ONE The Tantalizing Aroma of Citrus Blossoms FOR MOST PEOPLE in the Yishuv—the pre-state Jewish community in Eretz Israel (Palestine)—in the late Ottoman and the British Mandate peri- ods, citriculture evoked a tapestry of images that would later evolve into sacred symbols of the Israeli experience: the tantalizing aroma of citrus blossoms blanketing the whole country, heralding the end of the cold win- ter and the advent of spring; the picker’s pleasant fatigue at sunset after a grueling day in the orchards in agonizing struggle for the “conquest of labor” (the Zionist term for establishing the primacy of Jewish, as opposed to Arab, labor); and the ardent faith, the parched throat, and the clenched fists in vehement protest against Jewish citrus growers in the moshavot (pri- vately owned agricultural colonies, sing. moshava) who used Arab labor. The imagery included fresh orange juice at streetcorner kiosks and in household kitchens; the reliable low-tech metal orange squeezer with the long handle; the bitter taste of green, unripe oranges, which twists faces into that well-known expression of abhorrence; homemade orange candies and the assorted byproducts of Assis, Ltd. A whole succession of visual sym- bols identified the citrus enterprise with the young, muscular haluts (Zion- ist pioneer): the sturdy hoe, clutched firmly, the first furrows in the orchard, and the outcome—citrus trees sagging with their bounty of gleaming fruit. All of these were ineradicable images of the burgeoning Jewish settlement project in Palestine. Underlying this world of symbols was a socioeconomic reality without which it could not have existed. It seems, however, that Israel’s historical mem- ory has generally overlooked this reality, just as the inhabitants of the Yishuv banished it from their consciousness. Instead, an alternative value system with its own cohesive set of symbols came into being—a Socialist Zionist worldview 1 © 2005 State University of New York Press, Albany 2 CALIFORNIA DREAMING that crowded out the capitalist sociocultural reality of Palestine’s private Jew- ish citrus growers and relegated it to the margins of national legitimacy. From its inception in the second half of the nineteenth century until the outbreak of World War II—which is the chronological framework of this study—Jewish citriculture, based on private capital and hired labor, was a leading industry in Jewish private enterprise in Palestine. However, the van- guard socialists of the Second Aliya (those who reached Palestine in 1904–1914, in the second of five large waves of Jewish immigration), who became the leaders of the Yishuv during the British Mandate era, fashioned a cohesive ideology that considered private capital and private initiative an illegitimate path to the fulfillment of Zionist aspirations. According to the logic of the socialist Zionist leaders, private capital was “anti-national,” that is, it aimed not to attain national goals but to amass individual profit. This rationale focused on private citriculture with particular vehemence because this branch of private enterprise offered a viable alternative to the main- stream views of the Zionist Organization (ZO) and, particularly, of the Zion- ist Labor Movement—both of which had consecrated two basic Zionist val- ues, public ownership of land and Jewish (“Hebrew”) labor, as essential conditions for the Jews’ national repatriation. We deal with these issues presently, but at this point it suffices to say that private citriculture was unique in the realm of Jewish private enterprise in Palestine, most of which was concentrated in urban settings. Just the same, the tantalizing aroma of Palestine’s orange blossoms was one of the most conspicuous indicators of spring in Palestine for several gen- erations, not only because it was popularized in literature and song but also, and mainly, because it was real. Vast parts of the country were blanketed with citrus orchards, owned by Jews and Arabs alike. Not only did the orchards transform entire regions (such as the Sharon Plain) into settled, cultivated areas, and not only did even cooperative and collective rural settlements affiliated with the official Zionist Movement—moshavim and kibbutzim— join the veteran moshavot in numbering citriculture among their main endeavors in agriculture, but the cities and their peripheries, especially in the coastal lowlands, were soon layered with orchards. Jaffa, the epicenter of citriculture in Palestine, was a verdant town where visitors since the nineteenth century (and even earlier, in fact) had been pre- senting detailed and picturesque accounts, including the scents of the orchards and the juicy sweetness of their produce, of the citriculture activity all around. In the early twentieth century and during the British Mandate era (1918–1948), orange groves were still Jaffa’s hallmarks. The demographic, economic, and cultural center of the ascendant Yishuv, Tel Aviv—which started out as a neighborhood of Jaffa—was also enveloped in