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http://www.jstor.org THEARCHIVES OF THE PANAFRICANIST CONGRESSAND THEBLACK CONSCIOUSNESS- ORIENTATEDMOVEMENTS1

BROWN BAVUSILEMAABA GOVANMBEKI RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENTCENTRE UNIVERSITYOF FORT HARE

I

On 19 September1998, ProfessorSibusiso Bhengu, the SouthAfrican Ministerof Education,officially opened the NationalArts and Heri- tage CulturalCentre (NAHECS) archives at the Universityof Fort Hare. This archivehouses documentationfrom three formerlibera- tion movements:the Pan AfricanistCongress of Azania,the Azanian People'sOrganization and the Black ConsciousnessMovement of Azania. Bhengu,from 1991 to 1994 the first black rector of Fort Hare,had signaleda new era for the university. It was duringBhengu's administration that the universityreceived ANC archivaldocuments, firstly from the SolomonMahlangu Free- dom College(SOMAFCO), the ANC school in Tanzaniaduring the exile periodbetween 1978 and 1992, followed by other documents from ANC missionsin differentparts of the world.2 The arrivalof

'I would like to especially thank Prof. Sean Morrow, formerlyDirector of the Govan Mbeki Researchand DevelopmentCentre, now Departmentof History, Universityof Fort Hare, and Prof. Tim Stapleton,Trent University,Canada, for their advice. I would also like to thankthe staff of the National Arts and Cultural Centre (NAHECS)for making researchmaterial available, and for their com- ments. These includeProf. ThembaSirayi, the Director,and the archivists,Festus Khayundi,Noludwe Lupuwana,and PunkyKwatsha. Thanks also for comments from BulelwaMetuse. 2Forthe ANC Archiveslodged at Fort Hare see T. Stapletonand I. Maamoe, "An Overview of the African National Congress Archives at the Universityof Fort Hare," HA 25 (1998), 413-22. See also: S. Morrow,B. Maaba, and L. Pulumani, "RevolutionarySchooling? Studying the SolomonMahlangu Freedom College, the African National Congress LiberationSchool in , 1978-1992," paper submittedfor publicationin Social Dynamics.

History in Africa 28 (2001), 417-438. 418 Brown BavusileMaaba these sources,which are lodged in the UniversityLibrary, was fol- lowed by the officialopening of the ANC archiveson 17 March1996 by Deputy PresidentThabo Mbeki of behalf of Nelson Mandela. Evenbefore they were officiallyopened, the universityhad begunto receivescholars who combed the documentsin an effort to recon- structthe historyof the exiledliberation movements. Fort Hare histo- riansalso utilizedthe archives.3 The presenceof the ANC archivesat Fort Hare seemsto have in- spiredMbulelo Mzamane, Bhengu's successor as Vice Chancellor,to statethat FortHare should be a homefor all SouthAfrican liberation movements'archival material. Soon, sourcesfrom the threeliberation movementswere sent to the universityand the formerCentre for Cul- tural Studies(CCS), now NAHECS,took chargeof the documents. Whilethese paperswere being sortedout, a buildingwas beingcon- structedon campusto housethe papers.4 In what appearedto be a repeatof the scene at FreedomSquare when the first consignmentof ANC papersarrived, dignitaries, stu- dents and universityofficials watched, on 17 February1997, as the Premierof the EasternCape, Arnold Stofile, who is also a Fort Hare alumnus,turned the sod at the site where the new buildingwas to stand.By the end of 1997 the buildingwas ready.With the archives of Fort Hare itself, unorganizedas they are, the ANC archives,and the joint PAC, AZAPO and BCM archives under NAHECS,Fort Harehas becomea majorcenter for researchinto the historyof South Africanliberation.s

3See as well L.B. Maaba, "The Students of Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College, 1978-1992" (M.A., , 1999); idem., "The Social Life of the Students of Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College, 1978-1992," paper presented at the Govan Mbeki Research and Development Centre Seminar Workshop, 22 March 2000; idem., "Historians Do You Us? The Photographs, Art and Artifacts of Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College, 1978-1992," unpublished paper; Mor- row/Maaba/Pulumani, "Revolutionary Schooling?"; Morrow/Maaba/Pulumani, "Education in Exile at Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College and Dakawa Devel- opment Centre, 1978-1992," forthcoming in P. Kallaway, ed., The History of Education Under Apartheid; S. Morrow, "The African National Congress Dakawa Development Centre in Tanzania, 1982-1992," African Affairs 97 (1998), 497-521. 41t should be noted that NAHECS has papers of some South African literary fig- ures, including A.C. Jordan and G. Mzamane, both renowned Xhosa writers, as well as the papers of political movements described in the present paper. Also in- cluded is a collection of Xhosa literature published by Lovedale Press and some of the original manuscripts of these books. sS. Morrow and Khayalethu Gxabalashe, "The Records of the University of Fort Hare," HA 27(2000), 481-97. Pan Africanist Congress and Black Consciousness Archives 419

II

Why should the liberation movements have chosen Fort Hare as a de- pository of their archival material? Before the establishment of Fort Hare in 1916, different types of missionary institutions had mush- roomed in southern Africa. Included was Lovedale Missionary Insti- tution, which was built on the east side of the Tyume River in the 1830s near the future Fort Hare. Around 1878 James Stewart, the Lovedale missionary and principal, suggested the idea of higher edu- cation for black students. However, Stewart'sdream of a higher insti- tute of learning never materialized in his lifetime, as Fort Hare was only established in 1916, 11 years after Stewart's death, under Alexander Kerr, the first principal of the institution. Among those who played an important role in assisting Kerr was D.D.T. Jabavu, the first black staff member in the institution, who taught courses in Latin and the Bantu languages. He was the son of John TenguJabavu, one of the founder members of the university, who was educated at Lovedale.6 From its establishment,Fort Hare experienced a number of phases, firstly as the South African Native College attached to the University of . In 1951 it acquired the status of the University Col- lege of Fort Hare by close association with Rhodes University. In 1960, as part of the rise of apartheid, it was brought under the Minis- try of Bantu Education, following the passing of the 1959 Promotion of Bantu Self GovernmentAct which marked separate development in South African educational institutions on ethnic lines.7In 1970, the university became independentand was granted the status of the Uni- versity of Fort Hare, but was controlled by the apartheid government. The winds of change that swept across the country in 1990, beginning with the release of Nelson Mandela and the unbanning of liberation movements, as well as the return of exiles, were felt in Ciskei when Lennox Sebe was overthrown by Brigadier Oupa Qgozo. At Fort Hare, the university council and six top administrators resigned.8 A new era had dawned for the university.

