Cemeteries and Urban Form: a Historico- Geographical Approach

Cemeteries and urban form: a historico-geographical approach

Thomas Kolnberger Identités. Politiques, Sociétés, Espaces (IPSE), Université du Luxembourg, Campus Belval, Maison des Sciences Humaines, 11, Port des Sciences, L-4366 Esch/Alzette, Luxembourg. E-mail: [email protected]

Revised version received 13 February 2018

Abstract. Research in urban morphology rarely takes account of the specific forms of burial grounds. This paper offers a synthesis of how Christian cities of the dead mirror the cities of the living, and provides an overview of different Western European ‘funeral epochs’. The shifting location of burial grounds relates to major changes in town planning and building. Adopting a historico-geographical approach, micro-morphological transformations of grave-plot forms and their cardinal orientations and accessibility are explored in the context of changing religious beliefs, rules on hygiene, and practical and aesthetic considerations. The role of cemeteries in fringe-belt development is presented, using Vienna as a historical case study.

Keywords: cemetery, churchyard, urban form, funeral epochs, fringe-belt concept

Cemeteries are virtually absent from the study that this time-span can be seen as a single of urban form. Yet the spatial order of grave period despite the considerable shifts and fields, graveyards, churchyards, cemeteries regional changes. Tarlow and Nilson-Stutz and other burial grounds plays a central role (2013) provide a handbook of the archaeol- in any archaeological analysis, because in ogy of death and burial (cf. Parker Pearson, one way or another it reflects the settlements 1999). Laqueur (2015) provides a cultural/ of the living (Rugg, 2000). The necropolis or social history of Anglo-American burial ‘necrodeme’, as its smaller but more numer- practices tracing them back to Roman times; ous rural version might be called, is also an Sörries (2011) and Fischer (1996) do the same understudied element. The keyword index of for Germany. Illi (1992) analyses the ‘church- this journal does not list cemeteries or graveyard’ in preindustrial towns in depth, focusing yards. Although the range of research and the on Switzerland in medieval and early-modern scope of the literature are large, the pertinence times. Rugg (2013) concentrates on the tran- of this literature for urban morphology is sition to modern cemeteries in rural England. either low or not immediately obvious. This Bertrand and Carol (2016) bring together a paper draws attention to the morphological collection of essays on the origins of mod- importance of the disposal of human remains. ern cemeteries with a particular focus on Walpole (2003) offers an architectural Romance-speaking Europe. longue-durée perspective on cemeteries in In contrast, this paper proposes a ‘town- the West covering various epochs. The vol- plan analysis’ of past and present burial ume edited by Classen (2016) on Death in the grounds based on an extensive literary review Middle Ages and Early Modern times shows and on the author’s own surveys of sepulchral

Urban Morphology (2018) 22(2), 119–139 © International Seminar on Urban Form, 2018 ISSN 1027–4278 120 Cemeteries and urban form artefacts, grave plots, land use and location. erected on either side of the sacred road out While the author’s main area of expertise is of the city towards Eleusis, and the graves continental north-west Europe, examples situated alongside the Appian Way, one of from other areas heavily influenced by Roman the earliest and strategically most important Catholic and Protestant traditions are also Roman roads, are two well-known examples. considered. Based on the case of Vienna, the The pattern of land use (grave plots, access fringe-belt concept is employed to investigate paths, paved passageways and well-trodden the relationship of cemeteries to the historico- trails) emerged spontaneously and irregularly. geographical pattern of urban form. Enlargements were made to the existing burial An outline of various topographical loca- sites when required (Toynbee, 1971). tions and burial ground patterns is the basis for The first row of graves was loosely aligned, distinguishing four sepulchral ‘epochs’: (1) in chronological order, along the main trans- classical antiquity and early Christianity, (2) port routes out of the town. The second, third medieval and early-modern times, (3) modern and further rows of graves behind the origi- times, and (4) recent times (since the 1970s). nal row formed a more jagged line. The grave A detailed account of regional variations is not sites of people of lower social status, squeezed provided in this paper, although these might in between the towering burial markers of rich prove important and revealing (see, for exam- and important people, underlined their precar- ple, Danforth, 1982; De Pina-Cabral, 1986). ious existence. The aim is to outline the general historical Besides this type of development, there evolution of associated architectural features, were also highly individualized grave sites, town plans and cemetery planning, particu- but mostly in rural areas. Large-scale funeral larly in relation to the development of histori- monuments linked to Roman countryside vil- cal patterns of fringe belts (Conzen, 2009). las (villae rusticae) were landmarks display- Each sepulchral epoch is characterized as an ing the wealth and success of the owner’s ‘ideal model’ comprising the various features family. The ‘Igel Column’, close to Augusta and material elements of the phenotypes of Treverorum (Trier in present-day Germany) burial grounds. Historical examples are pre- is such a monument type (Mehl, 1997). The sented: first, to explain the location of burial anonymous and invisible burial places of the grounds within the urban tissue; and secondly, poor – mass graves outside the city perimeter to focus on the plot forms. revealed by archaeological evidence – are the converse of these highly individualized graves (McCormick, 2015). Classical antiquity and early Christianity The sprawl of multi-shaped micro- Classical antiquity enclosures, called ‘funeral gardens’, comprising several graves of an extended family, also In classical antiquity, the burial ground was influenced the irregular layout of grave sites. situated outside a walled city or an unfortified Funeral practices – including cremation with settlement, such as an unplanned Roman pro- urns for the ashes and interment of the corpse vincial town. Individual grave sites lined the with grave goods – contributed to the het- main access routes to these settlements. The erogeneity of the ‘deathscapes’. Body inter- closer to the main gates in the wall, the better ment became the socio-religious standard of for the plot owners, as the graves in the first Christianity. While Muslims had introduced row were regarded as the most prestigious. quite early the qibla, the common cardinal Other preferred burial sites were on higher direction (Halevi, 2007), Christian ‘orientation’ ground or providing a panoramic view. The to the east, facing the rising sun, resurrection visibility of the sites to passers-by and the and the Last Judgement, was less strict. Graves frequency with which they were visited were could be aligned to church walls or ‘point’ to deemed social assets. The Kerameikos of something important, even beyond the church- Athens, with its numerous funerary sculptures yard (Boissavit-Camus and Zadora-Rio, 1996; Cemeteries and urban form 121

