to allocate to men, defectors explained, “Normally supporters or members of al-Shabaab, if they have girls, they take the girls to the Mayor of the city or to the District Officer. He takes their names and he gives out those names to those who need wives – in public places like mosques or madrassas. He says, ‘If anyone is interested in a wife, we have this number of girls who want to be married.’ Al-Shabaab would find out and would bring their men who needed wives.” Another defector explained, “Wives of al-Shabaab members normally bring girls from the cities to the area, and then the Commander decides who should be given wives … When they get married, they go back to cities and they then see their husbands on week leave.”

Another defector said, “Either their parents brought them, or they bought themselves.” Another offered the view, “The women wanted to marry an al-Shabaab man. They come from abroad or from non-al-Shabaab cities, and make contact with members, in order to find an al-Shabaab man.” Another said, “They came voluntarily. They came in groups. I saw seven

women come. They said, ‘We need mujahedeen’. Then the group organised them husbands.” Al-Shabaab also has female recruiters, who travel around to recruit women as wives.14

Defectors explained that women who are allocated for marriages in this way, often come from far off places, like Kenya or Somaliland. “Al-Shabaab members who come from far are encouraged [to bring women]. They would contact ladies in Hargeisa, asking if they are married, saying that they have someone who they can marry here; and can they come?” When asked why it was mainly women from afar who took part in these marriages, a defector explained, “Women who came from far, they are alien. They don’t know that people in an area. Local women, they can find husbands in a normal way, so there is no need to do allocations. Aliens don’t know the language and environment, so it helps for them to have an arranged marriage.” Another said that, “Because they are foreigner, they do not know about the country. So the person who invited them is the one who is looking for a husband for them. … If I am al-Shabaab and you are a foreigner, I would persuade you to be a member of al- Shabaab. When you come, I will decide who I will give you to. If you want a husband, I will select you a husband.”

Sometimes women were allocated to men for marriage, on specific days, in group weddings. A defector recalled, “I saw this once on Eid. There were nine girls. I don’t know where they came from. They came to us in Awdhiigle, in Lower Shabelle. The girls came together and asked for husbands. The Amir divided up the girls to fighters on Eid. They had the wedding on Eid.”

When asked who could be allocated a wife, a defector explained, “Only al-Shabaab members can get them. It depends on the interest of the member – if you need a wife. Those ladies are somewhere, with an Amir. If you like one, you request to the Amir to give you one of them. Anyone can do this.” Another said, “The Commander of that area decides which men will get the women. Those ladies go to a place where there is a barrack, so that the Commander of the barrack will decide who marries them.” Another defector said, “The courts – the Supreme Court Leaders will decide who gets a wife.”

Women choosing al-Shabaab husbands The sample of wives interviewed in this study were married through a mix of voluntary, arranged and forced marriages. Many women who marry into the group, do so willingly, with this willingness tempered somewhat by parental and clan pressures over who to marry – with arranged marriage being a norm in Somalia. Many of the women who marry al-Shabaab militants are under the age of 18 – with some as young as 12 – with this also negating true voluntariness. (Early marriage is common across rural Somalia, not only within al-Shabaab. It is estimated that 45% of Somali women marry before they turn 18.15) For the most part however, it seems that women are given some degree of choice in marrying al-Shabaab men, usually exercised after meeting a man and through some courting and engagement period. Following this, a woman’s parents would need to consent, as per Somali tradition.16

14 Ibid. 15 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 16 ‘Khadija’ and Stephen Harley, Women in Al-Shabaab, 2019.

Some women purposefully choose to marry al-Shabaab men. For one thing, there can be advantages to being an al-Shabaab wife. Based on interviews with wives in Kismayo, ‘Kadija’ and Harley conclude that, “Women who are married to Al-Shabaab fighters lead a privileged existence both in terms of the quality of life that is accorded to them by the Al-Shabaab’s Executive Council, especially in comparison to the civilian population living under Al- Shabaab’s control, and also the freedoms they are allowed.”17 Some women choose to marry militants for ideological and religious reasons. These tend to be women who are strict in their adherence to Islamic principles and who come from conservative families.18

Families choose to marry their daughters to al-Shabaab men for a variety of reasons. Some families do this for ideological reasons, while some families do this for the financial stability it can bring a family.19 The International Crisis Group writes, “Against a backdrop of national economic decline, the simple fact that the movement brokers matches and offers brides-to- be a degree of financial stability is appealing to families looking to marry their daughters and even to some women themselves.”20 Notably, this view stands in contrast with many of the interviews conducted for this study, in which women alleged that they had left their al- Shabaab husbands because they were not supporting them financially. Marrying a daughter to an al-Shabaab member brings the promise of protection for a family. On marrying, a woman and her family are placed under the group’s protection. By marrying an al-Shabaab member – especially a senior one – a woman’s family’s station can be greatly improved.21

Research conducted by the Stabilisation Network tells of women being introduced to al- Shabaab fighters through friends, who had themselves married members. Their interviews revealed that in many cases, prospective husbands would court women over the phone for months, before the women would travel to al-Shabaab territory for a meeting. They note, “During the courtship period, the AS member ensures that his would-be wife is a practicing Muslim by testing her religious knowledge. If she cannot read the Quran, the man often tutors her before they meet. After they are married, the husband continues to act as his wife’s religious guide.”22

Forced marriages Many interviewees spoke of forced marriages to al-Shabaab members; of militants choosing women and forcing marriages, and families compelled to marry their daughters to militants. An interviewee explained, “If a senior al-Shabaab wants a wife, people cannot say no.” Interviewees described how militants would demand that particular women be married to them – with refusal by her or her family resulting in accusations of them being “non-Muslim”, punishments, or even death. “A man seduces a lady, she agrees, and then they force the family. If the lady or the family is not ready or willing, they can force.” There are numerous media reports of women being punished for refusing these unions. For example, in 2010, the BBC reported that women were beheaded, and their heads sent to their fathers, for refusing

17 Ibid, at 1. 18 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 19 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019. 20 Ibid, at 8. 21 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 22 Ibid.

to marry fighters.23 The Suna Times reported that 13 women and 10 men were executed in southern Somalia between February 2009 and July 2010, for refusing to marry or for refusing consent for marriage to al-Shabaab fighters.24

Being a member of al-Shabaab can have the effect of making marriages cheaper and more accessible for militants. “You cannot refuse your daughter to be married to al-Shabaab. So it is easier for men to marry if they join the group.” Another said, “Al-Shabaab tells parents not to make marriages to the group expensive.” Some defectors have acknowledged that these advantages around getting married are amongst reasons they joined the group.

To some extent, these forced marriages also seem to follow ‘the normal’ procedure, but with a threat of coercion. If an al-Shabaab man wishes to marry a woman, he would contact her a few times, get to know her, perhaps ask her permission and then ask her father’s permission to marry her – in keeping with local tradition. But if either the girl or her father refuses, he forces the marriage.25 Some families are offered money to marry their daughters to militants,26 probably as a dowry payment, creating somewhat of a carrot and a stick situation. A woman interviewed in Baidoa described how her daughter was forced to marry a militant. She said al-Shabaab gave her $150 and took her daughter, without her consent.

Human Rights Watch reflects on the fact that, “The difference between forced marriage by al-Shabaab and marriages that might have been somewhat more voluntary in nature were not always clear … However, the context under which these marriages are taking place – under al-Shabaab’s brutal repression and often direct threats – and the involvement of children under 18 makes the very notion of voluntariness questionable.”27 They quote a 17- year-old boy explaining, “Usually they [al-Shabaab] were in town and when they would see girls from school they would find one, confront her, say they want to marry her. Sometimes they would go to the parents but if the parents refuse, they just take her. I saw it all the time. If she accepts, good. If she refuses, she’s kidnapped. Either way, it’s better to take the option of agreeing.”28

Al-Shabaab men can be selective in who they choose to compel marriages to. An interviewee explained, “Al-Shabaab survey certain women. One of their consideration is women’s poverty levels. They take women who are desperate. They also take women who are more prominent, as they can be spies.”

Another form of forced marriage is al-Shabaab’s practice of ‘annulling’ marriages between women and non-al-Shabaab men and forcing wives to marry militants. A source explained 29 that, “The inner circle of dogmatic Takfiri theologians in al-Shabaab may argue that a man is an infidel, and consequently his marriage is invalid and must be dissolved. Thus, an al-

23 Fleeing Somalia Recount Tales of Terror, BBC News, 7 October 2010. 24 Somalia: The Situation of Women without Male Support, Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, November 2011. 25 Somalia: Al-Shabaab and Forced Marriage, Landinfo, 2011. 26 Nearly Married to a Leader of al-Shabaab: Sahra’s Story, Peace Direct, 2018. 27 No Place for Children, Child Recruitment, Forced Marriage, and Attacks on Schools in Somalia, Human Rights Watch, 2012, at 55. 28 Ibid, at 55. 29 This is a concept in Islamic discourse of Muslims declaring other Muslims as non-believers.

Shabaab member can marry a woman if he so chooses.”30 Interviewees recalled that when al-Shabaab took over Baidoa, a number of women were married to government soldiers. When militants realised their husbands were away fighting for the government, they tell would them, “Your husband is a non-believer”, and would ‘annul’ their marriages, then forcing them to marry al-Shabaab men.

