Television Advertising in House, Senate, and Presidential Races

chapter5 Television Advertising in House, Senate, and Presidential Races In the previous chapters, political advertisements in the 2000 elections have been analyzed according to the different content of ads (use of magic words, thematic focus, mention of candidate, etc.) and different types of advertisers (candidates, party committees, and groups). This chapter examines how ads varied across different races—House, Senate, and presidential—as well as how factors such as incumbency and competitiveness came into play in those contests. 38. OVERVIEW CONTROLLING THE DEBATE ON THE AIR he overall amount of money spent on television ad aking all ads and ad sponsors together, candidates T buys in the battle for the presidency, the Senate, and T were responsible for the majority of political televi- the House (excluding genuine issue ads) was $578,147,606, sion ads aired in the 2000 federal races. Party commit- and this money was spent nearly equally across the three tees ran second and independent groups third. Parties types of races. About 36.6% was spent on the presiden- ran no ads in the primary elections, but were crucial play- tial election, 36.9% on the Senate elections, and 27.5% ers in the general elections at each level—House, Senate on the House elections. In terms of absolute numbers of and presidential. However, the ability of candidates to air spots, 38.7% of the ads targeted the presidential race, the vast majority of ads in their race, and thus control 30.6% of the ads targeted the Senate races, and 30.6% of the debate on the airwaves, varied widely across different the ads targeted House elections. offices. With the Republican Party determined to hold on to The ad war for the presidency was fought not just by its majorities in both the House and the Senate, and the the candidates but by their parties and by interest groups. Democratic Party similarly focused on picking up enough As noted in Chapter Four, candidates were the sponsors of seats to reclaim their majority status, both parties clearly the majority of ads in the presidential primary and general recognized the importance of winning key Senate and elections combined, but only barely. In the presidential House races. As such, the political players were greatly race, candidate spending amounted to 52.3% of the total, concerned with the House and Senate elections, to say while party spending amounted to 39.6% of the total and nothing of the presidential election. groups accounted for 8.1%. 300,000 Total Number of Airings: 845,923 Total Spent: $628,655,572 247,206 219,707 203,468 200,000 100,000 67,724 53,985 33,985 19,795 0 Number of Airings Pr Pr Senate-GeneralSenate-PrimaryHouse-GeneralHouse-PrimarOther $167,477,567esidential-General$38,208,991esidential-Primary$176,577,157 $37,049,737 $147,466,730 $11,367,424 $49,115,917 Election y Figure 5-1. Magnitude of Television Advertising in Federal Elections, 2000 Calendar Year CHAPTER 5. TELEVISION ADVERTISING IN HOUSE, SENATE, AND PRESIDENTIAL RACES 39. $100,000,000 Total Spending: $167,477,567 $81,439,726 $80,000,000 $70,839,767 $60,000,000 $40,000,000 $20,000,000 $15,198,074 $0 Candidat Party Gr oup e Figure 5-2. Media Buys in the Presidential General Election by Candidates, Parties, and Groups Number of Airings Col % Sum Presidential: Candidate 153,662 51.0 $107,502,904 Party 123,360 41.0 $81,439,726 Group 24,169 8.0 $16,743,928 Table Total 301,191 100.0 $205,686,558 Senate: Candidate 169,391 71.3 $165,241,482 Party 53,052 22.3 $37,531,627 Group 15,010 6.3 $10,853,785 Table Total 237,453 100.0 $213,626,894 House: Candidate 144,632 60.7 $90,993,439 Party 53,468 22.4 $43,107,957 Group 40,366 16.9 $24,732,758 Table Total 238,466 100.0 $158,834,154 Figure 5-3. Advertising Spots and Spending in Presidential, Senate, and House Elections, by Advertiser 40. BUYING TIME 2000 Any picture of the presidential election would be incom- spending decrease. While they accounted for 77.4% of plete if it did not include the major role soft money played the spending in 2000, in 1998, Senate general election in the presidential election of 2000. The bulk of soft candidates accounted for 85% of the spending in their money was raised and allocated by the national party com- races. Parties accounted for 14.5% and groups just 0.5% mittees to be spent primarily in support of or opposition in 1998. to the presidential candidates. As discussed in Chapter Groups achieved their largest percentage of spending Seven, with the influx of large soft money contributions and airings in the combined primary and general House from business interests, labor unions, and wealthy indi- elections, where they accounted for 15.6% of the spend- viduals, television spending by