A B

da da

ab a

ab ac

M O S E L ea M O S E L 1 a ac 240 m 240 m

Altbach

Augusta Treverorum (Trier), Trier (Electorate of Trier), Holy Roman Roman Empire, c. 4th century AD Empire, c. 14th century AD Main burial grounds with Main churches or monasteries 1 zones of densi cation and ecclesiastical pricincts a Forum a Main Market Square High Cathedral of St Peter and ab Basilica and Palace District ab Church of Our Lady in Trier ca Imperial Roman Baths ca Aula Palatina (Palace)

1 a a d N d N St Maximin (Monastery) St Maximin’s Abbey ea ea Circus and Theatre ea St Matthias’ Abbey

0 300 600m 0 300 600m

Figure 1. (A) Late Antique Trier (Augusta Treverorum) and the location of the main burial grounds in front of the main gates at the ends of the intra- and inter-urban main thoroughfares (decumanus and cardo); (B) Trier as the seat of a prince-bishop in the late-medieval period. Source: Deutscher Historischer Städteatlas (2006) and Maps of the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier (GDKE) (adapted by the author).

Rahtz, 1978, pp. 1–3; Schmitz-Esser, 2016, Early Christianity pp. 57–63). Graveyard and religious building, usually the parish church, formed one unit: In the fourth century, Trier was one of the larg- they constituted ‘morphotopes, or the small- est cities in the Roman Empire and a residence est building group of distinctive period mix- of the western Roman Emperor (Figure 1A). ture or period dominance’ (Whitehand, 2009, This metropolis and its minor urban satellites, p. 9). Such units within a Christian town are such as Belginum (Figure 2) are archaeologi- very different from arrangements associated cal documents of the continuity and change with Muslim or Jewish building traditions. In from Celtic (Belgae and Treveri) to Roman Christianity, older burial grounds – in contrast and Romanized or early-Christian funeral to the Muslim custom – continued to be re- practices. All these burial sites form a striking used, which resulted in burial sedimentation contrast to the planned (or rectified) rectangu- and archaeological strata. Deceased Romans lar grid of Greek-Hellenistic or Gallo-Roman were granted eternal rest as long as the site urban forms. This was no coincidence: the area was maintained. If not, much needed construc- of the living remained strictly separated from tion material was taken from the burial sites as the dead. Only commemoration could bridge ‘spoliae’ (repurposed parts) to build the city of this ‘limes’ by bringing offerings to the burial the living. place outside the city or by placing them on 122 Cemeteries and urban form

Figure 2. The grave field of the vicus ‘Belginum’ between Trier and Mayence (Germany): in use from the 4th century BC to the end of the 4th century AD. The courses of two minor ancient roads, which ran parallel to the main route, are still discernible. Reproduced and modified from Cordie (2013) by F. Dewald, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier (GDKE).

