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Notes Introduction 1 Mohammed al-Fahim, From Rags to Riches: A Story of Abu Dhabi (London: London Center of Arab Studies, 1995), p. 55. 2 Abdul Hafeez Yawar Khan Al Yousefi, ‘50 Years in Al Ain Oasis – Memoirs of Khabeer Khan,’ Liwa: Journal of the National Centre for Documentation and Research, 5(9), 2013, p. 57. 3 Ibid., p. 15. 4 ‘Abd Al-Aziz ibn ‘Abd-Allah al-Khwaiter, ‘King Abdul Aziz: His Style of Administration,’ in Fahd al-Semmari (ed.), A History of the Arabian Peninsula (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010), pp. 201–2. 5 Tim Niblock with Monica Malik, The Political Economy of Saudi Arabia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p. 32. 6 Michael Field, The Merchants: The Big Business Families of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States (Woodstock, NY: The Overlook Press, 1985), p. 321. 7 Michael Herb, All in the Family: Absolutism, Revolution, and Democracy in the Middle Eastern Monarchies (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999), pp. 87–88. 8 The 1990 photograph and a similar view taken in the late 2000s have been reproduced in Jim Krane, Dubai: The Story of the World’s Fastest City (London: Atlantic Books, 2009). 9 ‘Photos from 1960s Portray an Abu Dhabi Long Gone,’ The National, 10 April 2013. 10 Marc Valeri, Oman: Politics and Society in the Qaboos State (London: Hurst, 2009), pp. 64–67. 11 J. E. Peterson, ‘Oman: Three and a Half Decades of Change and Development,’ Middle East Policy, 11(2), 2004, p. 126. 12 Jerry Harris, ‘Desert Dreams in the Gulf: Transnational Crossroads for the Global Elite,’ Race and Class, 54(4), 2013, p. 86. 13 John Fox, Nada Mourtada-Sabbah, and Mohammed al-Mutawa (eds.), Globalization and the Gulf (London: Routledge, 2006). 14 David Held and Kristian Ulrichsen, The Transformation of the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and the Global Order (Abingdon: Routledge, 2011). 15 Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, ‘The GCC States and the Shifting Balance of Global Power,’ Occasional Paper No. 6, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar, 2010; ‘Rebalancing Global Governance: Gulf States’ Perspectives on the Governance of Globalization,’ Global Policy, 2(1), 2011a, pp. 65–74; ‘Repositioning the GCC States in the Changing Global Order,’ Journal of Arabian Studies, 1(2), 2011b, pp. 231–247; ‘South-South Cooperation and the Changing Role of the Gulf States,’ Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Affairs, 1(1), 2012a, pp. 103–124. 16 Thomas Oatley, International Political Economy (Cambridge: Pearson, 2nd edi- tion, 2011b). 213 214 Notes 17 Thomas Oatley, Debates in International Political Economy (Cambridge: Pearson, 5th edition, 2011a). 18 Andrew Walter and Gautam Sen, Analysing the Global Political Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008). 19 John Ravenhill (ed.), Global Political Economy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 2008). 20 Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987); Global Political Economy: Understanding the International Political Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); The Challenge of Global Capitalism: The World Economy in the 21st Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002). 21 Richard Beardsworth, Cosmopolitanism and International Relations Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), p. 2. 22 David Held, ‘Global Challenges: Accountability and Effectiveness,’ Open Democracy, 17 January 2008. 23 David Held, Global Covenant: The Social Democratic Alternative to the Washington Consensus (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004). 24 Fred Halliday, ‘Global Governance: Prospects and Problems,’ in David Held and Anthony McGrew (eds.), The Global Transformations Reader: An Introduction to the Globalization Debate (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), p. 496. 25 Jan Aart Scholte, ‘Civil Society and Democratically Accountable Global Governance,’ in David Held and Matthias Koenig-Archibugi (eds.), Global Governance and Public Accountability (Oxford: Blackwell and Wiley, 2005), p. 90. 26 Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier, and Marlies Glasius, ‘Global Civil Society in an Era of Repressive Globalization,’ in Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier, and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2003 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 4. 1 The Gulf and the Global Economy 1 Anoushiravan Ehteshami, Globalisation and Geopolitics in the Middle East: Old Games, New Rules (London: Routledge, 2007), p. 110. 