The threat of forced marriage has led many to run from al-Shabaab territory. An interviewee recalled how her neighbour’s husband was away travelling, when al-Shabaab threatened to annul her marriage and to force her to marry a militant. She was snuck away by her neighbours in the middle of the night to avoid being remarried. Human Rights Watch confirms that many families have fled al-Shabaab territory for fear of having daughters or sisters forcibly married, after militants visited their homes to demand this. In certain cases where they are unable to find the girl, their brothers are taken instead and forced to join the group.31

Abduction The media has made much of women being abducted by al-Shabaab.32 However, most of the defectors interviewed for this study had never heard of this happening. A few had. One said, “There is a city called Bariire in Lower Shabelle. Al-Shabaab attacked that city. There was a government barrack there. When they overran the city, I heard that all females belonging to military – the wives and relatives of government officials – were taken by al- Shabaab. They were held somewhere for about seven or nine months. Then they were distributed to the group as wives.” This was believed to have happened, “around the same time as that explosion.” (This was taken to mean the 14 October 2017 explosion in Mogadishu, which killed at least 587 people – the deadliest attack in Somalia’s history).

Sometimes al-Shabaab captures female government soldiers. A defector said, “When they attack government bases, they may capture female soldiers. Sometimes these women are asked to denounce government activities. I do not know what happens to these women. As I am soldier, I do not have information about that.” Another said, “If they attack somewhere and it is a military base and soldiers are female, they capture them. I heard of a female soldier captured and being held. I don’t know what happened to her.” Sometimes AMISOM (African Union Peacekeeping) personal are also targeted. One defector said, “When they attack somewhere, they collect women from that area and then they give them to men. This only happened once that I know of. It was AMISOM forces. I saw one AMISOM woman soldier captured and given to a man as a wife.”

Other reports tell of girls being taken from schools for marriage. Human Rights Watch describe al-Shabaab militants arriving at schools and choosing girls. They provide a teacher’s account of an event at his school. “It was tea break, exactly at 10 a.m. The girls and boys were separated [by al-Shabaab] at break and they were not allowed to play. They asked the girls to stand and paraded them. They looked and picked 15- and 16-year-old girls, one was 17 years old. They took 12 girls in total. These girls were taken to be wives. … After this

30 Somalia: Al-Shabaab and Forced Marriage, Landinfo, 2011. 31 No Place for Children, Child Recruitment, Forced Marriage, and Attacks on Schools in Somalia, Human Rights Watch, 2012. 32 Al-Shabaab Militia Abducting Teenage Girls to Marry Fighters, The Telegraph, Feb 21 2012.

incident all the girls over age 15 ran away or dropped out of school. One hundred fifty girls dropped out of school.”33 Girls have little protection from this; to avoid this, many drop out of school and stay at home, or move to the homes of family members or to non-al-Shabaab territory – with this threat of abduction irreparably changing their lives.34

Wife inheritance In terms of the traditional practice of wife inheritance, when a man dies, his widow is married to her husband’s closest relative. Al-Shabaab has distorted this practice, creating its own version of this rule. According to the group, if an al-Shabaab militant is killed, any other member of the group, as ‘brothers’ in al-Shabaab, can ‘inherit’ his widow. A defector explained, “If they marry a woman by a fighter, if he dies, no civilian can marry her. She is supposed to marry another member of al-Shabaab. This is a rule of al-Shabaab.”

This practice has its basis in the idea of collective responsibility for widows of militants – as well as wanting to ensure al-Shabaab widows do not share intelligence with the government.35 A widow will generally be allowed a three-month mourning period before being re-married.36 According to one source, “These marriages follow a pattern, where the new husband has the same military rank as the deceased. Neither the woman nor her family is allowed to oppose such a marriage, unless they have a high-ranking al-Shabaab officer in the family.”37

In a further distortion of this practice, al-Shabaab has decreed that if a man defects from the group, his wife can be inherited – even though he remains alive. A defector explained, “If a- Shabaab selects a wife for you, when you leave from them, they will take away that lady and give her to another man, even if he had children. One of my wives, when I defected, they took her back… When I defected, that lady married someone else.”

A key informant explained how hard this practice can be for women, “They are married to two or three men in a row. They think she is property. She has no say in this.” The fear of being ‘inherited’, is a reason that many wives flee al-Shabaab territory. An interviewee spoke of a woman who fled the group after being married to three men, having 10 children between them. “She finally said, I do not want to be married anymore.” One defector recalled that when he left, his wife was allocated to another man. As she did not want to re-marry, she ran away from al-Shabaab territory. He remains in touch with her while he is in the rehabilitation centre and says that she still wishes to be his wife.

Violence against women

Sexual violence is a taboo subject in Somalia, laden with stigma, and as such, it is rarely spoken about or reported. There are mixed accounts about the extent of sexual violence in al-Shabaab territory. Testimonies of Kenyan women enlisted by al-Shabaab, centre largely

33 No Place for Children, Child Recruitment, Forced Marriage, and Attacks on Schools in Somalia, Human Rights Watch, 2012, at 55 – 56. 34 Ibid. 35 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019. 36 ‘Khadija’ and Stephen Harley, Women in Al-Shabaab, 2019. 37 Somalia: Al-Shabaab and Forced Marriage, Landinfo, 2011.

on sexual violence.38 Kenyan women tell of being taken to al-Shabaab camps, where they were held for long periods and frequently sexually assaulted. These women report being forcibly given drugs, especially Khat and bugizi, a combination of heroin, marijuana and Rohypnol. The Institute for Security Studies notes that, “Sexual violence against women is common in al-Shabaab camps, where women are recruited ‘to provide sex to fighters so the fighters do not think about going back home,’ according to a Kenyan Anti-Terror Police Unit investigator.”39 Some women tested HIV positive when they got home.40 An account from one woman said, "They tortured me and traumatized me. They promised me 60,000 Kenyan shillings ($592, €480) per month as a salary but they didn't pay me a penny. They made me their sex slave, anyone could come and sleep with me and none of them wore condoms. They beat me and cut my body, by the time I left, I was covered in wounds.”41

In contrast to the testimonies of Kenyan women, sexual violence almost never came up in interviews conducted for this study in Somalia. Defectors directly questioned about sexual violence either claimed that rape did not happen in al-Shabaab, or that they had never heard about it – although it is understandable why they might not be honest about this, if they knew this to be happening.

It is clear that sexual violence does happen. Human Rights Watch reports that al-Shabaab members assault young women in schools, homes and public places, yet few can speak out about this. “Because perpetrators of rape and other violence in Somalia enjoy almost total impunity, the victims and their families often have very little power to resist, and those who do face great risks. Victims of rape and their families rarely have anywhere to turn to for support and are at times stigmatized and ostracized within their own communities.”42

A key informant explained that sexual violence in al-Shabaab territory mostly takes place within homes, “There is no rape in al-Shabaab territory. But they will abuse you inside the home. But if anyone rapes outside of marriage, al-Shabaab will stone and kill them.” An interviewee spoke of a 17-year-old girl, married to a 60-year-old man who was a senior al- Shabaab member. “Her husband used to force tie her. In the morning when he leaves the house, he ties her up. When he returned, he unties her and rapes her in the bed. She spent the rest of her time tied up. He would feed her only once a day at night, once returning from work.”

According to some studies, domestic violence is viewed with disapproval by al-Shabaab – particularly where a woman has shown herself able to bear children.43 Al-Shabaab will reportedly intervene on women’s behalf in domestic violence cases. In fact, many women are said to support al-Shabaab’s justice system, because it provides more justice to women. One study notes that, “multiple interviewees noted that AS courts generally dole out capital sentences for perpetrators of gender-based violence and rape, while FGS courts have often

38 See for example, Escape from al-Shabaab: ‘I was Turned into a Sex Slave’, Africa / DW, 2018. 39 Nine Years in an al-Shabaab Camp: One Woman’s Story, Institute for Security Studies, 2019, at 3. 40 Escape from al-Shabaab: ‘I was Turned into a Sex Slave’, Africa / DW, 2018. 41 Ibid. 42 No Place for Children, Child Recruitment, Forced Marriage, and Attacks on Schools in Somalia, Human Rights Watch, 2012. 43 ‘Khadija’ and Stephen Harley, Women in Al-Shabaab, 2019.

declined to punish similar crimes.”44 An interviewee in that study explained that al-Shabaab’s judges take time to listen to women when they bring cases, unlike courts in government-held areas, where women are often ignored, particularly when they come from minor clans.

Al-Shabaab’s courts also uphold Islamic family law, which safeguards women’s interests in matters like inheritance and divorce. Its courts ensure that women receive a dowry refund on divorce and a share of inheritance on death – whilst the formal justice system seldom does as much for women. This said, women also receive harsh punishments from the group. For example, the media reports of women stoned to death by al-Shabaab for adultery.45

Al-Shabaab are said to provide relative protection from gender-based violence in the areas it rules. The group’s arrival in different parts of the country bought a measure of protection to women, who had suffered years of lawlessness, in which they were vulnerable to sexual violence and kidnapping.46

Divorce

Divorce is permitted by al-Shabaab. When necessary, the group and its courts facilitate this. The divorce rate is said to be relatively high within the movement – as it is in much of Somali society.47 Notably, women are able to initiate divorce in al-Shabaab’s courts. The group’s clerics are willing to grant divorce on the basis of men failing to provide for their wives, abandonment and domestic abuse – although it is easier for a husband to leave his wife, than the other way around. Still, after a mediation process, if a woman insists on a divorce this is often granted.48

While women can initiate divorce against al-Shabaab men, this is not without consequences. Divorce can lead to stigma for these women – unless they marry other al-Shabaab men or otherwise demonstrate loyalty to the group.49 International Crisis Group explains, “There are other incentives for divorcees to remarry within Al-Shabaab or stay in its territory: militants’ former wives face acute stigma when re-entering society outside the group’s fold.”50 So too, “AS’s custody system is similarly designed to keep children in their homes and inside AS- held territories, and as such largely favors the father keeping the children.”51

Great efforts are made to keep marriages within the al-Shabaab movement stable. Across the territory it governs, al-Shabaab’s governors form committees made up of wives of high- ranking officers and other female supporters. Women in these committees are said to act as “marital counsellors of sorts”, working to keep unsettled marriages stable.52

44 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 45 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid. 48 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 49 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019. 50 Ibid, at 9. 51 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018. 52 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019, at 10.