the altar of a house as a sign of veneration closely as possible to the grave of a Christian of the dead. The Christian Roman Emperor martyr (ad sanctos, ‘to the saints’) became the Justinian I, who reigned from 527 to 565, preferred grave site for any Christian. Owing renewed the interdict against intramural burials to the official ban against intra-urban graves for the last time, but ‘by the eighth century, the in late-Roman and early-Christian times, the ancient necrogeography had been overthrown most prestigious burial grounds were still in most of Europe’ (Laqueur, 2015, p. 94). situated outside the city, like the catacombs of Rome. Later, monastic brotherhoods, who built their churches over the tombs of saints, Medieval and early-modern times usually managed these places (compare Figures 1A and 1B). The ‘new’ Romans erected While Roman settlements continued, a St Peter’s Basilica, the sepulchre church of the new urban form was emerging in the early- martyred apostle and ‘first bishop of Rome’. It medieval period, a transition that the new became the global centre of the Catholic faith Christian necrogeography influenced deci- and political power. Feudal Europe’s new sively in several ways. First, being buried as lords also recognized the need for a personal Cemeteries and urban form 123 saint to buttress their rule ideologically and pre-Christian precincts (temple districts). In to ensure the fate of their souls after death. 1059, Pope Nicolaus II stipulated that the They therefore founded major churches and perimeters of consecration comprised 30 privileged monasteries, and acquired relics yards around chapels and 60 yards around to attract pilgrims and simultaneously serve churches (Schmitz-Esser, 2016, p. 33). These as the location of their dynastic intra-church boundaries had to be fenced or walled to sepulchres (Bartlett, 2013). guard the holy district of the dead from the Change within old Roman settlements sinful world outside. God’s acres usually had meant that the new urban cores deviated no predefined paths, except for the one lead- from the old centre, the forum. Consequently, ing to the church’s main entrance. At a smaller major towns, such as Cologne, Reims, Trier radius, a circular way featuring the Stations and London, became to some extent the ‘ex- of the Cross could lead around the place of centric’ form of the old decumanus and cardo worship (Figure 3). A place for excavated grid. In some cases, the centre of settlements bones or those found in the yard within the even ‘moved out’ and ‘encroached’ on the enclosure was, however, mandatory after the new burial sites in front of the former city synods of Munster and Cologne in 1279–80. gates, as in Trier and Vienna. There are also Depending on the circumstance, the actual examples of complete relocations followed by eternal depository for mortal remains could renamings. The medieval town of St Albans, be a simple niche or an intricately designed north-west of London, grew on the hill outside ossuary or charnel house. A single high cross the Roman city (Verulamium) where it was and an eternal light sometimes completed the believed that the first British saint was buried. site (Lauwers, 2005; Sörries, 2011; Zadora- The new town centre of Xanten on the Rhine Rio, 2003). in Germany was built on the grounds of an old Permanent grave markers outside the Roman cemetery. The close-by ruins of the church building were rare before the nine- Roman settlement (Colonia Ulpia Traiana) teenth century and the bourgeois era. While served as the quarry for the new Christian various signs to indicate new graves were town around the convent of St Victor, which in use, these markers were either perish- changed its name literally to ‘place of saints’ able (wooden crosses, grave mounds) or not (or ze Santen from ad Sanctum). The saints meant to be permanently in place, because could pass these centuries-old thresholds and of the foreseeable secondary burial of the enter the city, either as relicts or through a glo- bones. The ordinary dead were instead com- rious secondary burial. The common dead – memorated by interceding prayers, then by like pilgrims – followed the saints into the visiting individual graves. Nevertheless, the heart of the settlement. The development of position of graves in churchyards also indi- the ‘churchyard’ as the common burial site cated rank and order (cf. Parker Pearson, throughout the Christian world characterizes 1999, pp. 1–20). The most sought-after sites the second major change. were inside the church, closest to the altar. Christian churches of this sepulchral epoch can be described as indoor cemeteries built The medieval period around the bodies of the ‘special dead’: relics of saints or the graves of local grandees. A ‘churchyard’ is an enclosed area of land Being buried close to the walls or at certain adjoining or surrounding a church or chapel distinct places, such as the main entrance or and used as a town or village graveyard side chapels, was the next best choice. In gen- (German Kirchhof, French aître/cimetière). eral, the south – the sunny side – was the pre- Churchyards took a round or polygonal form ferred sector and the dead usually faced the as they were not restricted by neighbouring east, sunrise being the symbol of resurrection structures or other ‘morphological frames’, ad orientem. Since the churches were oriented such as pre-existing enclosures, fields or towards the true east, the graves were mostly 124 Cemeteries and urban form

1 8

1a2 50m 623 234 7

Chapel of St Hilaire, 1 (former parish church, c. 12th-16th century)

1a2 Side chapel with sepulchral

of local lords 2 Ossuary (c. 15th century) N

Column shrine of the 3 Annunciation of the Lord (c. 15th-16th century) 623 Dirt road and entrance Shrine with the Pietà and 235 234 four steles with the Twelve Apostles House of the gravedigger, (c. 15th-16th century) 7 gardener, ward (outside of the perimeter) 235 Shrine with Christ at the Column (c. 15th-16th century) 8 Calvary shrine (c. 17th century) 0 10 20m

Figure 3. The Saint Hilaire churchyard in Marville, Lorraine. Source: Plan de masse, Municipalité de Marville, France (adapted by the author).

