25 Chapter Iii Dynamics of the China and India Border
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Pierce – the American College of Greece Model United Nations | 2021
Pierce – The American College of Greece Model United Nations | 2021 Committee: Security Council Issue: The Sino-Indian Border Dispute Student Officer: Alexandros Ballis Position: President PERSONAL INTRODUCTION Dear Delegates, My name is Alexandros Ballis and I am a 11th grader at the German School of Thessaloniki and I’ll be serving as the President in this year’s Security Council. First of all, I would like to congratulate all of you on both your decision to get involved in the challenging, but at the same time, exciting world of Model United Na- tions, as well as for choosing to participate in such a great conference. I can assure you that MUN is an incredible experience, since you get the chance to involve your- selves in current affairs and issues that will define our generation, improve your pub- lic speaking and negotiating skills, ameliorate your use of the English language and last, but certainly not least, make new friends! The topics of this year’s agenda are of utmost importance. However, this study guide will focus on the third topic of the agenda, namely “The Sino-Indian Bor- der Dispute”. The dispute between China and India concerning their borders and the territorial status of several areas between those two countries is an ongoing dispute that has caused instability in the area. Seeing that there is a risk of escalation be- tween the world’s two most populous countries, also having established themselves as nuclear powers, the possibility of a war is not far away. Therefore, efficient measures that will solve the crisis as soon as possible are needed. -
China's Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia
USIP SENIOR STUDY GROUP FINAL REPORT China’s Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia DECEMBER 2020 | NO. 4 USIP Senior Study Group Report This report is the fourth in USIP’s Senior Study Group (SSG) series on China’s influence on conflicts around the world. It examines how Beijing’s growing presence is affecting political, economic, and security trends in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. The bipartisan group was comprised of senior experts, former policymakers, and retired diplomats. They met six times by videoconference over the course of 2020 to examine how an array of issues—from military affairs to border disputes, trade and development, and cultural issues—come together to shape and be shaped by Chinese involvement. The group members drew from their deep individual experiences working in and advising the US government to generate a set of top-level findings and actionable policy recommen- dations. Unless otherwise sourced, all observations and conclusions are those of the SSG members. Cover illustration by Alex Zaitsev/Shutterstock The views expressed in this report are those of the members of the Senior Study Group alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org First published December 2020. -
Doklam Dispute: a Threat to South Asian Security Dr
International Journal of Research e-ISSN: 2348-6848 p-ISSN: 2348-795X Available at https://edupediapublications.org/journals Volume 04 Issue 10 September 2017 Doklam Dispute: A Threat to South Asian Security Dr. Braham Parkash Associate Professor Department of Political Science C.R. Kisan College, Jind (HR.) Abstract: Today Doklam dispute has been acknowledged as a major controversy between India and China. In June 2017 it became a critical issue between the armed forces and China. When China made an attempt to make a road from Yadong further Southward on the Doklam Plateau, India opposed it and Bhutan also supported India’s step. Unlike China and Bhutan, India does not have a claim on Docklam; however, India supports Bhutan on friendly grounds. On 18th June 2017 Indian troops apparently crossed into the territory in dispute between China and Bhutan in an attempt to prevent the road construction. It raised critical situation for China and it opposed India’s effort to stop her constructing road infrastructure in the Docklam region. Nevertheless, we can’t ignore the fact that India is right and it is very essential for her security and peace in South Asian region. However, very recently both the countries have reached on a solution and both of them have decided to retreat their troops from the disputed region. The present research paper highlights some security imperatives for India regarding the Docklam region. Keywords: Chumbi Valley, Docklam 18th century Sikkim faced repeated Plateau, Siliguri Corridor, Border raids from Bhutan and these areas Dispute. often change hand. Therefore, after a Bhutanese attack in 1780 a Introduction: When the Kingdom of settlement was reached which Sikkim was founded in 1642, it resulted in the transfer of the Haa included all the areas surrounding valley and the Kalimpong area to the Docklam Plateau. -
Doklam: to Start at the Very Beginning Manoj Joshi