The Stabilisation Network describes the process women might follow prior to bringing domestic disputes to al-Shabaab’s courts. According to their study, a woman would first take her grievance to the female head of her community. Following that, if she feels her matter has not been adequately dealt with, it is taken to the male head of the community. If he cannot fix the problem, it is taken to an al-Shabaab court.53

Wives finding out that their husbands are al-Shabaab

While some wives consciously marry al-Shabaab men, many others – in fact most of the women interviewed for this study – have their husband enlist while they are already married. The wives interviewed were asked when and how they found out that their husbands were members of al-Shabaab, and what their reactions were.

One interviewee was married at 16, through an arranged marriage organised by her uncle, a few years after her parents died. After a year of being married, she, “noticed he was al- Shabaab”. “I saw that he is wearing military clothes. When I asked him, he said he was al- Shabaab.” She recalled, “I felt fear and I felt shock.” When questioned about what work he did before joining the group, she said she did not know. “Before he joined, I did not know his job. It was an arranged marriage, so I did not know anything about him. I did not know what he was doing. By the time we married, he travelled very often. He was away six or eight months, and he returned once. When I asked, he said he worked somewhere out of this area. I didn’t know what he did.”

A few women said they found out about their husband’s enlistment by ‘noticing’ they were wearing military clothes. One said, “I saw that he is wearing military clothes. I was not happy. He said, ‘This is who I am, you have to accept it.’ There was no choice.” This woman married her husband in a camp in Harader, on Kenya’s border, while they were trying to leave the country as refugees. Her husband’s father refused him permission to travel abroad, which angered her husband, so he left the camp and travelled to lower Shabelle where he joined al-Shabaab. After a year in al-Shabaab, his father called him and asked him to the group and to return to the camp. From there, her father arranged for him to go to Serendi rehabilitation centre in Mogadishu. “By the time he returned to the camp he had left behind the al-Shabaab belief.” While her husband was in Serendi, she travelled to Mogadishu and now lives in a rented room, awaiting her husband’s exit from the centre. Another wife explained that, “When we got married he was a farmer. I later figured out he was al-Shabaab. I suspected and I asked him whether he is al-Shabaab. He denied, but I suspected that he was. I was not happy with him.”

Some wives insist that they never knew their husbands were part of the group. Women in a focus group in Baidoa, said, “The men pretended they were going for a wife in another village. They would trick us. At daytime, they would stay at home. In the night, they would help the group.” Another woman said, “He used to say, ‘I’m a farmer, going away to work in that area.’” Another woman in Baidoa said that, “When the government took over, none of the al- Shabaab sympathisers could stay – because of government intelligence. So everyone who

53 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018.

was part of the group left. That’s when we came to notice that our husbands were in al- Shabaab.” When defectors were asked what they told their wives about their participation, a high risk man in Baidoa confessed that, “We were keeping it secret … If she finds out, she might leave. Or even marry a government soldier.”

Some women heard about their husband’s involvement with the group from others. One woman, originally from Mogadishu, was displaced with her husband when the Ethiopians came to Mogadishu in late 2006. They fled to a town around 15km from Mogadishu. When they arrived there, her husband joined al-Shabaab, which controlled the area, but he didn’t tell her this. She said, “One of his friends got injured – that’s how we discovered the story of him being involved. I immediately moved from there to Mogadishu once I knew he was in al- Shabaab.” When asked what she thought he was doing during that time, she said, “He was a soldier, so he was moving around. Even before I knew he was al-Shabaab, he used to travel a lot. I thought he was doing what he was doing before in Mogadishu. He was a driver of big trucks. I didn’t realise he swapped from driving big trucks. to being member of al- Shabaab.” After she returned to Mogadishu, she never saw him again. She heard that he remained a member of the group for many years, but that four years ago he had been killed in battle.

Wives’ feelings about their husband’s membership Most of the wives interviewed claimed that they were against their husband’s involvement with the group. This finding is influenced to some extent by the sample in this study; wives who had chosen to leave al-Shabaab territory. It is likely that many women remaining in al- Shabaab territory might have more positive feelings about their husband’s participation. “I used to advise him – to tell him what he is doing is wrong. I was convincing him to come back.” This wife said that she would say to him, “‘If you want to stay in al-Shabaab, can you please divorce me? I’m still young. I need to have children.’ When he heard those words is when he decided to come back.”

This research suggests that wives’ disapproval was a significant factor in encouraging many men to leave the group. Interviews with defectors revealed that many left al-Shabaab as a result of encouragement by their wives and mothers.54 In particular, men cited the threat of divorce as one of the reasons they left the group, with wives threatening that if they did not leave, they would divorce them. A Baidoa defector said, “Women tell their husbands, ‘You cannot attend to both the duties of being a husband and al-Shabaab.’” He explained, “A man cannot be without a wife, so he leaves.”

One wife recalled that she hardly saw her husband, as he was always away with the group. She finally went to him and said, “I’ll divorce you if you do not come back to Baidoa.” Another wife recalled that she kept on complaining to her husband about how hard her life was, as he was always away. Finally, she told him that if he didn’t return, she would leave. Another begged her husband to leave the group, telling him that their daughters were marriage age, yet no one would marry them because their father was in al-Shabaab.

54 Orly Stern, The Invisible Women of al-Shabaab, Rehabilitation Support Team, Adam Smith International, 2019.

Changes in marriages Women described the ways their marriages changed once their husbands joined the group. “Before he joined, we were okay. After he joined, we used to argue because I was not happy that he was in al-Shabaab. Whenever I asked him, we used to argue and fight.” Many women commented on the increased conflict within their marriages. “Before he joined al-Shabaab, our life was okay. He was a farmer. When he joined al-Shabaab, he left his farming. When he told me, our arguments started. He was not providing for us.”

Some women commented on how differently their husbands treated them after they had enlisted and were radicalised. One explained, “We used to miss him before he joined, when he went away. After he joined, we appreciated him being away.” She said that her husband would punch and beat her. “He didn’t do this before he joined the group.” His treatment of his family became worse. “If we feel uncomfortable, or are demanding more food, or are wanting to travel for food, he would make us stay at home. He wouldn’t let us go get food, no matter how hungry we were.” She recalled that when her father and brother were killed, she wanted to travel to their funeral. “He said, ‘You cannot go, because your father and brother are not even proper Muslims.’” Another woman added, “My husband said to me that if I told anyone else about his activities, he would kill me.”

Contact between militants and their wives

While some men are able to serve al-Shabaab in their home towns, most men serve the group from locations away from home. A key informant explained, “When people serve, they get relocated – they don’t serve near home. Al-Shabaab constantly relocates people for security reasons. They are built to be survivable, so if one person is killed, another can fill the job.”

An interesting fact that appears to differentiate al-Shabaab from comparable Islamist groups like ISIS or Boko Haram, is that in al-Shabaab, wives do not live with their husbands – whereas in some other Islamist groups, this is permitted. Most interviewees agreed that al- Shabaab husbands could not live with their wives. “No, it is not allowed. If you want to go to your wife, you take leave for two months. Even the leadership did not live with their wives.” Defectors were adamant about the fact that no women live on al-Shabaab bases. “No never. They live in the towns.” Another added, “Not even the biggest leaders had their wives there.” There was only one conflicting opinion provided by a defector; “Some women go with men who are in al-Shabaab. Such as governors. When they are transferred, they bring their families.”

For the most part, wives live in villages and towns while their husbands serve – often remaining where they were before their husbands joined. Even those women who actively serve the group, tend to do so from their homes.55 However for men, being part of al-Shabaab means being away from home and family. A defector explained, “It is impossible to live with the community when you are with al-Shabaab, because you are soldiers, so you can be

55 Ibid.

transferred across the country. You are told to move. It is impossible to live with your family and also with al-Shabaab.”

To see their families, men would visit on home leave. There appears to be much variation in the frequency in which men are able to see their families. This seems to depend on their roles, ranks and positions, as well as on the locations where they are stationed. Interviews with defectors revealed that some recruits never got home leave at all, while some only got leave if they were married or after they had served the group for a certain period of time. Al- Shabaab is a decentralized group, run locally by regional commanders, a factor that could account for some variation in visitation schedules.

When wives were asked how often their husbands came to visit, these were some of their replies. “Being away a month, he comes a week, then he goes.” One said, “If he’s been away three months, then he’d have a 15 or 25-day visit and then he’d return to the group.” Another said, “He would work for four months in the group and then have two months of leave. During the four months we didn’t see each other.” When male defectors were asked how often they got to see their wives, some said, “Normally when a man has family, he gets monthly leave. You only get monthly leave when you work for six months; each six months you get one month of leave.” Another said, “It depends on the situation; sometimes twice a year, sometimes four times a year, sometimes you don’t get to see her. It depends on operations and on the things that you are doing.”