6For sources that touch on Jabavu see for example, C. Higgs, The Ghost of Equal- ity: The Public Lives of D.D.T Jabavu of South Africa, 1885-1959 (Athens, 1997); S.J. Ngqongqo, "Mpilo Walter Benson Rubusana, 1858-1910: The Making of the New Elite in the " (M.A., University of Fort Hare, 1996), Monica Wilson, ed., Freedom for My People. The Autobiography of Z.K. Mathews: Southern Africa, 1901 to 1968 (London, 1993). 7Morrow/Gxabalashe, "Records." 8Fort Hare Newsletter 1992, 4. 420 Brown BavusileMaaba

The appointmentof Bhengumarked the re-emergenceof the insti- tution fromapartheid and was soon followedby the appointmentof OliverTambo as the firstblack Chancellor of the Universityin 1991. In the early 1940s O.R. Tambohad beenexpelled from the university followinghis participationin studentpolitics. Tambo, however, was not the only renownedleader produced by this university,which was the cradlefor blackhigher education in southernAfrica and also at- tractedstudents from as far as Kenya.Included in these is Nelson Mandela,sentenced to life imprisonmentat the RivoniaTrial of 1964 and in 1994, firstpresident of a democratically-electedgovernment in SouthAfrica. From the liberationmovements whose archives are with NAHECScame leaders like RobertMmangaliso Sobukwe, founder of the PAC,who was imprisonedat RobbenIsland. He was a memberof the ANC youthleague at FortHare and Presidentof the StudentRep- resentativeCouncil in 1948.9Another was SabeloQqweta whose nom de guerrewas SabeloPhama. A FortHare student from 1971 untilhis expulsion in 1973 following a student strike, he later becamethe commanderof the AzaniaPeoples Liberation Army (APLA) and the PAC Secretaryof Defense.'l From the BlackConsciousness Move- mentcame the youngand militantBarney Pityana, one of the leading proponentsof the organizationin the early 1970s, exiled laterin the decade.11 Thereis no doubtthat FortHare managed to host the archivesbe- causeit is the oldestinstitution of higherlearning for blackpeople in southernAfrica and claims many famous graduates.Coupled with this is the fact that Fort Hare, or at least an importantsection of its students,have identifiedwith the historyof resistanceagainst apart- heidand indirectlyplayed an importantrole in the strugglefor libera- tion in Africa.Bhengu echoed this in his speech duringthe official

9B. Pogrund, Sobukwe and Apartheid (London, 1990). l'UFH NAHECS, Box 9. "The Biography of Comrade Sabelo (Victor Phama)." It was common in exile for those who left South Africa to use pseudonyms in an ef- fort to thwart the South African security forces. See, for instance, Shubin, ANC: A View from Moscow (Bellville, 1999); S. Ellis and T. Sechaba, Comrades Against Apartheid: the ANC and the South African Communist Party in Exile (London, 1992); Maaba/Morrow/Pulumani, "Education in Exile." " For sources on BCM see T. Sono, Reflections on the Origins of Black Conscious- ness in South Africa (Pretoria, 1993); B. Pityana et al, eds., Bounds of Possibility: The Legacy of Steve Biko and Black Consciousness (Claremont, 1991); R Fatton, Jr.. Black Consciousness in South Africa: The Dialectics of Ideological Resistance to White Supremacy (New York, 1986); A. Stubbs, ed., Steve Biko: I Write What I Like (New York, 1978), M. Mangena, On Your Own: Evolution of Black Con- sciousness in South Africa/Azania (Braamfontein, 1989). Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 421 openingof the NAHECSarchives. He assertedthat "[i]tis ... appro- priatethat the liberationarchives be housedat an academicinstitu- tion that history forged into the alma mater of our liberation struggle"and furtherasserted that "I believeFort Hare has beenpro- videdwith historicalammo [sic] and it shouldcontinue the job of lib- eration."12No wonderthat in 1996, duringthe alumnihomecoming ceremony,one of the veteransfrom Lesothourged his fellow alumni to "sendyour children to FortHare."'3 III

Politicswithin the ANC in the late 1950s werenot as stableas an on- looker might have thought.Within the ANC were those known as Africanists,advocates of BlackNationalism who saw the ANC as be- ing dominatedand controlledby communistsand white liberals.The Africanistsbelieved that the ANC was too moderatein its approach to the struggleagainst apartheid and criticizedthose who endorsed the ANC'sFreedom Charter, with its claimthat "SouthAfrica belongs to all who live in it."14These were led by Robert Mmangaliso Sobukweand often met in Dube, Soweto to discuss politics. The groupalso includedZephaniah Mothopeng, a teacherexpelled when BantuEducation was introduced,and whose life was characterizedby repeatedarrests, Peter Raboroko, also a teacherby profession,seen as the leadingexponent of Africanism,and PotlakoLeballo whose house in Dubewas usedfor politicaldiscussions. It was Sobukwe'sspeech in 1949, whilehe was the Presidentof the StudentRepresentative Coun- cil at Fort Hare, that many saw as planting the seeds of Pan- Africanismin SouthAfrica.Is After much soul-searching and tension,