aligned with the churches, but with consider- exhibiting an ascending slope towards the able variations due to the urban and natural building in the centre. topography (Hoare and Sweet, 2000; Rahtz, Churchyards served as exclusive conse- 1978). Owing to their rather limited ground crated disposal places for Christian communi- for burials, intra muros churchyards were ties, but they were also multifunctional places. crowded. As a ‘working landscape’, the level The entrance area, the parvis, served as a place of the yard increased over generations due to for conventions and political speeches; it was landfills and the sedimentation of the human a place where dances and markets were held; ‘biomass’. This continued reuse of graves is it was also used to store goods and its perim- the reason for older churchyards sometimes eter provided asylum to anyone entering it. In Cemeteries and urban form 125 the countryside, the reinforced walls of forti- 5), in use from the twelfth to nineteenth cen- fied churches were regarded as the last line of turies, vary in detail. Unlike the St Hilaire defence for the villager; in a cramped intra- Catholic example, the grave plots were moved urban situation, the churchyard wall could be away from the southern church wall during integrated into the back of a row of houses: the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Zurich’s Münsterhof (‘Yard of the Minister’), excavated grave plots outside, or at the very now a central plaza, is a well-documented edge of, this churchyard’s perimeter can be example (Illi, 1992; cf. Schneider, 1982). interpreted as the spatial exclusion of poor, marginalized people or those who experi- enced ‘social death’ as criminals, murderers Early-modern times or suicides. Those who were not deemed to be part of the Christian community, such as St Stephen’s, Vienna’s fourteenth-century unbaptized infants (Traufkinder), or not mem- cathedral, was surrounded by the biggest and bers of the local community, such as foreign most famous Friethof (literally ‘enclosed travellers dying in the course of their jour- yard’) in the capital before its closure ney, and other marginal or not ‘decent’ people (Figure 4). Today, the square is flat, open, were considered special cases. This segrega- elongated and aligned with the main streets tion was general practice until the nineteenth of the Gründerzeit (1850–1914), although century. From 1840 until the 1950s, the City it was walled and ‘hilly’ for centuries. The of Vienna maintained a burial site (unconse- Fürstenbühel (literally the ‘prince’s mound’) crated until 1935), the so-called ‘Friedhof der is one of several artificial elevations from Namenlosen’ (‘Graveyard for the people with- which political speeches were delivered dur- out name’), mainly for water-corpses from the ing the medieval period. While hardly any Danube. And racial and social segregation in inner-city churchyards have survived, St cemeteries of the British Empire continued Hilaire of Marville in north-east France is even into the twentieth century (Christopher, one of the few ‘necrodemes’ or rural grave- 1995; Murdoch, 2012; cf. Parker Pearson, yards still maintained and operational today 1999, pp. 11–17). (Figure 3). The urban development of this Burgundian town was practically halted by French annexation in 1659 (Treaty of the Modern times Pyrenees). Thus the persistence of the ‘urban’ form is remarkable. The density zones of the The ‘dawn of modernity’ did not put an graves – mostly dating back to the eighteenth immediate end to the ‘close relationship’ or and early-nineteenth century – illustrate the ‘cohabitation’ of the dead and the living. The topography of the preferred burial plots. On French Revolution of 1789 and its aftermath the south side, next to the side chapel with was more of an accelerator of developments its graves of the local seigneurs, and along already in place, than the ultimate demise of the access ways to the church building, was the old ‘necroregime’ and its deathscapes. featured the annex of the funeral chapel for Even though the turn of the century may be the most important noble family. Also nota- seen as a time of change in funeral practices, ble are the sectoral alignments of the tomb- particularly on the European mainland and in stones, which do not face east, but were the Napoleonic Empire’s sphere of influence, placed where the church-goers would see this was a transition and not a revolution. Some them. The irregular polygon-shape is due to measures had been anticipated. In Vienna, for the graveyard’s topographical situation on a example, several intramural churchyards were hilltop. closed for further burials, such as the central The archaeological findings of the rural St Stephen’s graveyard in 1732. The removal of Catholic, later Protestant, churchyard of the single graves followed in 1783 (Brauneis, Breunsdorf near Leipzig, Germany (Figure 1971). The numerous dead buried in one of 126 Cemeteries and urban form

Figure 4. St Stephen’s Cathedral and surroundings, Vienna (1710). Source: Stadtplan von Steinhausen (1710), Wien Museum, Inv. Nr. 105.500, Austria and a snapshot by Google Maps.

Vienna’s many crypts, however, never left the air quality (Corbin, 1982). The remaining city since they were ‘out of sight and out of corpses were exhumed and transferred to mind’. The Cimetière des Innocents, the old- the ‘catacombs’, the central municipal ersatz est, largest and by then also the most infamous ossuary, which was consecrated as a Christian graveyard in Paris, was closed in 1780 owing necropolis in 1786 (Métayer, 1993). to overcrowding, hygienic and aesthetic rea- Similar measures had been undertaken even sons, and the growing public awareness of earlier due to a lack of practical alternatives. Cemeteries and urban form 127

Breunsdorf (1150 - 1990s) Straßendorf of the German Ostsiedlung Devastation and Resettlement due to Open-Pit Coal Mining

x x x x

Modern Cemetery x

replacing the Medieval ditch Modern wall old churchyard N est. 1834-1864, Other excavations last burials 1970s All graves (excavation layers) Layer with chronologically closely related graves of Protestant times, regularly aligned and containing grave goods x 0 10 20m Grave chambers (since 17th century)

Figure 5. Breunsdorf: necro-archaeology of an abandoned village. (1) The apse of the first Romanesque parish church. The bones collected in the second ossuary (2) during the extension/alteration around 1500 were transferred and deposited in a pit in the eighteenth century during Protestant times (3). Reproduced and modified from Kenzler (2002).