In part, the ability to visit depends on where families live. A key informant in Mogadishu explained that, “Until two years ago, men would come to Mogadishu on holiday to see their wives and would get caught by NISA.” Since then, visiting Mogadishu seems to be more difficult. A wife echoed this. She said that while her husband had frequently visited her in her previous home, once she moved to an IDP camp in Mogadishu, her husband could no longer visit. A defector said, “I used to have different wives – those who live in Mogadishu and those in al-Shabaab territory. Those who live in Mogadishu, we are meeting less – we meet two times, each two months. Those in al-Shabaab territory, I saw them much more often, so two or three times in a month. I had two wives – one was in Mogadishu and one was close by. So it was different how often I could see them.”

A group of wives in Baidoa explained that when al-Shabaab controlled the town, their husbands lived with them. When government forces took over Baidoa, their husbands moved away with the group. “When the government took over, none of the al-Shabaab sympathisers could stay – because of government intelligence. So everyone who is part of the group left. … Once they left Baidoa, we didn’t see them. Once the group left here, it was a different case.” There have been a few reported cases of al-Shabaab fleeing a town and taking wives with them. “Sometimes al-Shabaab moves wives. This happened in Gedo. They pushed the wives and children out of the village when the fighters were gone.”

Some women would visit their husbands at or near al-Shabaab camps. One wife said, “I used to come to him to visit at the base. Every three months, I’d go once. It was 100km away. I stayed for a week or two weeks. He used to take a week leave and we met in the cities. When he was in group, I was in government-controlled area.” Another said, “Women in the group have been living in the villages with their parents. They were invited to the camps to visit their husbands for two nights. Every seven nights you visit your husband for two nights … I didn’t see any women living there when we were visiting.” However, it seems that this option is not available to everyone. One interviewee said, “Only men can go and visit families. Women

stay. Women are in the villages. Women do not travel. If they go elsewhere, they are going to visit their families.”

Many wives found it difficult seeing their husbands so little. “In general, it was difficult. Husbands are away from home for long times in battle. Ladies are not in comfortable situations. Most of the women’s husbands are away. Most of them.” One wife recalled being in labour. “I was in maternity and he was visiting me, but al-Shabaab forced him to leave, despite the fact that I was having a baby. Al-Shabaab came and took him.” A number of the wives interviewed talked about having babies while their men were in the group. Their men would come home and impregnate them, leaving them to have and care for their children alone. One interviewee described how her daughter lived with her, while her husband was in the bush. The daughter’s husband would send instructions to her to send her daughter to the bush to see him. Three of her daughter’s pregnancies were conceived while visiting him in the bush.

When they were not seeing each other, some wives could talk to their husbands on the phone. A wife said, “We used to call each other. We would speak and message many times in each day.” Defectors explained how phone-use worked. “We could communicate by mobile phone. She could not call me. Only I could call them when I got a chance. Once a month I could call them. Al-Shabaab did not allow communication to families within the camp, because they were afraid this will allow drones to attack. So they would take us 30 kilometres out of the camp with a vehicle, then I would call home, and then they would bring us back to camp.” Another said, “It depends on where you are. If you are where the drones are targeted, all phones are collected, so there is no phone-access. If it’s a normal place you can call your wife. You can keep your phone and can talk any time.”

Wives’ lives when husbands are in al-Shabaab

There are some perks to being married to al-Shabaab militants. On marrying, wives and their families are placed under al-Shabaab’s protection – in part, as few would harm relatives of al-Shabaab members. Some women receive parts of a husbands’ salaries (discussed below). In al-Shabaab territory, there is far less stigma and danger associated with being an al- Shabaab wife, than for women in government-held areas. There, marrying a militant, and especially a prominent al-Shabaab man, can improve a family’s status.56

However, advantages aside, the wives interviewed for this study described many challenges. One wife explained, “Life was harder when they were in al-Shabaab. There was not enough food to eat … Most of the time our husbands were on mission and were not around. They could not provide for the family.”

Many felt worried about their husbands. “I was worried. I was worried he would be killed.” Another said, “When he was in al-Shabaab, I felt worried. Sometimes I didn’t take food.” Another explained, “Life was difficult. There were lots of worries. I was missing him. I didn’t know whether he is alive or dead.” Women complained about not receiving news on how their

56 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018.

husbands were doing. “My husband went for months. No one would update me on his status; if he was alive and what he was doing.”

Many interviewees expressed frustration at the fact that their husbands no longer provided for them – arguably one of the biggest factors leading women to leave. One said, “After he joined, he was not proving for the family.” Another said, “Before he joined al-Shabaab, my life was okay. After he joined, my life became difficult. He did not provide daily life. He said, ‘I’m working for the sake of God, so don’t expect anything.’” Another noted. “When he first joined, I felt worried, because he used to be a man that worked for us. He used to be a carpenter.” A wife explained, “He was a soldier. He was not getting money from al-Shabaab. He was doing it for the sake of God.”

When wives were asked how they survived if their husbands were not providing, many mentioned family support. “His family was supporting us.” Another said, “My family members supported me.” Another added, “His brother supported me. When he got something, he would send this to me.” Another said, “I spent my days in the market. I used to sell tomatoes at the market.”

It is interesting that so many women interviewed for this study reported not receiving money from their husbands, because when interviews were conducted with al-Shabaab defectors, many said that they received a salary from the group, which they sent to their wives. Defectors said, “Yes, they [al-Shabaab] gave money. Sometimes $30 per month, sometimes $70 per month. Every month they gave money. I got the money and forwarded it through the phone. This is for my wife. My own salary sometimes is for my mother.” Another said, “I used to get $100 per month – one time, $70 for my wife and $40 for mother. Each time it was a little different.” Another said, “I used to earn $30 per month. I used to send this to my wife – all of it. I used to send it through EFC [the mobile payment platform].” Some defectors reported that different amounts were paid to married and unmarried men – presumably because married men needed money to send their wives. An unmarried man said, “Al-Shabaab only gives us $10 per month. Married men got $30.”

It is clear that there is variation in how much men earn and send back to their wives. Interestingly, in contrast to the interviews carried out for this research, research carried out by ‘Khadija’ and Harley, with a group of higher-level wives in Kismayo (women still involved with the group, who are ideologically supportive of the group) noted, “The women say that while their husbands are absent on operations they are well looked after. The Executive Council of Al-Shabaab has appointed a dedicated Emir to ensure that fighters’ wives are provided with funds on a regular and generous basis and that they are secure.”57 The Stabilisation Network reports that: “AS requires their members take care of their wives with those who do not charged with neglect by the AS courts. For deployed AS members, the group channels monthly salaries directly to their wives. The group appoints one amir (local military and political leader) per unit to administer family welfare. Whenever an AS fighter is deployed, the amir stays behind to disburse the payments. In addition, the amir resolves any

57 ‘Khadija’ and Stephen Harley, Women in Al-Shabaab, 2019, at 5.

problems that may arise with fighters’ families while the men are away, for example by ensuring sick wives or children receive medical attention.”58

Interviewees were questioned on where they lived while their husbands were away. One said, “We were living in the same area, but I was not living in his home. I was living with his mother. He was living on a base.” Another wife explained that her husband would be away for six months, before returning for two or three nights, then heading off again. He sent her no money. When they had first married, he took her to his family’s home, to live with his mother. She explained, “I was living with his mother, but after that I didn’t see him for so long, and I decided to leave.”

Treatment by communities The ways communities treat al-Shabaab wives depends largely on how those communities feel about al-Shabaab. In places like Kismayo, where al-Shabaab enjoys more popular support, wives enjoy more acceptance from community members. Attitudes to al-Shabaab wives differ in al-Shabaab and government-held areas, with wives enjoying better treatment – and even some status – in al-Shabaab territory. “The area is al-Shabaab territory – all the ladies were al-Shabaab wives.”

In contrast, wives living in government areas have to keep their al-Shabaab affiliation hidden – and face both stigma and danger if communities find out who their husbands are. An interviewee in Baidoa, which had been retaken by government after a period of al-Shabaab rule, explained that there is now stigma against al-Shabaab wives. She said that some wives are stuck in their homes, unable to go out into the community due to the stigma. She described one wife who died giving birth, as she was not able to go out for medical assistance.

Some wives were questioned about the extent to which al-Shabaab wives formed a group, with camaraderie between them. One interviewee said, “I was not interacting with other wives then. I was just staying at home. I was not open to people.” In contrast, interviews by the Stabilisation Network found that, “Socially, AS wives largely rely on each other for support. They almost exclusively socialize amongst themselves and, anecdotally, support each other if one becomes sick or loses her husband to fighting.”59

Wives participating in al-Shabaab

In the report, The Invisible Women of al-Shabaab, 2019, this author discussed the women actively involved in supporting al-Shabaab. That report describes the roles that women play in al-Shabaab and the ways that women contribute to the group. This information will not be repeated here – despite so many of those women also being al-Shabaab wives. Instead, this report focusses on ‘regular’ wives, those who did not see themselves as being active group ‘members’. Of course, these positions fall along a continuum – with a complete disapproval of the group on the one end, full membership and participation on the other, and gradations

58 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018, at 8 - 9. 59 Ibid.

of support in between. Some wives play support roles for the group – as ‘wives’ (it seems, rather than as ‘members’). Distinguishing ‘wives’ from female ‘members’, is difficult – to the point of being impossible. Attempts in this section to disentangle these concepts, reveal how interwoven they are.