'2Keynote Address by Prof. S.M.E. Bhengu, Minister of Education at the Inaugu- ral of the Centre for Cultural Studies, Fort Hare University, 19 September 1998. 13As part of the Fort Hare community, I was an eyewitness to this gathering. 14T.Lodge, "The Pan-Africanist Congress, 1959-1990" in I. Liebenberg et al, eds., The Long March: The Story of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa (Pretoria, 1994), 104-05. Very little has been written about the PAC but see T.G. Karis and G.M. Gerhart, eds., From Protest to Challenge: a Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1990: a Documentary Survey (Oxford, 1991); B. Pogrund, How Can a Man Die Better? The Life of Robert Sobukwe (Johannesburg, 1990); B. Leeman, "Africanist Political Movements in Lesotho and Azania (South Africa), 1980-1984: The Origins and History of the Basotholand Congress Party of Lesotho and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania" (PhD., Bremen University, 1984); idem., "The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania" in P. Alexander et al, eds., A Multi-Disciplinary Snapshot of the Continent in 1995 (Canberra, 1996); idem., Lesole la Mokhehle (n.p.,1991). '"Pogrund, Sobukwe and Apartheid, 67. 422 Brown BavusileMaaba the Africanists broke from the ANC in 1959 to form the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. However, the life span of the PAC as a movement operating freely was short-lived. Following the shooting of civilians in Sharpeville on 21 March 1960 in an anti-pass campaign organized by the PAC, po- litical organizations such as the PAC and ANC were banned and po- litically active individuals including Sobukwe were arrested. The PAC and the ANC entered a new era as many left the country to establish these organizations in exile. Leballo and others were among those who left South Africa to set up the PAC headquarters,first in Lesotho and then in Tanzania.16 The bulk of the primary sources below pertain to PAC activities, mostly between 1975 and 1994. Most of these sources shed light on PAC history in exile, as the organization only operated above ground for a period of a year. Most sources in this collection are in English, although in some in- stances, letters are written in two languages-for example, English and an African language. In a letter written in a mixture of Zulu and English, the Administrative Secretary of the PAC in Botswana, Joe Mkwanazi, is warned about possible attack by the South African se- curity forces.17Information about one mission is often to be found in the papers of another. For instance, Mfanasekhaya Gqobose, one of the founding members of the PAC, left South Africa in 1962 and went to Lesotho, where he served as Acting Treasurer- General. He was however, arrested in Lesotho by the government for his political ac- tivities and served a prison sentence from 1965 to 1967. He was even- tually expelled from Lesotho in 1970, together with other PAC mem- bers after the South African government put pressure on the Lesotho government.'8 Unfortunately, documents from the PAC Botswana mission have not yet been sent to Fort Hare. The Tanzania mission was set up in 1964 following the expulsion of the PAC from Lesotho.19

16Lodge, "Pan-Africanist Congress." '7UFH NAHECS, Tanzanian Mission, Box 9, Unidentified person to Joe Mkwanazi, 10 June 1986. Letters of this nature are also common in the ANC ar- chives. See Maaba, "Students." 1'UFH NAHECS, Box 5, File 1, and Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Af- rica): Visits Australia. In many instances the way in which African countries, more especially the frontline states, handled the presence of South African exiles was ambiguous, pressured as they were by the South African regime: see for instance, Maaba, "Students;" S. Ellis and T. Sechaba, Comrades Against Apartheid: The ANC and the South African Communist Party in Exile (London, 1992); R. Kasrils, 'Armed and Dangerous:' My Undercover Struggle Against Apartheid (Jor- dan Hill, 1993), Shubin, ANC. 19Lodge, "Pan-Africanist Congress," 104-24. Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 423

The papers of this mission are, at the moment, one of the largest collections in the PAC archives with 125 boxes. Available in this col- lection is correspondence between PAC headquarters and other PAC offices in the world, as well as donor organizations like the UN. For instance, a letter to Vusi Ndlovu from the InternationalLabour Office requires a report from the PAC office on the seminar "on discrimina- tion in the metal industry" held on the 24-28 April 1987.20 Also in- cluded in the correspondence is a letter from Johnson Mlambo to Bobby Dalton in Australia, in which he raises suspicion about the in- volvement of the South African regime in the death of Samora Machel, president of .21Important also is a letter from Robert Sobukwe to Major-GeneralRademeyer, Commissioner of Po- lice, prior to the 1960 Sharpeville massacre. In this letter, Sobukwe appeals to Rademeyer to instruct the police not use violent actions against the people, as they were to embark on a peaceful demonstra- tion against the Pass Laws.22 Speeches and addresses delivered in different places are available in this collection. These include a speech by John Nyathi Pokela, the chairperson of the PAC, on 21 March 1982 during the 22nd anniver- sary of the Sharpevillemassacre. In his speech Pokela defines the role of the PAC in the struggle: "The PAC, from its very inception, made it clear that its aim was not to reform the system, but its total and un- conditional elimination."23 During the 6th anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre, administrative secretary of the PAC Joe Mkwanzi, in a speech delivered in Mbeya, Tanzania, empathized the role of the youth in the struggle against apartheid.24However, some of the speeches and addresses are undated, and in some instances it is not clear who the speaker was, or if the addressee is known, as the name of the speaker,as well as the audience, is not given. This might have resulted from the mistake of those who were typing the speeches, or from a desire for secrecy. Documentation on policy documents and on different meetings of

21UFH NAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 6, Bill Ratteree to Mr. Vusi Ndlovu, 6 July 1987. 21UFH NAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 6, Johnson Mlambo to Bobby Dalton, 28 November 1986. 22UFH NAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 9, Robert Sobukwe to Major General- General Rademeyer, 16 March 1960. 2"UFH NAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 81, Speech by John Nyathi Pokela: 22nd anniversary of the Sharpville shooting, 21 March 1982, 3. 24UFH NAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 81, Speech by the Administrative Secre- tary of the PAC, Joe Mkwanzi at Mbeya Region during the 6th anniversary of the June 16 massacre. 424 Brown BavusileMaaba the PACCentral Committee also formpart of this collection.Some of the thingsdiscussed in thesemeetings were the ways in whichNigeria couldassist the PACin infiltratingammunition into SouthAfrica and the uncertaintythat the PACfaced in relationswith Mugabe'sZANU, thoughMugabe had assuredthem of support.Also discussedin these meetingswas the issueof cliqueswithin the PAC.25 Documentationon variousmeetings between the PACand other sympatheticforces also formpart of this collection.Included in this is the Non-AlignedForeign Ministers' conference in 1988, where the SouthAfrican regime was furthercondemned and wherethe intensifi- cation of the armed struggleand consumerboycotts by township dwellerswere advocated.26Travel documents like passports,visas, travelpermits, and otheridentification documents, as well as newspa- perclippings, also formpart of this collection. Of interestin the TanzanianMission is documentationon the PAC settlementknown as Mosogoronear Bagamoyo where the Tanzanian governmenthad allocated400 hectaresof land to the PACfollowing the Sowetouprising in 1976. In this complexthe PAChoped, like the ANC, to bridgethe gap betweenmental and manuallabor by estab- lishinga "dual-purposeSecondaryNocational School in which they would be educatingthe headwith trainingthe handin a singleinstitu- tion."27Included in the Mosogorofiles are picturesof PACcadres in differentworkshops of the complex.Such pictorial sources shed light on the lifestyleand whereaboutsof the individualsand events cov- ered. PACnewsletters and publicationsform part of this collection. Some of these are Azania Combat,Azania News, The Africanist, AzaniaStruggle, Azania Student, and Izwe Lethu. Thereare also 30 boxes of Zimbabwematerials in this collection. Thecorrespondence from this missionis differentfrom that of others, as most of the lettersare privateor personalletters from friendsor relatives.Also included in this are postcardsand even Christmas cards. It is throughthese lettersthat people'sstates of mind are re-

2sUFHNAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 1: Minutesof CentralCommittee Meet- ings:Minutes, 1975-1982, 6. 26UFHNAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 6, Non-AlignedForeign Ministers' Con- ference1988. 27UFHNAHECS, Tanzanian Station, Box 37, ProposedMaster Plan for Multipur- pose Developmentof the PACKitonga Site, 41. There are also some artifactsin the PACcollection, but it is not clear whetherthese came from Mosogoro or from another PAC Mission. Ironically,the ANC also had a school in Tanzaniacalled SolomonMahlangu Freedom College,. For this see Maaba, "Students"'Morrow/ Maaba/Pulumani,"Revolutionary Schooling?"; Morrow, "DakawaDevelopment Centre." Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 425 vealed-their feelings,experiences, and wishes.It is also throughsuch correspondencethat scholarscan reconstructthe social historyof the exiled community.One letter reads, ". . . life is very hard in exile mfowethu,it took me timewhen I arrivein Americato get rid of frus- trationsthat I sufferedin Zimbabwethat's why you know I blundered with that Chich[recte chick]."28 Also availablein this collectionare newspaperclippings on differentevents in and outsideSouth Africa. Thereis not muchdocumentation on meetingsor reportson activi- ties of the PACfrom this office. However,there are speeches,state- ments, and addresses of various PAC leaders, including Edwin Makoti,M. Pheko,Ahmed Gora Ebrahim, and RobertM. Sobukwe. Except for Sobukwe's,the speecheswere made in exile and cover themeslike the role of Zimbabwein the liberationof South Africa, andcriticism of the SouthAfrican government, as well as concernson the escalationof violence in South Africa and commemorationof revolutionarydays.29 Thereare also some obituariesof PACleaders in this collection, incluidngthat of SabeloPhama, who died on his way back to South Africafrom Tanzania in 1994. The previousyear he had threatened thatAPLA would launchmassive attacks, describing that as "theyear of the greatstorm."30 Thereare also 50 boxes emanatingfrom PAC activities in London and the UnitedKingdom. Of interestin this collectionis correspon- denceon anti-apartheidactivists and theiractivities in London.One letter directedto English rugby captain Will Carling from Carol Brickly,on behalfof the City of LondonAnti-Apartheid group, with regardto an intendedrugby game between the Englandand SouthAf- ricareads:

We wish to informyou that we will hold demonstrationsat the groundswhere the Springboksare due to play.We do so withthe supportof the PanAfricanist Congress of Azania,the SouthAfri- canCouncil of Sportand the SACOSrugby union.31 Whilethis letterwas writtenin 1992 afterthe PACand other libera- tion movementswere unbannedin 1990 and most of the exiledcom-

2HUFHNAHECS, Station, Box 12, undatedletter from New Orleansto an unidentifiedperson. 29UFHNAHECS, see Boxes 1 and 2 of the ZimbabweMission. 3"Phama'sthreats were widely coveredby the media at the time. 31UFHNAHECS, London Station, Box 8, Carol Bricklyto Mr. Will Carling, 9 September1992. 426 Brown BavusileMaaba munityhad, by 1992, returnedhome, the influenceof the liberation movementson anti-apartheidgroups still seemedto be strong.A few photographsof demonstrators,probably from the Londonanti-apart- heid movement,hoisting placards aimed at the SouthAfrican regime rangingfrom "Mangopehas been boughtby Apartheid"to "I have told the police even to shoot my own child,"also form part of these sources.32 Some of the letters focus on PAC educational issues. Documenta- tion, mostly correspondence on different issues between the PAC and organizations like the World Council of Churches, British Council of Churches, Catholic Institute for International Relations, and Com- monwealth of Nations form part of this mission. Striking also in the correspondence are letters relating to cooperation between the PAC and BCM in the early days of the latter's exile between 1979 and 1983. For example, a letter dated 23 October 1979 from BCM orga- nization secretary, Molefe Pheto, to Michael Muendane, PAC chief representative in London, invites the PAC in its London office to co- operate with the BCM "with regard to our [BCM] exile situation and work,"33 and also in relation to commemoration days like "Biko Day."34 Included also in this mission are some office diaries. These spell out the activities and plans of the PAC in London and can be useful, as diaries often capture the events and atmosphere of a particularday and place. However, some of the diaries have gaps. This can make it hard for researchers to follow exactly the daily activities of the PAC in London. Some newspapers are also available under this mission and include The Sowetan, The Star, and socialist orientated newspapers like the Voice of the International Black Revolution, Fight Racism: Fight Im- perialism, African People's Socialist Party, and some newspaper clip- pings. Topics of newspaper cuttings from British publications range from the South African political situation to activities of the anti- apartheid activists in London.3s The archives of the PAC mission to the United Nations consists of 106 boxes. Available under this heading is correspondence between the PAC and the UN on a variety of aspects ranging from education

32UFHNAHECS, See Box 8 of the LondonMission. 33UFHNAHECS, London Station, Box 2, Molefe Phetoto MichaelMuendane, 23 October 1979 34UFHNAHECS, London Station, Box 8, Molefe Pheto to M.N. Muendane, 1981. 3sUFHNAHECS, See, for instance,Boxes 18 and 26 of the London Mission. Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 427 to financial issues. One letter from Mary Robertson confirms to the PAC Permanent Observer Representative that "medical supplies" as required by the PAC at Bagamoyo had already been sent.36 There is also correspondence on computer discs mainly from S.E.M. Pheko, chief representative of the PAC in the UNO, to different organiza- tions, representatives and the PAC itself. A letter by Pheko to Madeleine Albright, the USA permanent representative in the UNO, states clearly on behalf of the PAC that the organization ". . . has the honour as well as deep sorrow to convey the PAC official position ... regardingthe tragic death of Miss Amy Biehl's death [sic]."37 Included under this mission are details about the background of some of the PAC leaders including some biographies. There is back- ground information on Jeff Masemola, sentenced to life imprisonment on 7 July 1963, on Robben Island.38 Included in file of Clarence Makwetu, Presidentof the PAC from 1993 to 1996, is information on his background and his speech at the special session of the Security Council of the UN on 15 July 1992. It was during this gathering that Makwetu raised concerns about the escalating violence in South Af- rica.39Also in these files are listed political activities of the PAC lead- ers in the struggle against apartheid,as well as letters to organizations like the National Council of Churches, to universities, and to some committees against apartheid. Of interest in Zeph Mothopeng's file is a letter written by his wife who was "out of employment because of severe arthritis," and also a speech she made on 10 October 1986 which was organized by the Special Committee against apartheid in which she raised her concerns about her husband's health in prison. There is also the file of John Nyathi Pokela, PAC chairman who died on 30 June 1985 after a short illness.40In 1982 at the UN General Assembly Pokela asserted that "... Apartheid is a crime against humanity and must be totally eliminated."41Also, apart from speeches, statements and addresses by