In 1517–18, the plague had ravaged the popu- the planned accessibility and durable grave lation of the thriving city of Nuremberg and markers of the prototypical ‘urban’ funeral forced its municipality to close the old inner- form were important features of the ‘modern’ city churchyards (Pilz, 1984). The transfer cemetery to come. However, Nuremberg’s to the suburbs led to the construction of two new ‘cemeteries’ were merely newly estab- new graveyards, St Rochus’s and St John’s, lished relocations of the old churchyard resulting in the perplexing appearance of a necroregime, which the parish still adminis- ‘modern’ layout of orderly predefined, albeit tered. Some Protestant communities had to slightly irregular, lines of grave plots and indi- design their burial grounds from scratch and vidual graves consisting of permanent struc- the first generation of graves ‘imprinted’, that tures. The fairly straight lines of the plots, is prefigured, the order of the following ones their fairly standardized sizes and general ori- (Figure 5). The Camposanto, a particular form entation (due to regulatory constraints), and of a cemetery in Central Germany, originated 128 Cemeteries and urban form in the early Reformation years of the six- Prefect of the Seine Department (1853–70). teenth century (probably inspired by Italian Nevertheless, the rising bourgeoisie regarded models). It is enclosed by arcades and does this new type of cemetery as an urban prom- not have edifices such as a parish church or enade and deliberately designed for this ossuary, which unleashed an academic debate purpose (De Saint-Aubin, 1816; Roger, on whether its urban form should be viewed 1816). as ‘pre-modern’ and thus a sign of progress Brongniart and Haussmann pursued the (Tietz, 2012). same mission: to make the city healthier, less The new ‘necroregime’ not only altered congested and grander (Charlet, 2003; Jordan, the physical form but also the management 1995). Only their timing and impetus differed structures of the burial ground. But this only slightly: Brongniart’s assignment had to con- emerged during the late-eighteenth and nine- form to the first Napoleonic Empire’s new law teenth century. The intensified urbanization, on cemeteries (called the 23 Prairial an XII of industrialization and increasing urban popu- 1804), which decreed that all those who died lation forced local municipalities to relocate had to ‘leave’ the town centres (Kselman, 1993; their old churchyards and turn them into Ligou, 1975). In Paris, four large new cem- municipal-administered services with a gen- eteries outside the capital’s precincts replaced eral scheme. The Church had to transfer its the churches and graveyards of the old regime. authority – or at least its supervision – to the In the characteristic fetishism of rational sym- state. Metropolitan areas were at the forefront metry and order at this revolutionary time, of this development. they were built facing north, south, east and In 1808, the City of Paris entrusted west – as in Roman times. Half a century later, Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart (1739–1813) Haussmann found the same solution for press- with the planning of a new type of cemetery. ing urban problems, but this time for the liv- Brongniart, a well-known neoclassical archi- ing inhabitants in an overcrowded city: a new tect and ‘general inspector of public works’ geometric urban form with broad boulevards of the French capital, laid out a new type of bringing light, air, grandeur and infrastructure burial ground: the first garden cemetery in his- to the sites. Cemeteries, like any social topog- tory. For this ‘Eastern Cemetery’ (Cimetière raphy of a living city, also have good and bad, de l’Est), later better known as Père Lachaise, expensive and cheap neighbourhoods. They he designed generous avenues, much like show signs of segregation between rich and the central axes of classical French gardens. poor – even the ‘ghettoization’ of religious or Instead of a chateau, the Grande Chapelle ethnic-national groups, such as Protestants or pour les Cérémonies was placed at the focal Jews, in their assigned quarters. point. Tree-lined visual axes connected this The successive extensions of the original central funeral chapel to all corners of the Père Lachaise cemetery (Figure 6) illustrate site, while a meandering avenue invited that the form of this cemetery mirrors Paris flȃneurs, male and female urban walkers, to en miniature. At the same time, the city of take a stroll around the necropolis (Simmel, the dead became a strolling ground and rec- 1950; Thomas, 2010). At the beginning of the reational area for the living, and, over time, a nineteenth century, however, city streets still prime destination for tourists. lacked a basic urban ‘superstructure’ such After the ‘linear sprawl’ of the ancient bur- as boulevards, public parks, arcades, cafés, ial ground had given way to the ground plan trottoirs, while the inevitable accessories for of ‘condensed enclosures’ (Figure 7), there strolls along newly-paved sidewalks, such as was a further change in modern times to the walking canes, umbrellas and parasols, were formation of perfectly symmetrical polygons not yet fashionable. The transformation of and ‘rasterized grave plots’ without a church Paris and the creation of a specific environ- building as a religious focal point. This tran- ment for boulevardiers were only realized sition from parish churchyard to municipal under Baron Haussmann, Napoleon III’s cemetery did not occur evenly and smoothly. Cemeteries and urban form 129