AUGUST 2017 Doklam: To Start at the Very Beginning Manoj Joshi Since the clashes at Nathu La and Cho La in 1967, Doklam has been relatively quiet / Source: India Travel Forum INTRODUCTION There is a geographical and geopolitical aspect to the ongoing Sino-Indian standoff in the Doklam region. Geography locates Bhutan on a sensitive part of the Himalayan belt. Its history, small size and state capacity have made it an element in the geopolitical contest between India and China. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think-tank that aims to influence formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed and productive inputs, in-depth research, and stimulating discussions. ISBN 978-81-86818-32-9 © 2017 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. DOKLAM: TO START AT THE VERY BEGINNING The Doklam issue came to the fore between June and July this year almost without preamble. Since the clashes at Nathu La and Cho La in 1967, this border had been relatively quiet as the alignment of the Sino-Indian border in Sikkim is, to a large extent, accepted by both sides. However, there has always been a problem with the China-India-Bhutan trijunction. In 2007, India rushed the deployment of forces to the region following the destruction by China of a number of Indian bunkers in the Batang La area. China also laid claim to the 2.1-sq km “Finger Area” in north Sikkim that protrudes into the Sora Funnel and dismantled some cairns marking the border in the region. -
Bhutan-China Relations: Towards a New Step in Himalayan Politics
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by CrossAsia-Repository BHUTAN-CHINA RELATIONS: TOWARDS A NEW STEP IN HIMALAYAN POLITICS ∗ THIERRY MATHOU here is an apparent paradox in Bhutan-China’s relationship. The geographical location of Bhutan gives it both political and strategic Timportance in the Himalayan region. Bhutan has a long tradition of cultural and religious interaction with Tibet and shares a common border with China. Yet, the kingdom is China’s only neighbour which does not have diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Even trade and economic contacts between the two countries are very small and their common border remains closed. However, the status quo resulting from the turmoil that followed the integration of Tibet in the PRC and the Sino-Indian border conflict in 1962 is about to change. Political contacts have been resumed since the mid 1980s. The two governments have been using the annual border consultations to exchange views on a wide range of bilateral issues. Both countries have interest in the normalization of their relationship. Yet, their perspectives are different. While Bhutan prefers to remain cautious according to the approach it has always favoured on the diplomatic scene1, China is considering its relation with Bhutan as part of its “Western development strategy”, that could allow Tibet to regain a central position in the Himalayan region. The present paper places Bhutan-China relations in an historical perspective that shows the importance of the Tibetan factor. Linkage politics and perceptions of security in the context of India-China relations are also described. -
China’S Position Concerning the Indian Border Troops’ Crossing of the China-India Boundary in the Sikkim Sector Into the Chinese Territory
(Translation) The Facts and China’s Position Concerning the Indian Border Troops’ Crossing of the China-India Boundary in the Sikkim Sector into the Chinese Territory I 1. The Dong Lang area (Doklam) is located in Yadong county of the Tibet Autonomous Region of China. It borders India’s Sikkim state on the west and the Kingdom of Bhutan on the south. In 1890, China and the UK signed the Convention Between Great Britain and China Relating to Sikkim and Tibet which delimited the boundary between the Tibet region of China and Sikkim. According to the Convention, the Dong Lang area, which is located on the Chinese side of the boundary, is indisputably Chinese territory. For long, China’s border troops have been patrolling the area and Chinese herdsmen grazing livestock there. At present, the boundary between the Dong Lang area and Sikkim is a part of the China-India boundary in the Sikkim Sector. 2. On 16 June 2017, the Chinese side was building a road in the Dong Lang area. On 18 June, over 270 Indian border troops, carrying weapons and driving two bulldozers, crossed the boundary in the Sikkim Sector at the Duo Ka La (Doka La) pass and advanced more than 100 meters into the Chinese territory to obstruct the road building of the Chinese side, causing tension in the area. In addition to the two bulldozers, the trespassing Indian border troops, reaching as many as over 1 400 people at one point, have put up three tents and advanced over 180 meters into the Chinese territory. -
Bhutan-China Relations: Towards a New Step in Himalayan Politics