36UFH HANECS: United Nations Station, Box 62, Mary Robertson to Ahmed Gora Ibrahim, 25 May 1983. 37UFH NAHECS, Dr. S.E.M. Pheko to H.E. Madeleine Korbel Albright. Disk 1. PAC supporters killed Amy Biehl in 1991 at Gugulethu Township and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa has since pardoned these. 3sUFH NAHECS, United Nations Station, Box 25, Biography of the late Comrade Kgabi Jafta Masemola. 39UFH NAHECS, United Nations Stations, Box 25, Speech by the President of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, CDE Clarance Mlamli Makwetu, delivered at the special session of the Security Council of the United Nations on 15 July 1992. 411UFH NAHECS, United Nations Station, Box 26, Biography of John Nyathi Pokela by Gora Ibrahim. 4'UFH NAHECS, United Nations Station, Box 26, Address by John Nyathi Pokela 428 BrownBavusile Maaba and about PACleaders delivered in the UN, there are some which were deliveredin symposiumsother than the UN. Availablealso in this collectionare photographsof PACmembers in UN sessionsand newspaperarticles, especially on PACleaders. TheJohannesburg office of the PAChas a collectionsimilar in size to the Tanzanianmission, with 126 boxes. Followingthe unbanning of the liberationmovements in 1990, exiledmembers of the liberation movements,including the PAC, returnedto South Africa.This was followedby the continuationof their activities,which had been car- riedon undergroundand in exile. Overthree decades after its found- ing, the PAC opened its first South Africanheadquarters based in Johannesburg. Correspondenceforms part of this collection.This includescorre- spondencewith other structureswithin the country,including PAC branches,religious groups, and abroadto PAC membersand other missionsstill in operationin exile. A letter fromJohnson Mlambo, the Deputy Presidentof the PAC at the time, makes an appeal to GautengMinister of SecurityJessie Duarte to assist with the integra- tion of PACmembers ".... into the variousdepartments of SouthAf- ricanPolice Service."42 There is also documentationon the PACand its views on the negotiationswith the regimeand on the ongoingvio- lencein SouthAfrica. Otherdocuments under this missioninclude material on PACcam- paigns,policies, meetings, and otherplanned activities with the libera- tion movements,and with otherstructures within the country,includ- ing the Congressof South African Trade Unions (COSATU)and AZAPOand the government.43There are also addressesby PACand other officials. For instance,documentation on the PAC'sthird na- tional congressheld at the Universityof ,3-6 April 1992 formspart of this collection.Among the plannedactivities by the PAC was assistanceto the Boipatongcommunity allegedly attacked by nearbyKwa MadalaHostel dwellersin which 43 peoplewere killed and manyinjured. There are also 48 boxes on AzanianPeoples' Lib- erationArmy under this office. However,these are restrictedpending a decisionby the PAC.

Chairman of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania to UNO General Assembly, 9 November 1982. 42UFH NAHECS: Johannesburg Office, Box 113, Deputy-President of the PAC J. Mlambo to the Gauteng Minister of Safety and Security, 8 August 1994. 43UFH NAHECS: Johannesburg Office, Box 93, Pan Africanist Congress Proposal for the urgent socio-economic restructuring of the recently violated Boipatong Squatter Community. Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 429

There is a collection of oral documentation in the form of reel-to- reel tapes on different issues pertaining to the PAC. However, some of the tapes do not have dates and this makes it difficult for a researcher to ascertain when the information on the tape was recorded. In some instances, this can be established by following the events spoken about on the tapes. These sources as well, are essential in the recon- struction of PAC history in exile. This paper will look at a few of these in an effort to show the nature of these sources.

Interview with Johnson Mlambo, Tape 12 This is an interview with Johnson Mlambo on what appears to be Ra- dio PAC aimed at spreading PAC propaganda. This was conducted in Xhosa, and Mlambo spells out information about his lengthy jail sen- tence from 1963 to 1983 following his role in the struggle against apartheid. Mlambo also talks about the struggle against Ian Smith by the Zimbabwe liberation movements and the role of the armed struggle in the fight against apartheid. The date of the interview, 21 May 1985, is on the cover of the tape and the interview itself helps to confirm the date.

Address to the UNO by Nyathi Pokela, Tape T76A In this address Pokela urges the UN and the international community to look into the issue of apartheid and how the policies have affected the masses of South Africa. Although there is no date for this source, it is possible that that the speech was delivered during P.W. Botha's period in power in South Africa, as Pokela criticizes his regime.

PAC Consultative Conference Arusha, Tanzania, June-July 1978. Tape 60 Alhough the tape might have been recorded during the conference mentioned above, what dominates the discussion is the tension within the PAC with reference to funds. Other issues raised include the lack of discipline within one of the PAC camps in Tanzania and tribalism in the same camp, which led to a march to the Dar-es-Salaamoffices by some cadres to present their grievances about the camp.

BCM(A), AZAPO, PAC, Consultative Conference held in Kadoma, Zimbabwe, August 1991: Reel T 76A It was at this conference that the three organizations, BCM(A), AZAPO, and PAC resolved to form the Patriotic Front among them- selves. and also to press that a constitutional assembly be formed for 430 Brown BavusileMaaba the transferof politicalpower "fromthe white settlerminority to the oppressedand exploitedmajority." Apartfrom these sources, there is a collectionof 40 transcribedin- terviewson the PAC donated to the archivesby the scholar Gail Gerhart.Some of these interviewsare direct transcriptsfrom tapes and others are verbatimnotes. These examinethe formationof the PACin 1958-59, its antecedentsin the YouthLeague, and the events surroundingthe 1960 Sharpevillemassacre. In this collectionthere are videotapesdocumenting the historyof the PAC,from speechesto ralliesand funerals.I look at a sampleof threevideo tapes in this collection.

