Sauvons Calais, a Nationalist Vigilante Group
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Sociology and Anthropology 6(1): 86-93, 2018 http://www.hrpub.org DOI: 10.13189/sa.2018.060108 Sauvons Calais, a Nationalist Vigilante Group Matthijs Gardenier University Paul Valéry, France Copyright©2018 by authors, all rights reserved. Authors agree that this article remains permanently open access under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 International License Abstract This article focuses on a French anti-refugee the "refugee crisis" of 2015, the number of migrants has risen vigilante group: Sauvons Calais. Linked to the radical sharply. In this paper, we will look into some political far-right, it aims to mobilize the population against the reactions to this situation, marked by very strong tensions. presence of migrants in Calais. The goals of this nationalist To be more precise, we will look particularly into the group are the establishment of self-defense groups against phenomena of vigilantism against migrants. Vigilantism is refugees and the expulsion of all migrants. Its activities also the phenomenon in which "citizens" take charge of their take the form of vigilantism: calls for self-justice, patrols, safety or even justice themselves, without going through direct action. We will also dwell on the cloudy links between institutions such as the police and judiciary courts, outside of the group and law enforcement agencies. Studying the legality, considering the action of the security forces as emergence of this type of collective group is particularly inadequate[1]. interesting: given the situation in Europe, it is likely that This paper focuses on the development of an extreme right these types of groups will start multiplying across the vigilantism against migrants. Several groups call for action continent. against the refugees. We will focus in this paper on the “Sauvons Calais” group, which aims to defend Calais against Keywords Refugee Crisis, Calais, Vigilantism, Borders, what they call the "migratory invasion". It repeatedly calls Far Right Activism, Nationalism for direct action against migrants, organizing demonstrations, sit-ins, and patrols. At the same time attacks on far-left activists and migrants multiply, even though they cannot be formally linked to the collective. 1. Introduction For us, the development of this type of group is a good example of what can happen around borders in a context of This paper aims to examine the consequences of the exacerbated tensions and economic crisis, as populism is refugee crisis in what has become a "hot spot" , with a lot of developing. This article aims to document finely and in an tensions around this issue: the city of Calais and its ethnographic way its creation, its actions and its interactions surroundings, and its impact on nationalist groups. Since the with the population of Calais. Touquet agreements of 2003, signed between France and the United Kingdom, border controls are no longer on British soil, but in France, at the entrance of the port of Calais and in 2. Calais, a «Hot Spot» for Refugees Coquelles on the Eurotunnel site. This change generated a situation where many refugees 2.1. The Situation of the Refugees that cannot go through to Britain remain in Calais for months or even years in order to attempt the passage. Without other The first episode of the series of events that led to the means of support than what the NGOs can give, they live in situation as we know today in Calais began in 2002 with the informal settlements, called "jungles" or in squats, in very highly publicized closure of the migrant shelter in Sangatte difficult conditions. Furthermore, it is important to know that by Nicolas Sarkozy, then Minister of Interior. It welcomed most of these exiles are in a legal gray area. Many do not several hundred refugees. Following this event, the Treaty of have a residence permit in order, which would allow them Le Touquet was negotiated between France and Britain. It access to the labor market or to be supported as asylum was signed and ratified in 2003.One of its main measures is seekers. However, they are not deportable either as they the removal of border controls at the entry of Britain; putting come from countries at war or that have not signed them into French territory instead (we have to remember that deportation agreements with the French authorities: Iraq, Britain is not part of the Schengen area). It is therefore Syria, Afghanistan, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea. situated at the entrance of the port of Calais and of the Since the Arab revolutions of 2011 and even more since Eurotunnel in Coquelles, a few kilometers from Calais. This Sociology and Anthropology 6(1): 86-93, 2018 87 change was responsible to a great extent for the current 1. The first and most important actor is the French state. situation at the border[2]. The border has since been Under the direction of the Prefecture of Pas-de-Calais, a very reinforced by many safety devices, making the passage much large police force of around 1,000 officers is permanently more difficult for migrants. In consequence, refugees are stationed in Calais and its surroundings. It consists of riot increasingly stuck on the French side, creating a population police, interior intelligence (DGSI), custom officers and in “storage "[3]. In addition, refugees have no means of anti-gang squads. Under the direction of the prefecture, it subsistence, struggling to dress or to feed, living only monitors the vicinity of borders to prevent the passage of through the help of NGOs. The refugees in Calais are in a migrants to the UK. It also manages the temporary camps very particular situation. The vast majority of them comes and squats, and often conducts the expulsion of the jungles. from countries at war or where there is no deportation The police have sometimes had very violent interactions agreement with the French government : Syria, Irak, with migrants and No Border activists. Riots are frequent and Afghanistan, Erythrea, Sudan… On the other hand, they are many NGOs have blamed security forces for repeated and not willing to apply for asylum in France, as they wish to do unjustified violence [8]. Moreover, we can note that the so in Great Britain. Thus they are in legal limbo, not in the action of the state has two limitations that make its action asylum system, but also non-deportable by the border police. difficult to read. According to the Touquet agreements, the There is also strong pressure on migrants: law French state has an obligation to block the passage of enforcement agencies regularly evacuate squats and jungles. refugees to Britain. On the other hand, it is not legally There is also a use of OQTF[4] as dilatory means: even if possible to expel those refugees. This double bind generates migrants are not legally eligible for deportation, they are automatically a situation where many migrants are stranded often sent to detention centers in various places in France and in Calais. The role of the state is largely to keep the situation then released after 40 days as the OQTFs are not executable status quo and then to manage its consequences. and the refugees are not deported. This process aims to 2. Local officials: they are mainly represented by the team discourage migrants and especially to reduce temporarily the of Natacha Bouchart, Mayor of Calais (LR, conservative). mass of people present around Calais. Its practical They have a fairly low margin of action regarding the effectiveness is very limited because the refugees come back management of migrants. Nevertheless, the mayor of Calais very quickly [5]. has a big media impact. It is her call to the denunciation of After several years of systematic expulsion from jungles refugee squats that led to the creation of Sauvons Calais. and squats by the French police, since April 2015, migrants 3. Humanitarian NGOs: Those associations such as Salam, are concentrated in the "jungle" located around the Jules MSF, Solid'R, La vie active, only to name the biggest, act in Ferry official camp. That camp was only a day care center order to provide an immediate assistance to the migrants, with showers and toilets when it opened. In autumn 2015, it with tents, clothes, shoes but also meals. Overall, their then became a "temporary reception camp", hosting 1500 contribution is essential to the survival of migrants, but places. In March 2016, the migrants from the southern part of remains insufficient to ensure decent living conditions. the jungle were expelled by the police after days of protests Beyond humanitarian assistance, these associations and riots [6]. In July 2016, the Jules Ferry jungle still hosts sometimes maintain an ambiguous attitude towards refugees. between 3500 refugees according to the prefecture and 7000 Indeed, this aid is financed through grants from the state, according to the NGOs [7]. local authorities (county, region) and Europe. These associations also compete to gain "market share” in migrant 2.2. A Very Complex Political Game in the Locality management, as every subsidy means more work within the NGO’s. Mathilde Pette speaks of "the certificative pole" to This situation is not without creating strong reactions in describe these associations, which have a humanistic the population of Calais. Rather than a massive rejection of approach. They will help the refugees, but without migrants, we observe a polarization of the population questioning the migratory policies at the root of the Calais between two rival camps. From a humanistic perspective, situation. It opposes the "revendicative pole" which, in some welcome and support the migrants. On the other side, a contrast, adopts a position of protest [9]. reaction of fear and rejection develops against migrants. 4. The movement of support to the refugees.