BHUTAN-CHINA RELATIONS: TOWARDS A NEW STEP IN HIMALAYAN POLITICS ∗ THIERRY MATHOU here is an apparent paradox in Bhutan-China’s relationship. The geographical location of Bhutan gives it both political and strategic Timportance in the Himalayan region. Bhutan has a long tradition of cultural and religious interaction with Tibet and shares a common border with China. Yet, the kingdom is China’s only neighbour which does not have diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Even trade and economic contacts between the two countries are very small and their common border remains closed. However, the status quo resulting from the turmoil that followed the integration of Tibet in the PRC and the Sino-Indian border conflict in 1962 is about to change. Political contacts have been resumed since the mid 1980s. The two governments have been using the annual border consultations to exchange views on a wide range of bilateral issues. Both countries have interest in the normalization of their relationship. Yet, their perspectives are different. While Bhutan prefers to remain cautious according to the approach it has always favoured on the diplomatic scene1, China is considering its relation with Bhutan as part of its “Western development strategy”, that could allow Tibet to regain a central position in the Himalayan region. The present paper places Bhutan-China relations in an historical perspective that shows the importance of the Tibetan factor. Linkage politics and perceptions of security in the context of India-China relations are also described. Though a sign of further détente in the region, the perspectives of normalization of Bhutan-China relations open a new step in Himalayan politics. -
OCCASIONAL PAPER 1/2021 Sino-Indian Border Conflict
OCCASIONAL PAPER 1/2021 Sino-Indian Border Conflict By Harshita Kanodia “HERMES” Institute of International Affairs, Security & Geoeconomy www.hermesresearch.eu JANUARY 2021 Email: [email protected] PROVIDING KNOWLEDGE TO THOSE WHO SHAPE THE FUTURE 1 “HERMES” I.I.A.S.GE “HERMES” Institute of International Affairs, Security & Geoeconomy (“HERMES” I.I.A.S.GE) is an independent, non – governmental, non – profit organization, consisting of scholars dedicated in the research and analysis of international affairs in regional and global level. The Institute aims at providing objective, scientific, and reliable research analysis through a variety of studies contributing effectively and constructively in the public dialogue and the evolution of scientific knowledge. Copyright © 2021 “HERMES” Institute for Foreign Affairs, Security & Geoeconomy All rights reserved “HERMES” Institute of International Affairs, Security & Geoeconomy offers a forum for researchers to express their views freely, thoroughly and well- documented. The views expressed in this occasional paper are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the “HERMES” Institute. Occasional Papers aim to contribute constructively in public debate in a wide range of international politics, defense, security and geoeconomy topics. 2 Harshita Kanodia, is a graduate student of economics in the Kirori Mal College of the University of Delhi, New Delhi, India. She also attends the diploma on international relations and diplomacy of the Indian Institute of Governance and Leadership, Delhi, India. Harshita was marketing Head of the Economic Society (ECSOC) in the Kirori Mal College from September 2018 to July 2019. She has got experience by working as an intern of Foreign Policy Research & Analysis in Confederation of Young Leaders (April 2020 - May 2020) and Operations Intern in BRICS Chamber of Commerce & Industry (June 2019 - August 2019). -
Road to Power the Border Roads Organisation Needs to Pull up Its Socks in the Interest of National Security
Guest Column | Lt Gen. Vinod Bhatia (retd) Road to Power The Border Roads Organisation needs to pull up its socks in the interest of national security To get rich, one must build roads the nation needs an effective and profes- frastructure developed has also helped -An ancient Chinese Proverb sional armed forces capable of defending China integrate Tibet and settle its Han its frontiers. China, on the other hand, majority, thus changing the demograph- The 73-day Doklam standoff has been having crossed the high Himalayas and ic pattern in this remote and generally apparently resolved at the politico-dip- reached the foothills in certain areas, hostile region. lomatic level. The peaceful resolution unilaterally withdrew, having realised India, on the other hand, shied away should be attributed to a firm and reso- the enormity of the task of sustaining a from constructing roads and building lute stand by the Indian Army at the face- force without an adequate road network. infrastructure along the Tibet border in off site. The tactical level demonstration The LAP on 20 November 1962 was star- a mistaken belief that lack of roads will of strength was possible as the Indian ing at a long and harsh winter, without degrade the China threat, and deter deep Army deployment at Doka La dominates the means to survive and sustain in the incursions in the event of another war. the Doklam Plateau fortunately duly sup- underdeveloped high altitude captured As a misplaced strategy, India did not ported by a functional road constructed Indian territories. China learned its les- construct any roads along the India-Chi- by the Army Engineers through what son well and has gainfully applied its na Border. -