Figure 6. The Père Lachaise Cemetery, Paris. Source: Original Plan of Brongniart, Plan du cimetière de l’Est, dit du Père-Lachaise ou Mont-Louis … 1813, BNF (Bibliothèque National de France, Paris). 1 – The Main Entrance; 2 – The original Jewish Enclosure; 3 and 4 – The new Jewish and Muslim Section (carré) until its dissolution by the ‘Law of 14th November 1881’ (sur la neutralité des cimetières), which prohibited any further segregation of religious denominations in French cemeteries. The former cimetière Israelite became the site of the first French crematorium. All the ‘celebrity graves’ (159 on this map) are within the old perimeter (dashed line added by the author) and southern extensions. 5 – the perspective and direction of Figure 7. 130 Cemeteries and urban form

Figure 7. A common Père Lachaise ‘neighbourhood’. The municipal regulation defines the form, dimension and material of the built-up area, and the duration of use. The most expensive graves are in the front rows of the avenues and on the ‘hills’, with their curving lanes, and along the cobbled streets of the ‘upper-class’ under the trees.

For example, after the fall of Napoleon, the continental Europe (Rugg, 2013). On the con- ‘progressive’ Netherlands reversed the ban tinent, the non-capitalistic, state-sponsored on intra-church entombment. Until 1865, common-good version of cemeteries pre- Amsterdam citizens could again be buried vailed. Privately run cemeteries are a very within the confines of theOude Kerk, literally recent development. the oldest church in the city. The floor con- To summarize this ‘sepulchral period’, sists entirely of gravestones covering the bur- after the French Revolution modern cemeter- ial place of more than 10 000 people (Janse, ies became a showpiece of progress and the 2004). In an urban and suburban context, this new urban life-style in metropolitan areas specific persistence was an exception to the throughout Europe and Europeanized areas rule, while the ‘rural form’ of churchyards in overseas. However, there was a clear urban- the countryside remained the standard struc- rural divide until well into the nineteenth cen- ture until the end of the nineteenth century. tury. Over-population and new standards of Protestant, Orthodox, Catholic and Jewish hygiene were the two main drivers of change. ways of treating human remains and their A lack of available funds, a conservative out- final ‘disposal’ practices might have diverged look and less pressing problems of population in the past, but showed some degree of con- density slowed the rural transition (Bertrand vergence again in ‘modern’ layouts and infra- and Carol, 2016). In many cases the partial structure. In terms of cemetery management transformation of inner cemetery organization and the implementation of private-ownership was sufficient to keep the churchyard in its old models, England, with its dominant municipal place. In most cases churchyards were closed types of cemeteries, took a different path from and relocated into urban fringe belts. Cemeteries and urban form 131

Recent times grave plots in a new way. Inaugurated in 1907, this new type of municipal cemetery was The ‘revival’ of modern cremation and the meant to ‘lead back to nature’ and the grave increase in cremation rates have been the plots were to be ‘sprinkled’ in a loose regula- single most important influence on the form tory order throughout a woodland, albeit with of cemeteries since the Second World War. very strict design templates for the gravemark- Cremations led to new forms of burial, such as ers (Grässel, 1913; Leisner and Neumann, columbaria in different designs and meadows 1996) to safeguard the Gesamtkunstwerk. The to scatter ashes, which were simply added to Munich example inspired Skogskyrkogåden, the traditional cemeteries. In addition, new the well-known ‘Woodland Cemetery’ in cemeteries have been created in woodlands, Stockholm (first developed in 1917), but called Friedwälder (literally, ‘forests of features far more landscaping efforts and peace’) or jardins de souvenirs, where ashes built-up areas (Walpole, 2003). The ‘biggest can be buried in a ‘natural’ environment for rural cemetery’ in Ohlsdorf (389 ha), estab- ecological and philosophical reasons (Davies lished in 1877 as a non-denominational and and Mates, 2005; Kolnberger, 2017). When multi-regional burial ground for the city of the primary Christian churchyard became Hamburg, is another example of an inter- disassociated from the ecclesiastical building, pretation of the park cemetery as a secluded the bodily remains of the dead often became Arcadian retreat. This proved to be a trend- completely ‘displaced’ from the cemetery. setter in large urban agglomerations, but less At the same time, such sites of commemo- so in rural areas. Many urban cemeteries also ration as roadside shrines and R.I.P. murals resisted this trend. For example, Vienna’s became increasingly popular, ‘dissolving Central Cemetery of 250 ha, inaugurated in commemorative boundaries in a liquid world’ 1874, is not laid out as an English-style gar- (Sloan, 2018, p. 195). The concurrent ‘hyper- den, but in accordance with ‘French’ land- individualism’ (Augé, 1992) has been accom- scaping ideals of symmetry. panied by increased personal choice in sepulchral matters. The disconnection of place, burial and commemoration has also been Cemeteries as elements in urban fringe driven by the rise of technology, bordering on belts the futuristic: for example, cryonics, vitrifica- tion, and ashes processed as diamonds. The It is a paradox that cemeteries are a neglected beginning of these developments coincided aspect of urban morphology despite the fact with the changes to the allocation of the burial that they are prominent features of fringe places (cf. Maddrell and Sidaway, 2010). belts. Fringe belts have come into existence Generally, the transfer of cemeteries into as zones of extensive, heterogeneous land use the second fringe belt of Euro-American cities at the edge of built-up areas (Conzen, 1960; (cf. Figure 8) not only allowed larger public Louis, 1936). They tend to form when the burial plots, but also transformed the ‘tradi- outward spread of an urban built-up area is tional’ grave-plot organization and enabled the very slow (Conzen, 2009; Whitehand, 1967). creation of new urban landscape components, During rapid urban expansion they become such as the Waldfriedhof or the ‘return of the embedded within the densely built-up area. dead to the city’ (as ashes in urns). The built- Unless associated with a fixation line, such up area of cemeteries, was, of course, subject as a city wall, such belts are generally dis- to changes in design fashion. This was to a continuous (Whitehand and Morton, 2006, much lesser degree also true of the plots and p. 2049). the general layout. Nevertheless, the ‘anti- In 2017 the City of Vienna (a city of 1.9 mil- landscaping’ idea of the Waldfriedhof, con- lion inhabitants) administered 46 cemeteries – ceived in Munich by Hans Grässel, pioneered not taking into account nine burial grounds the breaking up of the gridiron of rasterized administered by religious communities (three 132 Cemeteries and urban form