Most, but not all, of the women actively supporting al-Shabaab (as ‘members’) are also married to al-Shabaab men. Defectors confirmed that, “Many of the female members were al-Shabaab wives also. They were scattered. Whoever is around can support. Others can be reached by phone.” A former high level member explained that women involved in the movement were married to al-Shabaab men. He said, “You cannot support someone and not marry him.”

However, while most female members seem to be married to al-Shabaab men, it appears that most wives do not actively participate in the group – over and above being supportive wives to their husbands. This was the impression gleaned from the sample consulted for this research – although it is unclear whether this can be generalised to all of the group. When defectors were questioned on whether most wives participated in al-Shabaab’s endeavours, one reply was, “Only a few.” Many defectors were insistent that wives never play a role with the group. “Wives stay home. They have nothing to do with group activities.” One said, “I’ve never seen a role they are playing, other than caring for children and household work.” Another said, “They stay in their homes and if a husband needs to do something, maybe she can assist him. But never anything for the group … She takes care of children; she does cooking for him. This is just considered as being a wife – not as helping the group.” Another explained, “They didn’t support the group, but they supported me personally. They normally follow my orders and did what I told them to do. If I told them to behave well, they behaved. If I tell them to move from one area to another, they do. They always follow my orders.”

Wives interviewed for this study were asked whether their husbands had requested them to carry out tasks for the group. One said, “He asked me to follow the ideology of al-Shabaab, but not to work for the group.” Another said, “No, he didn’t ask. And I didn’t know what he does for al-Shabaab.” Another woman said, “I was always staying home. I never supported the ideology. My husband never asked me to join the group.” In contrast, another interviewee had been married two years, when her husband joined the group. “He asked me to work with al-Shabaab, saying I could facilitate things that al-Shabaab wanted. I said no.”

A defector explained, “It depends on the husband. Some husbands like their wives to serve the group. Others don’t like it. I didn’t like my wife to serve the group. I didn’t want other members of al-Shabaab to see my wife or meet with her. So she never participated in any assistance.”

Sometimes it was other women who encouraged wives to get involved, rather than their husbands. A wife explained, “I saw ladies who are collecting money from people, wanting to support al-Shabaab. They also used to give support for taking food to them and nursing them. One of them was my neighbour. They asked me – telling me to come and join them. They would say, ‘Let’s help with ideology, and cook and wash for them.’ I couldn’t, because I was busy managing my home. A few women were doing this. They accepted that I couldn’t be involved.”

Some wives support the movement and its goals. “Even myself, since I was living in al- Shabaab territory, I believed their ideology. Later on I knew their ideology is wrong.” Other

wives acquiesce with the group, to avoid punishment – while others operate on a continuum between support and coercion.60 When women cooperate with al-Shabaab, this does not necessarily mean they sympathise with the moment. In areas controlled by al-Shabaab, collaborating can be a matter of survival.61 Non-compliance with the group’s demands are frequently met with violence. Al-Shabaab coerce compliance, while also offering incentives.62 Leaving al-Shabaab territory is not always an option for those not wishing to comply. The International Crisis Group says that, “Some Somalis living in government-held areas often perceive civilians, men and women alike, who live under Al-Shabaab rule as de facto supporters because they do not flee. In reality, many are bound to those areas through family ties and financial constraints or are reluctant to abandon property, livestock or crops to lead a life away from their homes. Many civilian women in Al-Shabaab areas, like their male counterparts, appear to have mixed feelings towards the group, appreciating some of the services it provides while rejecting ore reviling its coercion and abuses.”63

The roles played by wives Some interviewees had heard of wives who carried out tasks for the movement – as ‘wives’. (It should be noted that these reports overlap with descriptions given of female ‘members’ – therefore probably revealing more about interviewee’s perceptions on female participation, than the formal status of different women. It would seem that whether women are called ‘wives’ or ‘members’, is largely a matter of perception.)

One wife said, “I heard of certain communities where al-Shabaab wives support their husbands. I didn’t have contact with them, so I don’t know the details ... The women in my area were normal, just like me.” Another said, “I was aware of al-Shabaab wives doing jobs for the group. I heard about it, but I don’t know much about it. I heard they spread ideology and orientate the community. But I never saw this myself. I was fearing these women and I didn’t get involved with them.”

One woman spoke of wives being involved in tax collection. “Because al-Shabaab were ruling the area, the wives were helping them to collect these taxes. There were many wives doing this.” When questioned about other tasks that wives helped with, she said, “Ladies participated in spreading al-Shabaab ideology in the communities. They opened institutions of study. Women were attending this institution and the staff of this institution were women.”

Across the areas it governs, al-Shabaab forms local committees, responsible for attracting resources and recruits. These committees are made up of wives of high-ranking officers and other female supporters. These women organise lectures for women and go door-to-door educating women and promoting support for the group.64

‘Khajida’ and Harley point to some other roles that al-Shabaab wives play for the movement, “… the wives of Al-Shabaab fighters are perceived as fulfilling two important functions by the

60 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid, at 7. 64 Ibid.

group. First, they are producing and bringing up the next generation of Al-Shabaab fighters from birth to the age of eight, when they begin instruction in Al-Shabaab Madrassas, to the age of 15, when they reach adulthood and become fighters. Second, they offer devotion to Al-Shabaab, inculcate their children with Al-Shabaab thinking, and act as convincing advocates for the group.”65

The International Crisis Group reports that women are involved in preparing their husbands psychologically for suicide operations. They note, “According to one former Al-Shabaab fighter: “a wife is instructed to keep her husband [suicide bomb designate] both preoccupied and focussed on the task ahead.” A former Al-Shabaab wife adds, “women are encouraged to get pregnant in the final days of her husband’s life … in order for him to leave a soldier behind for the cause”.”66 A key informant explained that the wife of a suicide bomber is also said to go to heaven, hence also receiving a religious reward for this act.

Wives also find brides for al-Shabaab fighters, from outside of al-Shabaab- territory. They are said to use the knowledge they learn in religious classes to convince friends to join them in al-Shabaab territory. These wives reach out to women via the phone, sending them selected Quranic verses and referring them to al-Shabaab media channels, to encourage them to come to al-Shabaab territory as wives.67

Wives’ lives when husbands defect

When men defect from al-Shabaab, their wives are greatly affected. Understanding wives’ experiences is key to understanding how to promote male defection. Some men may not defect if they fear their wives will be left in bad situations.

Defection is not only dangerous for the defectors themselves. A key informant spoke of two wives who were executed when their husbands, both mid-level commanders, defected from the group. Al-Shabaab killed their wives – one of whom was pregnant – in the Afgooye area. Another defector in the Serendi rehabilitation centre recalled that when he left al-Shabaab, one of his wives remained in al-Shabaab territory. When the group heard he had defected, they held his wife and confiscated his home. Her father had to travel to al-Shabaab territory to advocate for her freedom. Finally, al-Shabaab gave her up and her father took her to government-held territory to join the rest of his family.

Family members describe feeling fearful of retribution after their men defect. “Our soul is not feeling well. We know what we did is not good in terms of al-Shabaab.” Fear of al-Shabaab’s wrath causes some defectors’ wives to uproot their lives and leave al-Shabaab territory. “We left that place, so now we feel very secure. Now we stay in Mogadishu, where no one knows where we are.” This is a significant cost for family members to pay. They need to leave their homes, lands and communities, often moving to squalid camps in the capital, facing challenging lives displaced in new cities.

65 ‘Khadija’ and Stephen Harley, Women in Al-Shabaab, 2019. 66 Women and al-Shabaab’s Insurgency, International Crisis Group, Crisis Group Africa’s Briefing N145, 2019, at 14. 67 Al-Shabaab Wives and Widows: A Survey. The Stabilisation Network, September 2018.

Some who remain in al-Shabaab territory have been threatened. Women in Baidoa recalled how once their husbands defected, they received phone calls from al-Shabaab accusing them of no longer being Muslim. Al-Shabaab accused their husbands of drinking alcohol and chewing khat, and told them that they had been recorded in al-Shabaab’s books as ‘non- believers’. So too, wives whose husbands had been captured, recalled that after their capture, al-Shabaab had threatened their husbands with death.

Some wives who remain in al-Shabaab territory are regularly questioned by the group. A defector explained that his wife and mother receive regular visits from al-Shabaab. “Al- Shabaab come to them and ask for me. They say, ‘We know he is with you. We want you to tell us where he is.’” Another defector said that al-Shabaab often visits his wife to ask where he is. She tells them that he has divorced her and that she does not know where he is, despite this being untrue and them remaining married.

Why wives left al-Shabaab territory

Most of the wives interviewed for this study had left al-Shabaab territory – and their al- Shabaab husbands. Wives had left for a range of reasons and under a variety of circumstances. These reasons are important to understand, as they might inform strategies on how to entice women away from al-Shabaab territory. The following were some of the reasons provided for women leaving:

Ideology Some wives left because they disagreed with al-Shabaab’s ideology and with their husband’s membership in the group. One wife said, “I heard that some wives support their husband’s ideology. I didn’t support the ideology. I never agreed with the ideology. I am very angry with it. I decided to leave, because I was not happy with the area and what people were doing.”

Some women had initially supported the group, yet came to change their minds about this. A survey by the Stabilisation Network summarised the views of some wives they interviewed about this. Wives said that they had begun to believe that al-Shabaab does not follow true Islamic principles – instead, contravening these principles when they deem this convenient, and running their operations inconsistently with Islamic values. Some disapproved of al- Shabaab’s strategy of indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Some found reports of unjust killings or punishments, based unfounded accusations, to be disturbing.68 These views detracted from women’s support for the group and contributed to them ultimately leaving.

