11. »Sometimes I Live in the Country, Sometimes I Live in Town« Von Folklore Zu Folk

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11. »Sometimes I Live in the Country, Sometimes I Live in Town« Von Folklore Zu Folk 11. »Sometimes I Live in the Country, Sometimes I Live in Town« Von Folklore zu Folk Katrin Horn »Sometimes I live in the country / Sometimes I live in town« ist eine Text­ zeile aus dem Song »Goodnight, Irene«, der wie kaum ein anderer mit der Geschichte und Entwicklung der US-amerikanischen Folk-Tradition verbunden ist. 1933 wurde »Goodnight, Irene« von Hudson »Huddie« William Ledbetter (1989-1949), besser bekannt als Lead Belly,1 gesungen und vom Musikforscher und -Sammler Alan Lomax (1915-2002) aufge­ zeichnet, als Lomax in ländlichen Gefängnissen mit hauptsächlich afro­ amerikanischen Insassen nach nicht durch kommerzielle Musik verun­ reinigtem Stimmen und Liedern suchte. Als weitverbreitetes Volkslied ohne bekannten Autor, jedoch Stil prägend vorgetragen von einem Blu­ esmusiker und aufgezeichnet von einem Forscher auf der Suche nach den Wurzeln US-amerikanischer Musik, vereinigt »Goodnight, Irene« viele der charakteristischen Merkmale von Folk Music2 in sich: anonyme Au­ torschaft mit Wurzeln in angelsächsischer Tradition, Einflüsse von Ins- trumentierungs- und Aufführungspraktiken aus unterschiedlichen Kul­ 1 Häufig auch »Leadbelly«. Die hier verwendete Schreibweise orientiert sich an der von Lead Belly selbst bevorzugten Schreibweise sowie an den Veröffentlichungen der Folkways-Reihe des Smithsonian Institute. 2 Im Englischen bezeichnet »folk« sowohl die Volksliedtradition als auch moder­ ne, neu komponierte und kommerziell vertriebene Musik, die auf diese zurückgeht und zumeist in der Singer-Songwriter-Tradition von Bob Dylan, Joni Mitchell und anderen steht. Um in der deutschen Übersetzung klarer zu unterscheiden, wird mit Folk im Folgenden nur letzteres bezeichnet, während die eigentliche »Volkstra­ dition« als Folklore bezeichnet wird. 272 Katrin Horn turkreisen und erstmalige Verschriftlichung und Aufzeichnung in einem eher ethnografischen als kommerziellen Kontext. Trotz des ländlichen Hintergrunds ist »Goodnight, Irene« allerdings kein Phänomen, das nur »in the country« stattfand. Sinnbildlich für die urbane Aneignung der Folkloretradition insgesamt steht die Coverversi­ on der Band The Weavers, die 1950 mit dem Song einen Nummer-eins- Hit landeten. Ihre nachfolgende Karriere war nur von kurzer Dauer, da sie im Zuge der »Red Scare« der 1950er Jahre aufgrund ihrer Nähe zu kommunistischen Gruppen teilweise vor dem House Committee on Un- American Activities (HUAC) erscheinen mussten und im Anschluss auf die Schwarze Liste gesetzt wurden. Die Weavers repräsentieren somit bei­ de gegenläufigen Entwicklungen des Genres während des Folk Revivals nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg: Politisierung in der Tradition von Woody Guthrie (1912-1967) zum einen und Kommerzialisierung zum anderen. Bestes Beispiel für letztere war das Kingston Trio, welches 1958 mit seiner Version eines weiteren Volksliedes, »Tom Dooley«, Platz 1 der Pop-Charts erreichte. »Tom Dooley« gehört zu den in der angelsächsischen Balladen­ tradition verbreiteten Murder Ballads und fällt somit schon textlich aus der Reihe der Liebeslieder, die, wie Conway Twittys »It s Only Make Belie- ve«, die 1958er Pop-Charts ansonsten prägten. Auch »Goodnight, Irene« enthielt selbst in der durch die Weavers von Referenzen auf Drogenmiss­ brauch befreiten Version noch sperrige und Charts-untypische Textzeilen wie »Sometimes I have a great notion / To jump into the river and drown«. Nichtsdestotrotz wurde der Song in der Folge wiederholt von so unter­ schiedlichen Sängerinnen und Sängern wie Frank Sinatra, Johnny Cash und Dusty Springfield interpretiert. Der Erfolg des Kingston Trios und der Weavers mit diesen Volkslied­ adaptionen läutete das Urban Folk Revival ein, welches Ende der 1950er Jahre den Gegenpol zum Rock’n’Roll darstellte, respektive an seine Erfolge anknüpfte, insofern die Fans aus ähnlichen sozialen Schichten stammten: junge Angehörige der urbanen Mittelklasse mit zumeist europäischen und angelsächsischen Wurzeln. Mit akustischen Instrumenten - allen voran Banjo und Gitarre, jedoch auch typischen Instrumenten der Appalachen3 3 Ein Gebirgszug im Osten der USA, der sich in Nord-Süd-Richtung über mehrere Staaten erstreckt und aufgrund seiner frühen Besiedlung in Verbindung mit relati­ ver Abgeschiedenheit von urbanen Zentren als besonders interessant für als typisch US-amerikanisch wahrgenommene kulturelle Formen gilt. Von Folklore zu Folk 273 wie Autoharp und Dulcimer - und sperrigen, teils politischen, teils auf tradierten Balladen basierten Texten wurde Folk, verkörpert insbesondere von Bob Dylan (geb. 1941) und Joan Baez (geb. 1941), zum Soundtrack so­ wohl eines neuen Lebensgefühls als auch zahlreicher Protestbewegungen wie des Civil Rights Movements und der