VideoTV 27 The opening speech of the video shows Makwetuaddressing PAC supportersclad in PAC tee-shirtsand waving PAC flags at Umtata stadiumin a rallycommemorating the Sharpvillemassacre of 1960. Amongthe dignitariesat the rallywere BantuHolomisa, the rulerof Transkeiand a staunchsupporter of the liberationmovements, the PAC,and the ANC. At this gatheringMakwetu said clearlythat the PACwould involveitself in negotiationsonly with the thenapartheid governmentif the landissue was partof the agenda.

VideoNYV 44 This is an interviewwith Zeph Mothopeng,president of the PACat the time,on the 3 August1989 in what appearsto be a privatestudio. It is in this interviewthat the apparentlytired and ill-lookingpresi- dent assertedthat negotiationswith the South Africanregime were out of placeuntil certain demands and issueswere addressed.For in- stance,to him the whitesonly electionsin SouthAfrica were an indi- cationand continuationof "whitedomination." Mothopeng also em- phasizedthat only black people could liberatethemselves from the oppressionof the apartheidstate. VideoNYV 40 A In this tape, the UNO specialsession to commemoratethe death of RobertSobukwe is shown. The chairpersonof the ceremonyasked, for the dismantlingof apartheidthrough peaceful means and also lookedat Sobukwe'scontribution to the fightagainst apartheid from his studentdays at Fort Hare Universityas a memberof the ANC YouthLeague to the formationof the PACin 1959 and later his im- prisonmentat RobbenIsland. The chairperson'sspeech is followedby addresses from representativesof organizations ranging from the Or- Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 431 ganizationof AfricanUnity to the Non AlignedMovement. They all paid tributeto Sobukwefor his effortsin the struggleagainst apart- heid.

IV

The early 1960s saw the disappearancefrom the open politicalscene of both the ANC and PACas the two organizationshad beenbanned in 1960 and were forced to operate undergroundfollowing the Sharpvillemassacre. Many leaders were imprisoned while otherslike Tamboand Leballowent into exile. The ANC suffereda majorblow when prominentmembers of the organizationwere arrestedand chargedwith hightreason. All werefound guilty and sentencedto life imprisonmenton RobbenIsland in 1964.44A vacuumhad been cre- ated in blackSouth African politics. Blackuniversity students in SouthAfrica had beenfollowing politi- cal activitiesin the countryand privatelyparticipating in politicalde- bateswhile most maintainedallegiance to the PACand ANC.45These studentswere also affectedby variousforms of oppressionand ma- nipulation.For example,they were subjectedto a tight disciplinary code and isolatedon campusesthat had beendeliberately built in ru- ral "tribal"areas far from the mainstreamof politicalactivity. They also dislikedthe idea that the universitiesand especiallytheir senates and councilswere dominated and controlledby white professorsand lecturers.This was coupledwith the fact that they were barredfrom studyingin white universities,although this did not applyto the Uni- versityof SouthAfrica (UNISA) or to the Natal UniversityMedical School.46 Black studentsbegan to mobilizeand in 1967; many joined the UniversityChristian Movement (UCM) and two yearslater the South AfricanStudents Organization (SASO).47 Prior to SASO,black uni- versitystudents were part of the National Union of South African Students(NUSAS). Among the reasons for their breakawayfrom NUSASwas that some blackstudents felt that white studentswanted

44B. Hirson, Yearof Fire, Yearof Ash: The Roots of a Revolution? (London, 1979), 64. 4SManysources cover the events of the early 1960s leading to the Rivonia Trial, among them, R. Davieset al., The Strugglefor South Africa,2 (London, 1988); J. Frederikse,The UnbreakableThread, Non-Racialismin South Africa (Harare, 1990), Pogrund,How Can a Man Die Better?;N. Mandela, Long Walkto Free- dom: The Autobiographyof Nelson Mandela(Johannesburg, 1994). 46Horrel,Bantu Education to 1968 (Johannesburg,1968), 34-46. 47Hirson,Year of Fire, 64. 432 Brown BavusileMaaba to act as masterminds behind black protest and that they sidelined blacks in discussions. The black students took a decision:

Whereaswe the Black students of South Africa having examined and assessedthe role of Blackstudents in the strugglefor the eman- cipation of the black people in South Africa and the bettermentof their social, political and economiclot, and having unconditionally declaredour own lack of faith in the genuinenessand capabilityof multi-racialorganizations and individual rights in the country to effect rapidsocial changes. . . do commit ourselvesinto the realiza- tion of the worth of the BlackMan, the assertionof his dignityand to promotingconsciousness and self-relianceof the black commu- nity.48

This new philosophy, in which black people asserted their pride in their community was referredto as Black Consciousness.49 This phi- losophy was expressed through SASO and the Black People's Conven- tion, which was formed in 1972. Steve Biko, the President of SASO, was regarded as the main thinker behind Black Consciousness. The Black Consciousness Movement spread in the 1970s and soon after the Soweto uprising of 1976 many students who were influenced by this philosophy fled into exile, where they organized themselves into the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania. This organization suf- fered major blows when it was banned in 1977 and Biko mysteriously died in the hands of the police in August of that year.s50 These few documents cannot be easily classified as belonging to particularmission stations. Moreover, the documents are filed in such a way that readers with no understanding of the differences between the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania BCM(A), as the orga- nization came to be known in exile, and Azanian People's Organiza- tion (AZAPO) can be left confused. The argument of the archivists at NAHECS is that the "archives have to keep the principal of original order" and that since these sources were sent from the AZAPO Na- tional Office they can only be separated with the approval of the AZAPO office. So it is very common to find sources for both AZAPO and BCM(A) mixed within one box or file. This it seems will be a problem that will persist for some time. I have attempted to separate these categories for the convenience of readers so they may know what to expect from the two organizations, which only merged after 1994. However, for a researcher to study either the history of

4'Ibid,72. 49D.Woods, CryFreedom: Biko (New York, 1979), 73. SOIbid. Pan Africanist Congress and Black Consciousness Archives 433