The need for services Some women leave, as they require better services than they can access in al-Shabaab territory. Maternity services in particular, are mentioned in this regard. While maternal healthcare is a challenge across Somalia, this is worse in al-Shabaab areas. Al-Shabaab

68 Ibid.

employs doctors and midwives, but do not have specialised neonatal facilities – resulting in higher maternal mortality rates in al-Shabaab areas.69

A NISA screener explained that al-Shabaab women often come to government-held towns when they get pregnant. A screener in Beledweyne said, “There were ten or fifteen women since this year. Their husbands are in the group. They go to the camp. When they get pregnant, they need to come to town. So they call their relatives. They say that they need to come to town. So then, NISA screens them. NISA gets someone who can take responsibility for them.” Some women travel to government area temporarily for these services, and some relocate there more permanently. The Stabilisation Network’s research confirms that one of the most common reasons provided by interviewees for leaving al-Shabaab territory is access to healthcare facilities.70

Searching for safety Some wives leave searching for safety – with some of them fleeing during the heat of battle. One said, “I ran away from bombings and drones. This is why we came to Mogadishu. We came to look for safety.” Another said, “During the attacks, the men ran away from the bombings. The men ran away and hid in the bushes. Because the men ran away, the women came to Mogadishu.”

“One night there was a battle between the government and al-Shabaab. The families there – the women and children – ran away. There was a bad firefight. Me, they told me to stay and to not run away. Al-Shabaab told me to stay because they wanted me to get killed, because I am al-Shabaab.” When asked why the group would want that for one of their wives, she explained that al-Shabaab prefers wives and children to be caught and arrested, rather than al-Shabaab men. Al-Shabaab left her there so that government soldiers would believe they had at least captured some al-Shabaab people. “When soldiers of the other side are coming, they want to see that the area is not empty. They want to see al-Shabaab wives and children are there. Al-Shabaab do not want the place to be empty, so they left me there.”

One interviewee came from Torotorow, where she ran a restaurant while her husband was a member of al-Shabaab. One day she heard a helicopter flying above. She ran from the restaurant to check on her children and saw the helicopter opening fire near to the place where her husband was. She is still not sure if he was killed in the strike. She ran to fetch her six children and began the journey to Mogadishu. She stopped on route in Afgooye where she asked the community for help, as she had no money. People gave her money for transport to Mogadishu. On arrival, she went to Bakaara Market and asked people for help, food and money.

Women leave due to the danger and fear of being harmed by fighting. One report states, “Jubbaland security officials have noted a significant increase in the number of AS members defecting with their families since the launch of the current offensive. Recent defectors complained that the ongoing offensive has made life especially straining in certain AS-controlled

69 Ibid. 70 Ibid.

areas. The defector wives noted that AS has become paranoid about spies, which has made life “unbearable”.”71

Death of husband Many wives leave al-Shabaab territory when their husbands die. One said, “My husband died in battle. His friend told me he died. Then, I decided to leave immediately.” Another wife was only 16 when her husband was killed. Her neighbour told her he had been killed by a drone, and that his body was unrecognisable. She said they told her, “Your husband is in heaven. He did well.” Soon after, her neighbour took her to Mogadishu where she was joined by her mother.

Another wife said, “I left when he died in a battle. I left with my four children. My neighbour supported me. I travelled by road and arrived in Baidoa, where my brother lived. He said, ‘I only welcome you today, but I cannot care for you and your children, so you need to either move or work.’” He gave her money for transport and she travelled to Mogadishu, where she lived in an IDP camp. She cleaned and washed clothes for neighbours to support herself and her children.

One woman explained that her husband was killed by al-Shabaab, after he decided to defect, “One day, he decided that we should leave. He came home and he told me, ‘I’m done with al-Shabaab. I want to defect.’ After we discussed this at home, al-Shabaab found out. They came to our home and caught him and slaughtered him in front of the community and in front of me and my children. They called everyone to watch and see, so they would learn. Even his children were there, watching them slaughter their father. The youngest child was 9.” Soon after, she left al-Shabaab territory.

Another wife left her home in Somaliland at 16, to marry a much older man who was a senior al-Shabaab member. They had three children together. It was only after they were married that she realised he belonged to the group. He died while on mission in Kismayo. She learned about his death from his friend, who’d been tasked with giving her money and looking out for her while her husband was away. When he died, her husband’s younger brother married her. This marriage was far worse. She wanted to leave, but he threatened that if she left with her children she would be killed. He was seldom at home, but used to phone her and tell her to support al-Shabaab. He threatened her often and she feared him. He forbade her from contacting her family. He was also killed in battle, in a fight in Khalimo. At that point she fled with her children to Mogadishu, selling her property and using that money to pay for the journey.

Another woman interviewed had fled her home years before. She had hoped to escape Somalia by boat but did not have the money. She joined a group who were planning to catch a boat out of the country. They stopped somewhere along the way, where they stayed with a family. There, her companions informed her that as she had no money, they were going to leave her there. They left her at the house, where she began working as a maid. The owner of the house had a son, who told her he would give her money if she married him. She married

71 Ibid.

him and they had children together. At that point, she did not know that he was al-Shabaab. She said, “This was the man who blew up in Bosaso. He died and killed lots of people.” Some time later, “He said to me ‘I might disappear. You cannot stay here. Take the children to Mogadishu. When I disappear, I’ll do something bad and you will be in trouble.’” He left and blew himself up at the Bosaso port. It was only then that she became aware he was a militant. She moved to Mogadishu, where her family took her in.

Wife inheritance Some women leave to avoid ‘wife inheritance’. If a militant dies or defects, according to the group, his wife should be remarried to another militant. One wife said, “When my husband died, it was suggested that I marry the brother of my husband. I was not happy about this, so I ran away.”

A defector explained, “If al-Shabaab selects a wife for you, when you leave from them, they will take away that lady and give her to another man, even if she had children. One of my wives, when I defected, they took her back, because the group supported me financially when I married her.” Another said, “My wife left where she was because they were going to marry her off. When my wife left the al-Shabaab area, they took my home, my farm, my tractor. My mother’s animals were taken too. My mother had to move too from al-Shabaab area. They took fifteen goats and a donkey. My wife and mother now live in the same area near Mogadishu.”

Women also leave al-Shabaab territory to avoid other forced marriages (outside of the context of wife inheritance). A NISA screener explained that, “Al-Shabaab has small towns and women live in these towns. Al-Shabaab says you must marry our men. So she wants to leave al-Shabaab territory.”

Husbands defecting Some women run away when their husbands defect, for fear of retribution. “My husband was brought to Serendi in early 2018. That same day, we also came to Mogadishu because we were afraid that al-Shabaab will come to us and ask where he is.” Some women escaped together with their husbands. “The area was al-Shabaab territory. Me and my husband decided to escape. He wanted to leave al-Shabaab. We discussed and decided that he escape from there and come here. He left first. I followed with my children. He went to Serendi.”

Not all women leave when their husbands defect. A defector explained, “Some follow the men and others stay where they were and maybe find someone else.” One woman whose husband defected chose to stay in al-Shabaab territory. Her husband, interviewed in Serendi, recalled that she said to him, “Since you left this group, you are no longer my husband.”

Divorce or separating from husbands Many wives leave al-Shabaab territory, when they leave their al-Shabaab husbands. Sometimes the estrangement from their husbands has to do with their al-Shabaab membership. “When he told me he joined, I said to stop, because the ideology is wrong. He refused. We started arguing and fighting. The arguments always happened. So I requested a divorce.” Two months later she left the area, running away with her children, not informing her husband that she was leaving.

Many cited money as the reason for leaving their husbands, claiming that their husbands were not supporting them. “I left because of a lack of financial support. I ran away. I didn’t notify him, because I was afraid.” Her husband had not tried to contact her since she left. “I heard that he died. I heard this from his family members.” Another said, “He was not providing daily life. I argued with him. I talked to his family members. When I went to his family and said that he is not providing, they said that they can send me to Mogadishu.” Another said, “I was having problems with my husband. My husband was not providing financial support and I had six children. I had an argument with him. I phoned my mother in Mogadishu, asking her to help me with transport to come to Mogadishu. I came and joined my mother. She now supports me and my children.”

Some cited neglect – financial and otherwise. “I was living with his mother, but after that I didn’t see him for so long, and I decided to leave. … I didn’t tell anyone that I was leaving. I have had no contact from him, even after coming here; no contact from him.”

The wives of Kismayo

Al-Shabaab wives left Kismayo for a very different reason. In 2015, al-Shabaab wives were expelled from the city. Prior to that, militants used to sneak into the city to see their wives. They would also come to the city to conduct operations and would be harboured by their wives while doing so. Wives would leave the city to take food to their husbands. The Kismayo government identified the al-Shabaab wives and gave them 24 hours to leave the city.

A wife explained, “I left Kismayo, because the government told me to leave. They came and searched my home at night. In the morning, they said ‘leave’. I had to leave that day. We were many of us. The government took us from Kismayo and took us in vehicles to somewhere in al-Shabaab territory. It was Jamaame in Lower Juba – about 50km from Kismayo. We were about 40 people – only women. They left the children at home. They only took along the babies that needed feeding that day. They sent the children to meet us four days later. Then, in Jamaame, our husbands were there. They welcomed us.” This woman remained in Jamaame with her husband for 15 days, before he travelled to an operation in Jilib and was killed. Her grandmother sent her money and she travelled to meet her in Mogadishu.