Anti-Kriegs- sowie Anti-Atom­ demonstrationen. Explizit nicht als Tanzmusik, sondern als Medium mit ernstem Anspruch und häufig sozio-politischer Aussage positioniert, war Folk auf Festivals und Kundgebungen eher zu Hause als in Bars und Clubs. Entsprechend unterscheidet sich die vokale Gestaltung von Folk von der ihr in Instrumentierung (Gitarre, Geige) und geografischen wie sozialem Ursprung nahestehenden Country Music. Zwar teilen Folk und Coun- try die klare Artikulation der Texte, anders als Country ist Folk jedoch einerseits geprägt von hellen, klaren Stimmen - gerade bei weiblichen Stars -, die von der unbegleiteten Balladentradition der Appalachen (01- son 2011:106) zeugen, sowie andererseits von Songs mit narrativem und politischem Fokus, welcher sich in einer eher deklamierenden als emotio­ nal expressiven vokalen Gestaltung niederschlägt. Roots of Roots Music: Folklore im Folk Folk Music - genauer definiert von Kip Lornell (2012:82) als »Anglo- American secular folk music« - wird häufig (zusammen mit Country Mu­ sic) auch als »roots music« bezeichnet. Beide Begriffe, »folk« ebenso wie »root«, unterstreichen den vermeintlich >ursprünglichen<, volksnahen Charakter des Genres und die Abtrennung von kommerziellen musikali­ schen Strukturen beziehungsweise die enge Bindung an distinkt US-ame­ rikanische Traditionen. Für Bill C. Malone (2004:114) liegt der Reiz dieser Musik darin, dass sie gleichzeitig »die Wurzeln, aus denen sich unsere Kultur entwickelt hat« repräsentiert und eine Alternative darstellt zu »an­ deren, mutmaßlich seelenlosen Musikstilen«.4 Die Wurzeln dieser Vorstel­ lung von Roots Music liegen im aufkeimenden volkskundlichen Interesse an der Kultur der USA um 1900. Sogenannte »song collectors« begannen Musik zu sammeln, welche sich - so ihre Überzeugung - in entlegenen 4 »Appalachian music simultaneously suggests the roots from which our culture evolved and Stands as an alternative to other presumably soulless musical styles that have become dominant in populär culture« (Malone 2004:114). 274 Katrin Horn ländlichen Gegenden, vorwiegend den Appalachen, unberührt von popu­ lären Einflüssen entwickelt beziehungsweise erhalten hatte und so Aus­ kunft geben konnte über die Ursprünge US-amerikanischer Kultur. Der Ansporn zur Sammlung solcher Lieder (zunächst lediglich als Liedtext ohne Notation der Melodie) lag meist in der Angst begründet, dieses kul­ turelle Erbe würde im Zuge der Verbreitung populärer Musik in Verges­ senheit geraten. Die Voreingenommenheit der frühen Liedsammler und -Sammlerinnen führte jedoch dazu, dass bis in die 1930er Jahre nur solche Musik als Folklore anerkannt und gesammelt wurde, welche sich auf die englische Balladentradition vor dem 19. Jahrhundert zurückführen ließ. Sowohl afroamerikanische als auch indigene Einflüsse und Ausrichtun­ gen (beispielsweise Spirituals) sowie sperrige oder anstößige Elemente in angloamerikanischen Balladen (wie sexuelle Anspielungen) oder >jüngere< Folklore (wie die Cowboy-Songs, die sich im Westen der USA tradierten), wurden aus dem um 1910 entstehenden Kanon ausgegrenzt. Maßgeb­ lich geformt wurde dieser eng gefasste Kanon von Francis James Child (1825-1896), Professor für Englisch an der Harvard University, und dem englischen Sammler Cecil James Sharp (1859-1924). Childs Sammlung, die 305 Lieder umfasst, wurde so einflussreich, dass bis heute Balladen der englischen und schottischen Tradition nach seiner Unterteilung und Nummerierung benannt werden (beispielsweise »Geordie«, Child 209; in­ terpretiert u.a. von Joan Baez). Cecil Sharp sammelte zwischen 1916 und 1918 Folklore in den Appalachen, konzentrierte sich jedoch stark auf den >Nachweis< der Verbreitung von Child-Balladen (Filene 2000:21), was sich auch im Titel seines daraus entstandenen Buches niederschlägt: English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians. 1910 unternahm John A. Lo- max (1867-1948) einen ersten, zunächst erfolglosen Versuch, den Kanon aufzubrechen. Er veröffentlichte Cowboy Songs and Other Frontier Ballads: mostly drawn from scrapbooks, newspapers, and the responses he had re- ceived from the thousand circulars he had mailed. [...] In contrast to Child and Sharp [...] Lomax pointed toward a recent, indigenously American vernacular-music tradition. (Filene 2000:32-33)5 5 Für eine nähere Auseinandersetzung mit der Segregation von Folklore im Zuge der Sammlung und Kommerzialisierung des Genres siehe Karl Hagstrom Millers Segregating Sound> in dem er anschaulich nachzeichnet, wie die Musik des Südens bis 1920 - wie er es ausdrückt - »developed a color line« (2010:2): »Through a pro- Von Folklore zu Folk 275 Ein weiterer wichtiger Unterschied zu seinen Vorgängern war Lomax’ Praxis, unterschiedliche Varianten desselben Songs miteinander zu kom­ binieren, statt die diversen Versionen in ihrer Vielfalt zu erhalten. Dar­ über hinaus begann Lomax bei späteren
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