the major parties reached ing and 16.9% of the airings. This share was approximately $162 million in 2000, more than $81 million of which was the same as in 1998 when groups were responsible for spent on advertising in the presidential general election 15% of the House general election spending and 14.5% of alone. the airings. Groups spent just under $25 million in 2000, For the first time in history, party spending surpassed roughly comparable to their combined spending in the candidate spending on ads in the presidential general elec- Senate and presidential races ($28 million). House candi- tion. Including in the totals spending by minor candidates dates accounted for a slightly larger share of the airings and parties like the Reform Party, the Green party, and the than the presidential candidates did in their races, with Libertarian Party, candidates barely account for a major- House candidates paying for 57.3% of the ad spending, ity of ads aired: 51% versus 41% by the parties and 8% and garnering 60.7% of the airings (see Figure 5-3). But by groups. But when the field is limited to the major party these figures represented a decrease from the 1998 gen- candidates—Bush and Gore—and the parties and groups eral election, when House candidates accounted for 69% who supported them, there is a very different picture. The of the ad spending in their races and 72% of the airings. candidates account for only 42% of the ad spending in In terms of group advertisements, overall television their contest, compared to 49% by the parties and 9% by advertising by groups in the 2000 elections showed little groups. In terms of dollars, the major parties spent $81 partisan favoritism. Aggregate group spending was roughly million in the presidential general election, while candi- comparable for Democratic and Republican candidates dates spent $69 million. Thus, the party coffers, loaded in all races combined. However, when broken down by with soft money, played an especially potent role in the level of office, group spending showed a heavy Demo- Bush-Gore battle (see Figure 5-2). cratic tilt in the presidential race, and moderate favorit- This balance of spending could suggest that presiden- ism for Republicans in both the House and Senate races. tial candidates are losing control over their campaigns, or Remarkably, the Democratic bias among group advertis- it could suggest that the candidates are relying more on ing in the presidential race amounted to more than $3 the party to do their advertising. This second hypothesis is spent for Democrats for every $1 spent for Republicans more credible, since even before President Clinton began (see Figure 5-4). directing the DNC advertising campaign outright in 1995 Apparently, much of these partisan discrepancies in and 1996, candidates controlled the design and scope of group support between level of offices can be attributed party advertising campaigns beyond the extent to which to the respective financial resources of the other players they are permitted by law. Thus while the major candi- in the election—specifically, the candidates and parties. dates were outspent by their parties in the presidential Most Republican-leaning group spending was done in the ad war, it is reasonable to assume that many, if not most, primary election, helping Bush overcome the challenge of the party ads were done at the direction of the candi- from John McCain. Once Bush received the nomination, dates. group support for Republican candidates shifted to the Candidates dominated the airwaves to a far greater congressional races. Both the Bush campaign and the extent in the combined primary and general elections Republican Party significantly outspent their rivals in of Senate races, where they accounted for 77.4% of the the presidential general election—58.6% Republican to spending and 71.3% of the airings. The scope of party 41.4% Democratic for candidates, and 56.4% Republi- and group spending was far smaller: parties accounted can to 43.6% Democratic for parties. Meanwhile, Demo- for 17.6% of the spending and 22.3% of the ads; groups cratic candidates and parties outspent their rivals in both accounted for just 5.1% of the spending and 6.3% of the the House and Senate general elections by roughly the airings. But even as the overall cost and magnitude of same proportions. Accordingly, in what appears to have Senate ads increased from $103 million in the 1998 gen- been a tacit understanding among candidates, parties, eral elections to $213 million in the 2000 primaries and and groups—if not outright illegal coordination—group general elections, candidates saw their share of the total spending followed the shortfall of their favored party.

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