Danube 1 Inner fringe belt (Vorstädte) (regulated riverbed) 2 Outer fringe belt (Vororte) 3 Green girdle (Grüngürtel) a Urban core and Glacis

b Linienwall Cemetery

ted highlands) (fores d s o o W a 3 n n e i 2 V

1 a

2 unregulated Danube canal watercourses b until 1870s 3

10 km N

0 2 000 4 000 6 000 8 000 10 000 m 20 km

Figure 8. Historical fringe belts of Vienna and surface areas of Vienna’s ‘living’ cemeteries (2017) within the second urban fringe belt. Source: author’s mapping based on Google Earth and the municipality-owned company Friedhöfe Wien GmbH.

Catholic, three Jewish, two Protestant, and (Figure 8). The transfer of the burial places one Islamic), pet cemeteries and old aban- from the intramural churchyards into the doned graveyards. In total the surfaces of all ‘second’ periphery took place in two steps. ‘living’ burial sites amount to 5.2 km2 (cf. To create space for victims of epidemics and Czeike, 1992–2004; Friedhöfe Wien, 2017). to relieve pressure on the inner-city church- All are located in the ‘second’ historical yards of Vienna, the emperors Ferdinand I fringe belt of the metropolis. Vienna’s series and Maximilian II initiated the construction of fringe belts from medieval times to the of burial sites outside the city walls. After the industrial and post-industrial age is related to devastation of Vienna in 1529 during the first two natural and two administrative-military siege by the Ottomans, graveyards were con- fixation lines – on the one hand the Danube structed on former monastery grounds, close and the Vienna Woods and on the other the to major town gates north-west and south-east early-modern military fortification (1529– of the urban core. Maximilian’s Großer kai- 1858) and the outer defensive line of lighter serlicher Gottesacker vor dem Schottentor fortifications of the Linienwall (1704–1894) (‘Grand imperial God’s acre beyond the Gate Cemeteries and urban form 133

1 D A N U B E

c. 15th century 1751 c. 1600?

1783

1732 1783 1656/60 St Stephen W I E N River

1 Perimeter of Roman Vindobona

2 Medieval wall (c. 1200) N

3 Early Modern forti cation (16th-17th century)

Churchyards (with date of closing)

Precincts of churches and monasteries 0 200 500m

Figure 9. Churchyards of the Old Town (with dates of conveyance) within the Roman and medieval walls of Vienna. Source: based on Österreichischer Städteatlas (www.mapire.eu/ oesterreichischer-staedteatlas/wien). of the Scots’) of 1561 remained without a par- requirements and having their own institu- ish church (Figures 9 and 10). It was divided tional cemeteries (five in total). After the sec- into Catholic and Protestant parts. The regu- ond Ottoman siege of 1683, the military also larly patterned site and its series of extensions moved in: Habsburg standing armies began in the agricultural belt of Vienna shaped the to occupy ever larger parts of the first, and growing suburb (Alservorstadt) in several later the second, fringe belt. This agglomera- ways (Senfelder, 1902). This ‘proto-modern’ tion of large plots took place in the context of cemetery was an extra-large plot in Vienna’s traditional rural property relationships within first fringe belt. The general infrastructure of a sprawling ‘row village’ and its agricultural this fringe belt attracted the building and influ- plot forms. The cellular street pattern of irreg- enced the alignments of further health, social ular block development (Blockrandbebauung) and welfare establishments – notably hospitals of the nineteenth-century city expansion was and almshouses – all of them with large space the consequence of this initial imprint. The 1609 1771

Detail of a bird’s view of Vienna N The God’s acre/cemetery

1609 - 1830 W Agglomeration ähringer Gasse +

Military (barracks, hospital)

Civil (hospitals etc.) + + Location of three further graveyards until c. 1800 + + Reference points Spitalgasse + Alser Gasse+ oder Hauptstrasse+ ( G l a c i s ) +