Another wife from Kismayo recalled that during the days, her husband was out of the town on operations for al-Shabaab. At nights, he came home to stay with her. She said he was away so much that people didn’t even know she had a husband, until she became pregnant. Then, “The president of Jubaland said that all al-Shabaab wives should be deported. They said, ‘We are taking you to your husbands, because you have children with no fathers.’” She said, “Jubaland believe that al-Shabaab women are spies.”

Since 2015, on occasion, Jubaland authorities use state media to urge other women married to al-Shabaab men to leave. Following these bulletins, known al-Shabaab wives are rounded up by security actors and ordered to leave the city. Kismayo wives have also been made to sign letters in the presence of their fathers or brothers, stating that they will not travel to al- Shabaab territory – failing which they will be banished from Kismayo. Wives who claim they have divorced their al-Shabaab husbands, are made to show divorce letters issued by al- Shabaab courts (a rare example of government recognising the authority of al-Shabaab court

documents). However, these measures have reportedly been ineffective in deterring wives from travelling to and from al-Shabaab territory.72 The Stabilisation Network notes “AS wives often ignore such warnings and more-or-less live freely between the two. Kismayo especially is a hotbed for AS wives living separately from their husbands.”73 While government actors have taken such measures, a key informant notes that wives themselves have never been persecuted. “In Jubaland, the government would know who the wives are. If they see them as a threat, they are asked to leave. But they are never persecuted. This is because women’s roles in the group are underestimated.”

Interestingly, in contrast to Kismayo, in a Mogadishu suburb of Dayniile, an attempt to expel al-Shabaab wives was said to have played out differently. A key informant explained that the leader of Dayniile knew that many al-Shabaab wives had come to live there. He also knew their husbands came to Dayniile to visit their wives. He felt it was unfair that the suburb had to look after the wives, while their husbands returned to Mogadishu to conduct operations to harm people. So he tried to expel the wives. Al-Shabaab reportedly phoned him and said that they would not conduct operations in his area, if he left their women alone. The wives have been allowed to remain in Dayniile.

After leaving al-Shabaab

Wives described their experiences after leaving al-Shabaab territory. Some women told of difficult journeys to escape – and disappointing arrivals in the cities. “Coming to Mogadishu was difficult. We came by boat. Some of my relatives and friends welcomed me on arriving. But when I arrived, they took me to an IDP camp.”

The ease of integration in their new homes depended largely on the places they moved to. Moving to a big city like Mogadishu allowed women to settle in anonymously. “Because Mogadishu is so big, people can hide. It is hard to say where people are from. Women go to IDP camps or to their relatives. It is hard in Mogadishu to know who is in and out of the city.”

Many women rely on family for help in moving to new areas. Relatives send them money for travel expenses and to help them get settled. Family and clan connections are sometimes used to facilitate arrivals. “Women contact their relatives and their relatives contact their clan. Then the clan contacts the government to notify them.” Another said, “Everyone depends on his family. If there is no family nearby, maybe friends. If there is no family, the clan will give you a guarantee. Someone has to certify you.”

Many women said that they had had no contact with their husbands since leaving. One said, “I have no information about the father of my children in al-Shabaab. I do not know if he is dead or alive.” Another said, “Now I have no connection with the children’s family. No connection. I don’t know anything about where they are and what they are doing.”

72 Ibid. 73 Ibid.

Women experienced a number of challenges in their new homes. Some of these are now discussed:

Poverty Above all, escaped al-Shabaab wives complained about poverty and struggling to make ends meet in their new homes. A key informant explained, “They had some access to livelihoods while they were in the group, but once they leave, they no longer have this.” Some women flee alone; some with children. Many struggle to find housing and to secure livelihoods. “When I arrived in the IDP camp, life was hard. I washed clothes and cleaned, to make ends meet. I had some connections through my relatives. My relatives gave me a room to live in outside of the camp.” Another echoed this, “I was managing daily life by cleaning and washing clothes.”

One wife’s story provides a good illustration. She decided to leave home after her brother died in battle. She sold her property and using that money, she took her five children to Afgooye. There, her family in Hargeisa sent her $50, that she used to travel to Mogadishu. She joined friends who helped her, giving her a room and paying her rent of $5 per month. Still, she needed more money in order to survive, so her family in Hargeisa sold two of their animals to get $80 to send to her. With this, she opened a fruit and vegetable shop. However, when her friends saw that she had a business, they did not want to pay her rent anymore – so again, she became stuck financially. She explained that she tried to send her children to an Islamic studies centre, telling the centre that she would pay when she got money. She linked up with a local shop to ensure that when she was short of money, she could access some food for her children. She said that she feeds her children one meal per day, as this is all she can afford.

Stigma Wives who came to Mogadishu said that when they first arrived, they experienced stigma, due to the fact that they were al-Shabaab wives. One said, “At the start they used to fear me, and I used to fear them. Later they became friendly.” Another added, “At the beginning, in the camp, people were not welcoming to us, because we were from al-Shabaab territory. After a while they warmed up to us. In my new home, people treat me okay.”

One woman said, “When you come to the IDP camp in Mogadishu, usually, the community asks you where you are from and where your husband is. If you say that your husband has died or that you are from a certain area, people assume that you are al-Shabaab. Then they back away and won’t help you.” She lives alone in an IDP camp with her children. Notably, she credits her participation in a rehabilitation programme with reducing the levels of stigma she experiences. “It’s easier now, because they know that I went to the rehabilitation programme and they trust me.” Another said, “I feared going out because people would think I was from al-Shabaab territory. I was fearing both there and here now. They were fearing because I am from al-Shabaab territory.” In some areas, the stigma was bad enough that women chose to move. “After I came to my grandmother, it didn’t feel safe to stay with her, because of community stigma. I went from my grandmother’s place to the IDP camp.”

Women even suffer stigma and mistrust from within their own families. One woman came to Mogadishu to live with her aunt. “My aunt was fearing from me because she said, ‘You are from al-Shabaab territory. You are al-Shabaab. You are carrying their ideology.’”

Sexual exploitation Women escaping al-Shabaab are highly vulnerable – often alone, poor, with few contacts and therefore rife for exploitation. Interviewees described al-Shabaab wives being victimised – sometimes with sexual violence. A key informant said, “Al-Shabaab women are raped in the IDP camps. Every now and then you hear stories.” Another agreed, “Al-Shabaab wives who run to IDP camps are unsafe and vulnerable to attacks. They are vulnerable to rapes.”

A reason given for this, is that men are aware that these women are unable to report incidents, as they are afraid of the authorities and the law – given their status as militants’ wives. “A woman, after a week in the camp, was raped. She was not able to report it because of fear of the law.” Community members reportedly exploit these women, preying on the fact that they are afraid of the authorities and therefore helpless. “They are exploited for illegal purpose. Some people threaten them with jail and with reporting them to the police, because of the fact that they were former al-Shabaab, if they don’t do something for them. She doesn’t know the law. She has no connections in Mogadishu. She has fear. She has financial problems. This causes her to accept anything.”

One 17-year-old girl had been badly abused by her al-Shabaab husband. Her grandmother snuck her away one night, taking her to a camp in Mogadishu. There, she lived with her grandmother and her grandmother’s husband – with them sleeping in a hut and the girl sleeping outside. The grandmother was also abusive, saying, “If you speak up, I’ll report you to the government, telling them you are al-Shabaab.” There were men around the camp who raped the girl, who was sleeping outside. She couldn’t do anything to stop this – as her grandmother said that if she spoke up, she’d report her to the authorities. A key informant explained, “This young lady cannot go to al-Shabaab area because her husband will kill her and if she stays and complains, her grandmother will report her.”

Fear of al-Shabaab Women were questioned about whether al-Shabaab, or their al-Shabaab husbands, had tried to retaliate against them for leaving. One said, “I turned off my phone and changed my number when I got out.” Many women said the same thing. A woman said, “Before I got here, I was so scared. I was sure I would get into trouble.” Another said, “I was afraid of al-Shabaab, because they were not happy that I came to an IDP camp in Mogadishu. They believe people in Mogadishu are all Christians.” Another added, “When we were in al-Shabaab territory, we felt secure because he was in the group. When we left that area, we felt insecure.”

One woman described fearing an al-Shabaab presence in the IDP camps in Mogadishu. “In the camp I suspected a man. I spoke to his wife and asked her what her husband does and why he is seldom home. His wife said that he works for an electric company. I informed the district security. Soldiers came and searched his house and caught him. I didn’t feel safe, because I gave information to the government. I couldn’t sleep. I told his wife, ‘Please do not give anyone my name and number. I don’t want trouble.’ Even his wife did not know that I am the one who gave the government this information. The wife did not know he was in al- Shabaab. She thought he had another wife.”

Programming for wives

There is a shortage of programming and assistance available for al-Shabaab wives. This was mentioned by almost every former wife interviewed. Women said that they were desperate for assistance and would welcome any programming that could be made available for them.

Over the past years, there have been a few programmes and pilots for al-Shabaab women, including pilots run by the International Organisation for Migration, in Mogadishu, Baidoa and Kismayo. The pilots in Baidoa and Kismayo have now been extended into programmes for women.