citrus. Even city-bound teenagers who could not see orchards from their windows visited them, if only when they were inducted for harvest work as part of the afore- © 2005 State University of New York Press, Albany THE TANTALIZING AROMA OF CITRUS BLOSSOMS 3 Figure 1.1. Nahum Gutman, Orange Groves in Jaffa, 1928. mentioned continual struggle for the “conquest of labor.” One of the first experiences that Jewish immigrants encountered in Palestine was working with a turiyya (hoe) in a “Hebrew” orange grove. Desperate to make a living, the new landed often headed straight from the boat to one of these orchards. Another recurrent image was the Hebrew worker as the bearer of an ide- ology. Such people found in their bonebreaking labor in the groves a twofold realization of their Zionist and socialist goals. First, it gave them a supreme opportunity to turn the upside-down “Jewish occupational pyramid” right side up again by “returning to the soil” and acquiring title to that soil by means of grueling physical labor. Second, it allowed them to enlist in the all- out socialist war against the employer, the Jewish farmer, whom they per- ceived as a ruthless capitalist who lacked national values and concerned him- self with the bottom line only. A typical example of this double-edged attitude toward private citrus growers may be adduced from the Second Aliya pioneer and future leader of the Zionist Labor Movement, Berl Katznelson. A short time after his arrival in Palestine, Katznelson visited Petah Tikva (about ten kilometers northeast © 2005 State University of New York Press, Albany 4 CALIFORNIA DREAMING of Jaffa) and experienced an epiphany by exhausting himself in manual labor. “It’s good for you! Physically good. So good that it can’t be expressed in words!” Ironically, twenty-five years later, as a prominent socialist national leader, Katznelson took part in a vigil in the citrus groves of Kfar Saba (twenty kilometers northeast of Tel Aviv) against the erstwhile employers.1 Katznelson and other Zionist Labor Movement leaders knew full well that their struggle might be harmful both to the cause of Hebrew labor and to the colonies’ socioeconomic vitality. Nevertheless, they preferred to preserve their dichotomous set of values and symbols rather than to endorse the concept of private enterprise in any way. Even a de facto rapprochement between private citrus growers and the Yishuv’s Labor leadership during the turbulent years of the Arab uprising (1936–1939) failed to bring about any change in the Labor ideology. Labor’s principled attitude toward private enterprise and the citrus industry remained the same—nonrecognition of their contribution to the fos- tering and solidification of the Zionist enterprise.2 In view of Labor’s ideolog- ical hegemony and political dominance of the Yishuv and the State of Israel until 1977, it should come as no surprise that Jewish citriculture was margin- alized in public consciousness and in scholarship as an economic and social endeavor that hardly deserved serious attention. JEWISH CITRICULTURE AS A PRIVATE ENTREPRENEURIAL INDUSTRY In this respect, the fate of the citrus industry was hardly different from that of other private economic endeavors in the Yishuv. Those endeavors were also crowded out for years—especially in “establishment” historiography—in respect to their contribution to the Jewish settlement venture in Palestine. This outlook, however, has changed recently. Today, Jewish private enterprise in Palestine at the end of the Ottoman period and throughout the British Mandate has gained increased attention.3 Economic and demographic data show that it was the private sector, not the public sector of the organized Zionist movement, that was dominant in the economic, demographic, and even social development of the Yishuv.4 Ideology and its attendant rhetoric notwithstanding, the occupational pyramid of Jewish society in the Diaspora was not overturned in the Palestine context; there was no mass outflux of Jewish laborers from cities to villages. The overwhelming majority of Jews in pre–World War II Palestine remained city dwellers, as they had been in their countries of origin. The composition of the Yishuv’s employment structure, however, was markedly different from that in the Diaspora. Diaspora Jewry and its choice of occupations were pronouncedly urban. Among those who moved to Pales- tine, however, 21 percent of persons employed in 1922–1939 took up agri- cultural labor, a vocation hardly encountered in the Diaspora. This, however, © 2005 State University of New York Press, Albany THE TANTALIZING AROMA OF CITRUS BLOSSOMS 5 did not amount to a revolution. Most Jewish labor gravitated to service indus- tries (which employed half of the Jewish labor force in this period) and man- ufacturing (18 percent in 1922, 23 percent in 1939), two fields of economic activities that were dominated by the private sector. What is more, most cap- ital (80 percent) that flowed into the country between the two world wars was private.