1830

1960s - 2000s + + Transformation and Expansion

New General Hospital + + New University Campus + + Reference points +

Spitalgasse N + Alser Hauptstraße+ + +

0 200 500m 2015

Figure 10. Emperor Maximilian’s ‘God’s acre’ in 1608 and the suburb Alsergrund in transition (1609 – 1770 – 1830 – 2015). Principal sources: Vogelschau von Wien (by Jakob Hoefnagel, Vienna, 1609); Grundriß der k.k. Residenzstadt Wien, ihrer Vorstädte und der anstoßenden Orte, auf allerhöchsten Befehl unter der Direction des Hofmathematici Jos. Nagel, aufgenommen von den Ingenieurs Jos. Neußner und Carl Braun im J. 1770 und einigen darauf gefolgten Jahren. 16 Bl. verschiedener Größe in 1/2880; K.K. Polizey-Bezirk Alservorstadt (by Count Vasquez, Vienna, 1830); Google Earth (2017). Cemeteries and urban form 135

D A N U B E

D A N U B E Canal

1 2

W I E N River N

1 Forti cation with Glacis

2 Linienwall Cemetery 0 500 1000m Edges of built-up area

Figure 11. Cemeteries beyond the ‘Linien’ (1830). Source: based on Österreichischer Städteatlas (www.mapire.eu/oesterreichischer-staedteatlas/wien).

difference between Maximilian’s foundation were cleared without leaving any significant and Ferdinand’s more traditional parish ceme- morphological imprint on the neighbouring tery Nikolaifriedhof (plot assigned 1540/63) in plots (Krause et al., 2013). the south-east is striking. The latter remained The second phase of converting existing embedded in the central part of the linear fringe-belt plots in the cycle of adaption and suburb called Landstraße – literally ‘coun- redevelopment of burial places was of a dif- try road’ – at the fork of the two main roads. ferent nature. By order of Emperor Joseph II After the cemetery was closed in 1786, this inner city and suburban churchyards had to be large plot was transformed into a new market closed after 1784. In replacement, five com- square. The old parish church and cemetery munale Friedhöfe (‘municipal cemeteries’) 136 Cemeteries and urban form leap-frogged beyond the so called Linien Conclusion (‘lines’) into the outer (or second) fringe belt. The older western part gained the shape of The places for the dead are an integral part of a crescent (Figures 9 and 11). The church- any human settlement. They are involved in – yards of the Vororte, independent small com- sometimes even the driver of – their formation munities in the farther periphery of Vienna’s and transformation. This aspect is particularly second belt, also had to be relocated. As in interesting for a cross-cultural comparison. other villages and towns during the reign of The spatial ‘intimacy’ of Christians with their Joseph II, the top-down approach adopted dead differs from the Islamic, Hindu and was opposed. It initially met fierce resistance Buddhist traditions of dealing with the loca- in some places. Gradually, however, the towns tion of burial sites. The colonial European and villages moved their burial grounds out of context was also revealing when Christian the settled areas into their own ‘micro fringe burial sites were exported overseas, giving belts’. Indeed Vienna has one big historical rise to contrasting indigenous and colonial city core, but also many smaller ‘Stadtkerne’. burial arrangements. Within the ‘Christian Therefore, the expansion of the second fringe world’, regional differences, including in belt was not a simple outward move and the timing of change if any, are evident. The incorporation of the periphery by the centre. A sepulchral history of the British Isles is – in parallel ‘centrifugal’ outward move of many many details – different from that of con- local micro fringe belts can also be observed. tinental Europe. Europe from the Catholic This contributed to the city’s polycen- Peninsula to the Orthodox East, represents tric character (cf. Fassmann et al., 2009). a highly diverse sepulchral landscape. The Cemeteries are the morphological ‘index fos- cemeteries in Belarus, for example, differ in sil’ for that development in the outer fringe location from Central European traditions belt. (Selverstova, 2015). One of the aims of this In summary, it can be said that in the Old article is to offer a common ground for mak- Town, churchyards and churches had been ing comparisons. inseparable for centuries. The closing of these A major contribution of this paper is to burial sites created open space or room for draw attention to burial plots as urban forms extension of buildings or alignment and wid- with specific spatial organizations. The gen- ening of streets in the neighbourhood. In general location of burial grounds and their plot eral, this functional disintegration led to the forms are rather ‘conservative’. Their spatial disappearance of graveyard plots from the structure and character express continuities ground plan. In the nested hierarchy of units, and reflect cultural transitions over the long therefore, inner urban churchyards became term. They arguably express changes in atti- ‘weak’ urban elements. tudes over the long and medium term better The second fringe belt gave birth to the than any other urban or rural physical fea- modern cemetery. The discontinuous settle- ture. Future research on urban and rural forms ment band of suburbs (Vororte) offered the should to a greater degree include spaces for necessary space for the relocation of the par- the dead and their complex spatial relationship ish church from its traditional burial site and to the cities of the living. Their use as ‘index the separation of the graveyard from the resi- fossils’ for the investigation of fringe belts dential area. However, owing to their original seems to be a particularly fruitful approach in rectangular imprint on the town quarter, these morphological research. big plots remained. 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