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The Role of Media in the Framing of the Afghan Conflict and the Search for Peace A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Roshan Noorzai August 2012 © 2012 Roshan Noorzai. All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled The Role of Media in the Framing of the Afghan Conflict and the Search for Peace by ROSHAN NOORZAI has been approved for the School of Media Arts and Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by _____________________________________________ Don M. Flournoy Professor of Media Arts and Studies _____________________________________________ Scott Titsworth Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii Abstract NOORZAI, ROSHAN, Ph.D., August 2012, Mass Communication The Role of Media in the Framing of the Afghan Conflict and the Search for Peace (306 pp.) Director of Dissertation: Don M. Flournoy This dissertation explores media framing of conflict and peace in post-September 11, 2001 Afghanistan. The media selected for this study included: the BBC Pashto Service and Azadi Radio at the international level; Tehran’s Pashto Radio at the regional level; National Radio and Television of Afghanistan [NRTA], Tolo Television and Ariana Television at the national level; and Salam Watandar Network and Hewad Television at the local level. In-depth interviews were conducted during fieldwork in the summers of 2008 and 2009. Participant observation, textual analysis and documents analysis were the other methods used in this study. Using comparative frame analysis, this study identified the following main frames: state building, occupation as failure and civilian victims. Other frames identified and available to the media, which were either rejected or only partially supported by this research, were: Jihad, terrorism, ethnic victimization, and peace through negotiation. The results of this study showed that, except Tehran’s Pashto Radio, all other media outlets used state building as the main frame. The data pointed to the broader socio-political contexts and the political economy of the media outlets as determining factors in adoption of this particular frame. In the frame contestation process, power relation and culture resonance played an important role. Although the dominant media iii frames were identified using frame analysis, that process did not always explain why those frames were adopted and especially what were the different constraints, pressures and controversies at play. These positions and issues were addressed in this research through a second level of framing the researcher calls “journalistic frames.” Four different journalistic frames were identified. The two most commonly used by media outlets were: national interest and public interest. The two levels of framing— conflict frames and journalistic frames—together with analysis of environmental pressures, journalistic norms, structural constraints and individual agency led to the formation of the “nested framing” model, which is the innovation of this research. The study concludes with some recommendations for peace activists, parties other than warring groups, and media practitioners. Approved: ______________________________________________________________ Don M. Flournoy Professor of Media Arts and Studies iv I dedicate this dissertation to my parents Mohammad Yaqoob and Hajira v Acknowledgement First, I sincerely thank my advisor Dr. Don Flournoy. Without his extensive support, patience and guidance, this dissertation would not have been completed. I also thank my dissertation committee members: Dr. Drew McDaniel, Dr. Claudia Hale and Dr. Haley Duschinski for their valuable input and help in writing this dissertation. I also wish to express my sincere gratitude to the participants of this research and all those who helped me during my fieldwork and writing stages. In addition, I would like to thank the School of Media Arts and Studies, Ohio University, for providing me with the travel funds for my preliminary research in 2008. vi Preface The horrifically loud sounds of small and heavy guns shook the building. They were so powerful that they not only shut the doors but also broke the glass. This sudden outbreak of shooting caught us by surprise. As per our experiences, particularly with rockets, everyone in the family ran into the corridor. This was a measure that we would take to avoid being hit by bullets, glass, and debris. As everyone rushed into the corridor, my father pointed to one of the rooms in the apartment not in the direction of shooting, and said “go.” We all rushed into the room. When the shooting persisted, we decided to leave the apartment, which was on the fourth floor of the Marccroryan building. For safety purposes, we had to get out one by one. Fortunately, we were able to take refuge in the neighborhood without being hurt. Later, when it got darker, the shooting decreased. Since the electricity was cut the whole city was dark. Together with a neighboring family, we were all sitting in a small room on the first floor of the building. The silence that was dominant for hours was eventually broken with talk about what happened in the afternoon. After a while, our host turned on his radio; everyone became quiet to listen to what the BBC was going to say about the fighting. The radio reported that the Mujahideen had entered Kabul. The commentator mentioned that in some parts of the city there was fighting between two Mujahideen groups – Shorai Nezar led by Ahmad Shah Masoud, and Hezbi Islami led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. The BBC also spoke about the fighting in our area of the city. However, no further details about the fighting were given. vii The next day, we woke up early and everyone prepared to leave. In a few minutes we were out of the building and saw that there were many other families leaving the neighborhood. It looked like no one was going to stay. Since there was no transportation, we decided to go on foot to my uncle’s house, which was about two hours away. At some point, we were caught in a cross-fire between the fighting parties. Again, we were fortunate that none of us were hurt. A week later, when we returned home, we found that our house had been burnt. The building showed signs of bullet holes. There were also a number of big holes in the building which told us that heavy weapons had been used in the fighting. More than18 years later, I am still frightened when I remember that day. I can still remember escaping the house, hearing the sound of bullets and smelling the burned gunpowder. Although I had experienced war even before that incident, this became a turning point in my life; we had to leave Kabul. It took our family about five days to reach Kandahar, 500 kilometers away. On the way, I saw the destruction caused by the years of war. Houses on both sides of the highway were all deserted. Except for towns on the way, there was no sign of life. The burnt tanks and other destroyed vehicles were piled high on both sides of the highway. In some parts, we could not see anything other than the destroyed highway. Whenever the bus made a stop, the driver would tell us not to leave the road since both sides, he said, were laid with land mines. When we reached Kandahar, I saw a devastated city. We stayed with my uncles, who were living in a suburb. There, too, we were cautioned about landmines in the vicinity. In the area where my uncles were living, there were no schools and all my viii cousins, the same age as me, did not have education. After a few months, the situation in that province deteriorated. When our father finally joined us, we moved to our native village in the Western province of Farah. Compared to Kabul and Kandahar, the province was thought to be relatively safe. Although I had been listening to news since childhood, after leaving Kabul I started listening to the radio every day. Sometimes, I would listen to external channels broadcasting in the Pashto and Dari languages. I also remember that, in my village, in the afternoons after the prayer, everyone would gather in front of the mosque and discuss issues related to the community and politics in the province and in Afghanistan. Sometimes, I would also participate in these discussions. My native village, called Gajgeen, was about two hours away from the provincial capital, Farah City. At the district level, there was only one school for boys, about half an hour away from my village. It was closed during the conflict years. It opened when we were there; however, it did not have classes for students beyond seventh grade, and after a year staying in the village, we decided to move to the provincial capital where I went to school. Although Farah province was peaceful (except for some sporadic fighting in rural areas), it became the frontline with the emergence of the Taliban and their advancement towards the west. The City itself went back and forth into the hands of the Taliban and the then government forces under Ismail Khan. My brother and I were sent to Iran to live with my sister’s family. Living conditions in Iran for refugees were tough. We could not go to school, and there was always the fear of being caught by the Iranian security patrols and sent back to Afghanistan. Most of the time, we had to stay at home. After six months, we returned to ix Farah City. I resumed going to school. However, the Taliban, who now controlled the City, imposed some restrictions on school boys. We had to have a turban, have our hair cut, and wear shalwar kames, the traditional Afghan clothes.