Wives interviewed were all in agreement about the need for programming. “Yes, we need a center, to help us establish livelihood skills. Because us and our husbands are not working.” When questioned about the types of help they needed, women focused largely on their need for material support – rather than for any type of rehabilitation offering. An interviewee said, “Their children need milk, rent, food, education. They need money.” Someone else said, “Women join al-Shabaab because they have no education, no job opportunities, no facilities. So you must help them by giving them these things.” Some male defectors agreed with the need to assist wives economically. A high level former al-Shabaab member in Baidoa, said that instead of rehabilitating women, “… just support women with financial support and education. Women have children and their husbands have been killed. They do not have any support.”

A key informant noted that the geographic gaps in current programming were problematic. “Women have to go to Kismayo or Baidoa where they will get support. Otherwise they will get no support. Regardless if the women are in a liberated area or not, they get channelled to Baidoa or Kismayo.” This is not cost effective, sustainable, or preferable, as women should ideally receive reintegration support close to their homes and families – rather than in cities which they have no connections to.

Lessons learned from the women’s pilots In carrying out this research, twelve women were interviewed who had been part of the Mogadishu pilot, funded by the IOM and implemented by the Somali National Women Organisation. Interviews were also conducted with staff who ran the pilot, including management, social workers and teachers. While this report will not summarise their programming methods, it will highlight some lessons learned, that might be valuable for future programming.

The Mogadishu pilot ran for nine months (March to November 2019) and assisted 50 women. Staff estimated that about twenty percent of beneficiaries were women actively involved with al-Shabaab and eighty percent were wives of militants – including a few wives married to defectors at Serendi rehabilitation centre. This day-programme provided rehabilitation, psychosocial support, religious and vocational training and community reintegration assistance to women. A network of women’s organisations identified al-Shabaab women within their communities, relying on their contacts within communities, and beneficiaries were selected using a set of selection criteria. The full cohort began and completed the programme at the same time. The following are some lessons learned:

Overcoming fear and building trust at start of the programme: Both staff and beneficiaries said that at the start of the programme, there was a good deal of fear. Al- Shabaab wives were afraid to join the programme and programme staff were afraid of the al- Shabaab women. At the start, beneficiaries did not trust those running the programme. Many were concerned that the programme was connected to government and that promises of participation were being used to get them to come forward, to be arrested for their connection to al-Shabaab.

One wife explained, “I wanted help, but I was fearing. I was not feeling safe. When I joined the programme, I didn’t know about the programme. I was scared that these people would take me to the government or kill me. When I came here, I realised it is different to what people had told me about the government.” Another said, “I was so scared that I’d end up in jail, killed or in trouble.” Another noted, “We were afraid of the programme. We did not know if they would hand us over to government and arrest us. After a while, I felt more comfortable.”

Staff of the programme explained, “They were scared to come into the office and to look at the president’s picture. They didn’t want anything to do with the government.” Another said, “They were afraid that the government would put them in jail. The first two months they were in the programme, they were afraid. They were not sharing anything. They did not believe that they were being given rehabilitation.” Another added, “They were afraid to show their face to us for more than two months. When they first came, they were different to us. They were dressed in full cover. They thought that we were non-believers and godless. They didn’t trust us.” Just as beneficiaries were afraid of the staff, staff were afraid of the beneficiaries. “At the start, we were afraid to interact with them. We were afraid, because we didn’t know about their background.”

Women in the programme also feared each other. One beneficiary explained, “At the beginning I was fearing a lot. The ladies escaped from al-Shabaab. We didn’t know each other. We didn’t know if one of the women was hiding something, and on a mission, or whether they were telling the truth that they wanted to leave it behind. We as the ladies were not comfortable with each other.”

Using religion: Programme staff said that their most successful strategy for addressing this, was using religion. “To make them comfortable we started talking to them about religion. We conducted orientation activities around religion.” The staff took them through a process of changing the way they understand religion – moving from al-Shabaab’s extreme interpretations, towards more moderate views. A staff member said, “At the start it was hard to change their mentality. But later, they started to accept it. At one event, the teacher was talking about the Koran. A girl stepped up and said that his interpretation is wrong. They had a three-hour discussion. At the end she said she understood that it was different. Women in al-Shabaab – the only way their mentality can be changed is through religion, because religion is the reason they joined al-Shabaab.”

Day programme: Programming for male defectors is residential; men enter a facility where they live for the duration of the programme (nine to twelve months). Programmes for women have tended towards a day programme model. The Mogadishu programme was a day programme, which women attended three days a week, during working hours. At first the programme ran for five days a week, but they found that as these women had no one supporting them and no one to care for their children, they could not manage five days. This was reduced to three days a week, which was found to be more successful.

Children: The main reason women’s programmes have tended towards day programming, is that many of these women have children. In Somalia women are primarily responsible for childcare – meaning they cannot leave their children for the duration of a residential programme, as men can. Interviewees emphasized that women will not go anywhere without their children. If programmes do not make provision for children, women are unlikely to take up their offerings.

Even with a day programme, childcare was an issue. In the Mogadishu pilot, the need for child-care stood in the way of some women attending, so a day-care was established to allow the women to take part.

Financial support: Some financial support was provided to beneficiaries during the programme, as well as the start-up money for small businesses. This was extremely important to beneficiaries. Beneficiaries were also provided with training on handicraft-type skills and on how to run small businesses. This financial help was what they most badly needed. “I really got help and was happy when I got here. When we joined here, we used to get $80 per month. We got $700 microfinance when we left, to start a business. I sent my children to school. I had ten children, who are all with me.”

Education: Women were provided with classes on literacy and numeracy. These were seen as important, as women came out of al-Shabaab territory lacking basic skills. These were skills required to support themselves after leaving the programme.

Relying on women’s networks: Interviewees explained that women’s organisations and networks are important for locating women to join programmes. “Al-Shabaab women are often hidden women. But women’s networks know about these hidden women. Women’s networks are often undermined.” Women’s organisations can be relied on for implementing programming, rather than needing to build tailor-built centres, as has been done for male defectors.

Stigma: One problem with establishing programming for al-Shabaab wives, is that this can expose women to stigma. A key informant said, “I’m not sure that a women’s center is the best way forward. Women who were in al-Shabaab often prefer that fact to remain hidden. Being hidden prevents stigma.” Another agreed, “Women should not be invisible, but they should be hidden.” Interviewees warned of the need to ensure that programming for women is kept secret so as not to expose the identities of women.

However interestingly, staff of the women’s pilot in Mogadishu said that they felt that not only had their programme not created stigma, but rather, their programme had had the result of reducing the stigma these women were experiencing in their communities. Some interviewees confirmed that once people in their communities knew that they were taking part in rehabilitation programming, they began to trust them more and their suspicions about them began to wane.

Bringing more women back from al-Shabaab territory A number of al-Shabaab wives said that if there was programming available for women, many other wives would come forward. Many of the women who took part in the Mogadishu pilot said they knew other women who would gladly take part in a programme, if it were offered. “I know of other women who would join if there were a programme running for women. I know

about five. These other five women are all here in Mogadishu. Most of them have children, so they are having life difficulties, with no support. Some live in IDP camps and some with family.” Another said, “People hear that I am part of the programme and they reach out to me and ask me to help them reach the programme.” Another beneficiary said, “After starting my business, I got calls from people I left behind, asking me to connect them with the people from the programme, because I have been so successful. These are women who have run away and are now here.”

Women also said that other wives would leave al-Shabaab territory, if they knew they would be assisted. “There are lots of women we know who want to leave al-Shabaab. They’re in touch with us to ask what is the life here like. If there was assistance they would come. These are wives of al-Shabaab, who have been neglected there, like us.” Another said, “We know lots of women we left behind who are in desperate conditions. If we speak out, they will hear and come.”

Wives described the pressure of being contacted by women in al-Shabaab territory, asking for help. “Two women called me from Hurduur about joining the programme. But I changed my number, as I did not want them to contact me. I cannot support them. If they come here, they will come to my home and I cannot support them, so I did not want them to rely on me for help.” This woman said that it would be easier if there was a place she could refer them to for assistance. Staff members of the programme also got calls from al-Shabaab territory. “We were getting calls from women asking to join. When I get calls, I get fear. Women are calling and saying, ‘I’m from al-Shabaab and I want to join the programme.’”

Importantly, some male defectors said that having a facility for wives could lead to more men defecting. An interviewee explained, “An al-Shabaab man with a wife will not defect if there is nothing for his wife and family.” Another said, “If they have a centre for women, this will lead to more defection of men. Because if a woman leaves the group and is in the centre, then she will force you to come in and be part of it. Otherwise there will be a family break. She has the children. Otherwise she might request a divorce, which they don’t want.” Ensuring that families and wives are taken care of, should be a key component of a multi- faceted strategy to encourage male defection.

Conclusions

This report demonstrates the varied experiences of al-Shabaab wives. Some had been radicalised and shared their husbands’ vision and fervour. Some were vehemently against their husband’s participation, doing all they could to dissuade them. Others claimed to know nothing about their husband’s militant activities.

Regardless, many of these women found themselves vulnerable as a result of their husbands’ enlistment – and more so, as a result of deciding to leave. Leaving al-Shabaab, and al- Shabaab husbands, is fraught with challenges. Many wives left suddenly, telling no one, often with little money, no family to go to and no support. In new cities, these women begin rebuilding their lives, weary of the shadow their pasts cast up on them.

These women require assistance. Yet to date, there has been little of this available, as programming has focussed on al-Shabaab’s men – those seen to provide the greatest threat to Somalia’s security. However, it is important to understand how wives form a part of this

picture, and how they too, will have a bearing on the success of the defector’s programme. It is only by addressing the full picture, including that of al-Shabaab’s wives, that the struggle against this group will be won.

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