BCM(A) or AZAPO, one would have to go through all the boxes available under this heading. Also in this collection, just as in the PAC papers, some of the let- ters are written in both English and South African indigenous lan- guages. A letter from one individual named Dodo to another called Mandisi in which it is explained that finally accommodation has be- come available is written both in Xhosa and English: "Ndiyavuya kakhulu ukwazi into ngoba indawo yokuhlala ikhona. This is very important for the children."5' Some of the documents in this collec- tion are handwritten. In this paper, I will first look at the BCM (A) and then AZAPO. Correspondence of BCM(A) with others like the ANC dates back as early as 1977, although there is not much from that early period. This was not long after the Soweto uprising and the banning of BCM later referredto as BCM(A) and other organizations which were per- ceived as a threat to the regime. Writing to Harry Nengwekhulu, Di- rector of External Affairs for the Black People's Convention in 1978, Thabo Mbeki, the political secretaryin the ANC's presidentialoffice, makes a suggestion that the two organizations meet at the end of June.52 Very little correspondence between AZAPO and BCM(A) exists, especially for the early years of BCM(A) in exile. In one interesting letter to BCM(A), George Wauchope states clearly that BCM(A) and AZAPO are two distinct organizations and distances AZAPO from BCM(A). He asserts that "the practise of calling us your home-based front organization as a whole . .. as perceived by the system will ren- der us vulnerable. This becomes very serious in the light of your hav- ing to resort to armed struggle." He further states that "we would like to strongly urge you to desist from direct communication with the office and/or individuals such as phone calls and letters." This does not mean that communication between the two organizations did not continue. It would seem that this took place but under certain specific circumstances and conditions. There is, for instance, a letter dated 28 March 1985 from Gaborone to South Africa in which BCM(A) proposes that AZAPO take action against the New Zealand All Blacks rugby team's visit to South Africa. The context of this letter was supposed to be verbally communicated as "... the origin of this

SIUFH NAHECS: BCM(A)/ AZAPO Collection, Box 3, Dado to Mandisa, 8 No- vember 83. 52UFH NAHECS: BCM (A)/ AZAPO Collection, Box 1, Thabo Mbeki to Harry Nengwekhulu, 12 March 1979. 434 Brown BavusileMaaba letter"had to be ". .. kept as secureas possibleand the originof the letter... be conveyedto Azapomembers in verbalform."s3 Thereis also correspondencebetween BCM(A) members and do- nor organizations,as well as betweenits own membersin different countries,including Lesotho, Botswanaand the United Kingdom. Muchis discussedin theseletters, including proposed conferences and projectsby the movement,education related issues, and movesto es- tablishnew BCM(A)branches. Speechesand addressesof BCM(A)members range from the days of O.R. Tiro, Presidentof the SRCat the Universityof the North in 1972, to othersgiven in exile and backin SouthAfrica from 1990. In the 1972 graduationspeech, which led to his expulsion,Tiro challengedthe segregatedsystem of educationin SouthAfrica and the way in which the Universityof the North was beingrun. "Timeand again I ask myself,"he said, "How do black lecturerscontribute to the administrationof this University?For if you look at all the com- mitteesthey are predominantlywhite if not completelywhite."54 It is said that Tiro was the first personto be assassinatedin exile when a letterbomb exploded in his handswhile in Botswanain 1973. Speak- ing at a conferenceorganized by the ZambiaAssociation for the Lib- erationof SouthernAfrica, Bafana Buthelezi accused the Bantustan leadersof beingstooges of the SouthAfrican regime. At this gathering he statedthat the peoplehad demonstratedthrough the Sowetoupris- ing that they were preparedto fight for theirliberation.ss Someminutes of BCM(A)meetings are also in this collection.In a conferencereport of the Canadaregion, among other issues discussed was fundraisingby the branch,in whichit was agreedthat employed membersof the BCM(A)would contribute$5.00 monthly,while the unemployedwould give what they could afford. It was also agreed that an effort had to be made to sell BCM(A)tee-shirts and but- tons.56 Another document in this collection is a 1980 draft constitution of s3UFH NAHECS: BCM (A)/ AZAPO Collection, Box 1, Makgolo Makgolo to people addressed as "comrades." 28 April 1985. UFH NAHECS: BCM (A)/ AZAPO Collection, Box 2, Gerrit de Jager to Sello Pella, 23 January 1983. 54UFH NAHECS: BCM(A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 13, Speech delivered by O.R. Tiro on graduation Day on behalf of the graduates, 1972. For more on Tiro see. Hirson, Yearof Fire. 55UFH NAHECS: BCM(A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 13, and Speech by Bafana Buthelezi at a conference organized by the Zambian Association for the Liberation of South Africa. 56UFH NAHECS: BCM(A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 9 Canada Region Conference Report 25-27 July 1987. Pan AfricanistCongress and Black ConsciousnessArchives 435 the BCM(A),which stipulatesthat ". . . the basiccause of the prob- lem in Azania is Capitalismand Imperialismand therefore.. ." in SouthAfrica, the situationdemands "the adoption of the Revolution- ary theoryand practiceof Marxism-Leninas a guidingideology."s7 Newspaperclippings, though very few, form part of this collection, and this includesan interviewwith TsietsiMashinini, in whichhe ex- plains his role before the Soweto uprising and his views on BCM(A).ss Interestingin this section are sourceson the BCM(A)role in the Dukwe Refugee Settlement,about 130 kilometers northwest of Francistown, Botswana. This settlement was initiated by the Botswanagovernment to serveas a camp for refugeesfrom "politi- cally disturbedcountries, particularly in SouthernAfrica," and in- cluded Angolans,South Africans,Namibians, and Zimbabweans. This community,like the ANC settlementsat Mazimbuand Dakawa in Tanzania,aimed at self-reliancethrough agricultureand other means.It would be interestingto makea studyof thesecommunities and see whetherthey all drewfrom the samesource on the conceptof self-reliance.The Dukwesettlement had a sizeablenumber of students from the Soweto uprisingand an effort was made to give "literacy and numeracyprogrammes" to students,although this is describedas "a precariousprogram ... undertakenby thoseamong them who had alreadyadvanced in their educationbefore they left the country."59 Also includedin the Dukwe materialis a list of at least 67 Dukwe residents,which might be of vital importancefor a historianwho wantsto undertakean oral historyof the settlement.This type of re- searchwould be vital, as thereare veryfew documentson Dukwe. Thereare also BCM(A)newsletters and publicationsin this collec- tion which includeBlack Consciousness Movement of Azania:One Azania,One Nation, BCM(A)Internal Newsletter, BCM(A): Imbono namalingeethu, and Solidarity:Official Organ of the Black Con-

"7UFHNAHECS: BCM(A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 19, and BlackConsciousness Movementof AzaniaDraft Constitution-1980. "XUFHNAHECS: Box 16, BCM (A)/AZAPOCollection: Newspaper article: inter- view with TsietsiMashinini: Reprinted from Inter-continental Press, 15 November 1976 and 14 March 1977. On the role of Mashininion the Soweto uprisingsee: Hirson, Yearof Fire; S.M. Ndlovu, The Soweto Uprising:Counter-Memories of June 1976 (Randburg,1998). 59UFHNAHECS: BCM(A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 18, Documenton the Dukwe settlement,The Dukwe settlementmade headlinesagain when the secessionists from the CapriviStrip in Namibia were accommodatedthere after beinggranted politicalasylum by the Botswanagovernment in 1999. For detailson SOMAFCO see Maaba, "Students." 436 Brown BavusileMaaba sciousnessMovement. Some of these belongto an earlierperiod be- fore exile and includeSASO Bulletin, 1977 and SASO Newsletter, 1975.