2 D. T. Potts, ‘The Archaeology and Early History of the Persian Gulf,’ in Lawrence Potter (ed.), The Persian Gulf in History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 30–32. 3 Thomas Metcalf, Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, 1860– 1920 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2007), p. 1. 4 Fahad Ahmad Bishara, ‘Mapping the Indian Ocean World of Gulf Merchants, c.1870–1960,’ in Abdul Sheriff and Engseng Ho (eds.), The Indian Ocean: Oceanic Connections and the Creation of New Societies (London: Hurst, 2014), pp. 78–79. 5 Ibid., p. 79. 6 Michael Field, The Merchants: The Big Business Families of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States (Woodstock, NY: The Overlook Press, 1985), p. 24. 7 James Onley, ‘Transnational Merchants in the Nineteenth Century: The Case of the Safar Family,’ in Madawi al-Rasheed (ed.), Transnational Connections and the Arab Gulf (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005), pp. 68–69. 8 James Onley and Sulayman Khalaf, ‘Shaikhly Authority in the Pre-oil Gulf: An Historical-Anthropological Study,’ History and Anthropology, 17(3), 2006, p. 191. Notes 215 9 Jill Crystal, Oil and Politics in the Gulf: Rulers and Merchants in Kuwait and Qatar (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 5. 10 James Onley, ‘Britain and the Gulf Shaikhdoms, 1820–1971: The Politics of Protection,’ Occasional Paper No. 4 (2009), Georgetown School of Foreign Service in Qatar, p. 10. 11 Kamal Osman Salih, ‘The 1938 Kuwait Legislative Council,’ Middle Eastern Studies, 38(1), 1992, p. 77. 12 Mary Ann Tetreault, ‘Autonomy, Necessity, and the Small State: Ruling Kuwait in the Twentieth Century,’ International Organization, 45(4), 1991, p. 577. 13 Michael Herb, All in the Family: Absolutism, Revolution, and Democracy in the Middle Eastern Monarchies (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999), p. 147. 14 Joel Migdal, Shifting Sands: The United States in the Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014), p. 3. 15 Jeffrey Macris, The Politics and Security of the Gulf: Anglo-American Hegemony and the Shaping of a Region (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 99; W. Taylor Fain, American Ascendance and British Retreat in the Persian Gulf Region (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 133. 16 Ibid. 17 Onley, ‘Politics of Protection,’ p. 18. 18 Christopher Davidson, The United Arab Emirates: A Study in Survival (London: Lynne Rienner, 2005), p. 66. 19 Letter from the Permanent Representative of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen to the Secretary General of the United Nations, 26 November 1973. London: The National Archives, File FCO 8/2037. 20 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 3. 21 Migdal, Shifting Sands, pp. 54–55. 22 Abdul-Reda Assiri, Kuwait’s Foreign Policy: City-State in World Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990), p. 26. 23 Mahmoud Ghafouri, ‘China’s Policy in the Persian Gulf,’ Middle East Policy, 16(2), 2009, p. 83. 24 Fred Halliday, The Middle East in International Relations: Power, Politics, and Ideology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 122–123. 25 Roger Hardy, ‘Ambivalent Ally: Saudi Arabia and the “War on Terror,”’ in Madawi al-Rasheed (ed.), Kingdom without Borders: Saudi Arabia’s Political, Religious and Media Frontiers (London: Hurst, 2008), p. 101. 26 John Bullock, The Gulf: A Portrait of Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and the UAE (London: Century Publishing, 1984), p. 119. 27 Crystal, Oil and Politics in the Gulf, pp. 5–6. 28 Rosemarie Said Zahlan, The Making of the Modern Gulf States (Reading: Ithaca Press, 1998), p. 26. 29 Tim Niblock with Monica Malik, The Political Economy of Saudi Arabia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p. 36. 30 Sarah Yizraeli, The Remaking of Saudi Arabia (Tel Aviv: The Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, 1997), pp. 102–103. 31 Michael Casey, The History of Kuwait (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2007), pp. 58–59. 216 Notes 32 Matthew Gray, Qatar: Politics and the Challenges of Development (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2013), pp. 30–32. 33 Davidson, The United Arab Emirates, pp. 100–101. 34 Christopher Davidson, Abu Dhabi: Oil and Beyond (London: Hurst, 2009), p. 50. 35 Marc Valeri, Oman: Politics and Society in the Qaboos State (London: Hurst, 2009), pp. 72–73. 36 Niblock with Malik, Political Economy, pp. 36–37. 37 Ibid., p. 39. 38 Said Zahlan, Modern Gulf States, p. 39. 