Sino-Indian Border Dispute: Explained in Constructivist Paradigm
No. 112 July 2020 Sino-Indian Border Dispute: Explained in Constructivist Paradigm Reena Bhatiya Research Assistant, Institute of Chinese Studies [email protected] Abstract The intractable Sino-India border dispute has been persistently affecting the India-China bilateral relations. The latest skirmishes at the Galwan valley testify that. While several attempts have been made to comprehend as well as resolve the dispute, it becomes pertinent to examine the trajectories, and go beyond a limited approach. This paper therefore analyzes the border dispute and patterns of incursions, standoffs, within a constructivist prescriptive framework. By comparing and critically analyzing the scholarly works on the dispute in the last decade through a constructivist paradigmatic optic together with an update of more recent developments at the border, this paper will contribute to the existing literature by giving a much ignored theoretical direction to the discussion on Sino-India border dispute. Keywords: Borderlands, Incursions, Norms, Border-Conflicts, Paradigm The ICS is an interdisciplinary research institution, which has a leadership role in the promotion of Chinese and East Asian Studies in India. The ICS Analysis aims to encourage debate and provide informed and balanced inputs for policy formulation and is based on extensive research and interactions with a wide community of scholars, experts, diplomats and military personnel in India and abroad. Decades have elapsed since the border war in seems clear that keeping the border issue persistently alive is a part of Chinese Strategy 1962, the Sikkim skirmishes in 1967, the to outcompete India in the regional and global Sumdorong Chu valley skirmish in 1987, to the power matrix. -
Journal of Social and Political Sciences
Journal of Social and Political Sciences Peng, Zhu. (2019), The Impact of the Issue of Exiled Tibetans: Focusing on Sino- Indian Relations. In: Journal of Social and Political Sciences, Vol.2, No.1, 47-59. ISSN 2615-3718 DOI: 10.31014/aior.1991.02.01.47 The online version of this article can be found at: https://www.asianinstituteofresearch.org/ Published by: The Asian Institute of Research The Journal of Social and Political Sciences is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. The Asian Institute of Research Social and Political Sciences is a peer-reviewed International Journal. The journal covers scholarly articles in the fields of Social and Political Sciences, which includes, but not limited to, Anthropology, Government Studies, Political Sciences, Sociology, International Relations, Public Administration, History, Philosophy, Arts, Education, Linguistics, and Cultural Studies. As the journal is Open Access, it ensures high visibility and the increase of citations for all research articles published. The Journal of Social and Political Sciences aims to facilitate scholarly work on recent theoretical and practical aspects of Social and Political Sciences. The Asian Institute of Research Journal of Social and Political Sciences Vol.2, No.1, 2019: 47-59 ISSN 2615-3718 Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved DOI: 10.31014/aior.1991.02.01.47 The Impact and Harm of the Issue of Exiled Tibetans: Focusing on Sino-Indian Relations 1 Zhu Peng 1 Associate professor at Department of History, College of Liberal Arts, Jinan University. -
Doklam and the Indo-China Boundary A.K
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No.1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg Delhi Cantonment, New Delhi-110010 Journal of Defence Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.idsa.in/journalofdefencestudies Doklam and the Indo-China Boundary A.K. Bardalai To cite this article: A.K. Bardalai (2018): Doklam and the Indo-China Boundary, Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1, January-March 2018, pp. 5-13 URL http://idsa.in/jds/jds-12-1-2018-doklam-indo-china-boundary Please Scroll down for Article Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.idsa.in/termsofuse This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re- distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IDSA or of the Government of India. Doklam and the Indo-China Boundary A.K Bardalai * INDO-CHINA BOUNDARY On 19 December 2017, three days ahead of the scheduled 20th Round of Indo-China border talk between the Indian National Security Advisor (NSA), Ajit Doval, and China’s State Councillor, Yang Jiechi (the details of which are yet to be made public), the daily Times of India reported a statement by China that the Doklam standoff posed a ‘major test’ for the bilateral ties and that lessons should be learnt from it to avoid a similar situation of its kind in the future.1 China’s statement was made in the context of the face-off between Indian Army and China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in the Doklam plateau (see Figure 1), a disputed area of 89 sq km in western Bhutan, near East Sikkim.