V

Little has been writtenabout AZAPO(Azanian People's Organiza- tion), whichwas formedin 1978, thus becomingthe firstnew organi- zationto be launchedin SouthAfrica following the banningof all or- ganizationsin 1977. Fromthe onset AZAPOmade it clearthat it was unashamedlya followerof the BlackConsciousness philosophy. This organizationsuffered a majorblow when its leadershipwas arrested soon afterits formation.In September1979 a new AZAPOexecutive was formed following a conferencein Roodeportat which Curtis Nkondo, the one-timeChairman of the Teachers'Action Committee, whichhad beenthe mastermindbehind the resignationof teachersaf- ter the Sowetorevolt, was electedits president.60 Later,the presenceof AZAPOin SouthAfrica led to tensionwith ANC supportersand this in some instances,disturbed the day-to-day runningof the schoolsin the townshipsand sometimescaused blood- shed. as the AzanianStudents Movement (AZASM), AZAPO's sec- ondarystudent wing, clashedwith that of the ANC, the Congressof SouthAfrican Students (COSAS).61 AZAPO was also seen by some as dominatedby intellectualswhose rhetoricideas and strategiescould not be understoodby the massesof South Africa.Its claim to have supportfrom the workingclass seems to have been exaggerated.62 However,as has beensaid, little has yet beenwritten about this orga- nization. The sources below could help in the reconstructionof AZAPO'shistory. Banned in 1987, the AZAPOwas forced under- groundand into exile. It was unbannedin 1990 and its mergerwith BCM(A)followed. AZAPOdid not take part in the South African generalelections of 1994 ,but did participatein the 1999 electionsaf- ter it had suffereda blow when earlierin the year, some expelled membersformed the SocialistParty of Azania.63 The AZAPOarchives contain different types of correspondencebe- tweenAZAPO headquarters in Johannesburgand its brancheswithin

6"T.Lodge, Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945 (New York, 1983), 344. 61As a secondary school student in Kwa-Thema, a township in the East Rand, Johannesburg, I witnessed these clashes. 62Lodge, Black Politics, 346-47. 63S. Maseko, "The PAC, AZAPO and the UDM" in A. Reynolds, ed., Election '99: South Africa (Claremont, 1999), 128-29. Pan Africanist Congress and Black Consciousness Archives 437 the country and its youth league, AZAPO Student Convention (AZASCO), as well as with other organizations such as the AZAPO Congress of Trade Unions, (AZACTU). There are letters to other countries, which seem to have sympathized with AZAPO in its struggle against apartheid. Of interest are letters to two figures on op- posite poles, Colonel Mucammar Gadhdhafi of Lybia and Bill Clinton, then president-elect of the USA. In a letter to Gadhdhafi, Deputy Presidentof AZAPO Tiyani Mabasa felt inspired by the stand taken by against the "unprovoked and vicious acts of banditry and aggression, by imperial America on the progressive people of Libya." Ironically, the letter to Clinton congratulates him after his presidential elections and hoped his ascendance to the presidency would mark "the survival of democracy."64 There are other forms of documentation in this collection, which include reports on AZAPO activities and documentation on its branch meetings. Included is a report on the Tenth Annual Congress of AZAPO from 22-23 December 1990 which focused on the progress and activities of AZAPO and its relations with other libera- tion movements.65 Other sources include documentation on a meet- ing held by AZAPO, BCM(A) and PAC in Kadoma, Zimbabwe on 9- 10 August 1991. Here the three organizations discussed issues relat- ing to negotiations with the South African government. Other matters discussed related to sanctions against South Africa and the issue of violence within the country.66There is also policy documentation in which criticism is leveled against the apartheid regime and in which AZAPO calls for an integrated education system.67 There are also press releases on various issues, including the ongoing violence in the country, negotiations with the regime and class boycotts by students. There are some joint AZAPO and BCM(A) press statements from af- ter 1990. These include a press release on the Biko memorial and an- other on boycotts of sporting entertainmentfigures who performed in South Africa. Newspaper clippings also form part of this collection. There are lists of AZAPO members and telephone numbers and ad- dresses and some biographical material on AZAPO cadres.

64UFH NAHECS: BCM (A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 1, Lybon Tiyani Mabasa to Colonel Muamma Gaddafi, nd, AZAPO to Bill Clinton and the American people, n.d. 65UFH NAHECS: BCM (A)/AZAPO: Box 9, Report on the Tenth Annual Con- gress of Azapo, 22-23 December 1990. 66UFH NAHECS: BCM (A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 10, AZAPO BCMA PAC Resolutions of Kadoma Consultation August 1991. 67UFH NAHECS: BCM(A)/AZAPO Collection, Box 19, AZAPO Education Policy. 438 Brown BavusileMaaba

The AZAPOpapers also havenewsletters belonging to this organi- zation and include Azania LiberationSupport Committee,1983, AzaniaSocialist Review, Tokoloshe: Azapo Newsletter, and Umhlaba wethu:AZAPO Kwa-Zulu Regional Newsletter.

VI

The Universityof FortHare is about 134 kilometersfrom East Lon- don Airportand is locatedin the smalltown of Alice.The NAHECS archivesopen at 8am and close at 4:30pm from Mondaysto Thurs- daysand close at 3:30pmon Fridays.Finding aids are availablein the archivesto help guide researchers.Primary sources in the NAHECS archives,ranging from the PACto BCM(A)and AZAPO,provide a fascinatingchallenge for researchers.Inquiries about the archives shouldbe addressedto:

The Archivist NationalHeritage and CulturalStudies Universityof FortHare PrivateBag X1314 Alice 5700 Phone number: (040) 602 2277 Fax number: (040) 6531926 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.ufh.ac.za