39 Laura El-Katiri, Bassam Fattouh, and Paul Segal, ‘Anatomy of an Oil-Based Welfare State: Rent Distribution in Kuwait,’ in David Held and Kristian Ulrichsen (eds.), The Transformation of the Gulf: Politics, Economics and the Global Order (Abingdon: Routledge, 2011), p. 167. 40 Pascal Menoret, Joyriding in Riyadh: Oil, Urbanism, and Road Revolt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 125. 41 Yizraeli, Remaking of Saudi Arabia, p. 184. 42 Pete Moore, Doing Business in the Middle East: Politics and Economic Crisis in Jordan and Kuwait (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 85. 43 Giacomo Luciani, The Arab State (London: Routledge, 1990), p. 69. 44 Simon Bromley, Rethinking Middle East Politics: State Formation and Development (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994), p. 120. 45 ‘Bahrain-Saudi Arabia Ties Stronger than Ever,’ Saudi Gazette, 28 July 2011. 46 Robin Mills, The Myth of the Oil Crisis (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2008), p. 58. 47 David Roberts, ‘British National Interest in the Gulf: Rediscovering a Role?,’ International Affairs, 90(3), 2014a, p. 671. 48 Roger Owen, ‘One Hundred Years of Middle Eastern Oil,’ Middle East Brief No. 24, Brandeis University, Crown Center for Middle East Studies (January 2008), p. 1. 49 Sara Bazoobandi, The Political Economy of the Gulf Sovereign Wealth Funds: A Case Study of Iran, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), pp.
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    Additional information received by ICOMOS Further information was requested in the Interim Report Dilmun Burial Mounds including: selection of component sites, justification for (Bahrain) inscription, protection and conservation. No 1542 Additional information was received from the State Party on 21 February 2019 and has been incorporated into the relevant sections of this evaluation report. Official name as proposed by the State Party Date of ICOMOS approval of this report Dilmun Burial Mounds 13 March 2019 Location Northern Governorate and Southern Governorate Bahrain 2 Description of the property Note: The nomination dossier and additional information contain Brief description detailed descriptions of this property, its history and its state of Located in the western part of the island of Bahrain, the conservation. Due to limitations on the length of evaluation Dilmun Burial Mounds were built during the Early Dilmun reports, this report only provides a short summary of the most Period over a period of 300 years, approximately between relevant aspects. 2050 and 1750 BCE. The nominated property consists of a serial property which comprises thousands of burial Description and history mounds. The mounds are characterized by their The history of the Dilmun Burial Mounds as a sepulchral architectural design, their interior arrangement including the tradition is highly connected to settlement activities and use of alcoves, and their different types indicating the land-use patterns throughout the Early Dilmun period. emergence of social hierarchies. Dilmun Burial Mounds are While historical factors influenced the size and number of categorized in five typological groups including Early Type mounds, the geological constitution of the island of Bahrain Mounds, Late Type Mounds, Chieftain Type Mounds, dictated their distribution.
  • The UAE Lobby: Subverting British Democracy?

    The UAE Lobby: Subverting British Democracy?

    The UAE Lobby: Subverting British democracy? Alex Delmar-Morgan David Miller ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AUTHORS Thanks to the Arab Organisation for Human Alex Delmar-Morgan Rights for its financial support for this report. is a freelance journalist in London and has written Thanks also to all those who have shared for a range of national titles information with us about or related to the UAE including The Guardian, lobby. We are indebted to a wide variety of people The Daily Telegraph, and who have shared stories and information with us, The Independent. He is the most of whom must remain nameless. We also former Qatar and Bahrain correspondent for thank Hilary Aked, Izzy Gill, Tom Griffin, Tom Mills. the Wall Street Journal and Dow Jones. On a personal note, thanks to Narzanin Massoumi for her many contributions to this work. David Miller is a director of Public Interest Investigations, of which Spinwatch.org and CONFLICT OF INTEREST Powerbase.info are projects. He STATEMENT is also Professor of Sociology at the University of Bath in No external person had any role in the study, England. From 2013-2016 design, collection, analysis, and interpretation of he was RCUK Global Uncertainties Leadership data, or writing of the report. For the transparency Fellow leading a project on Understanding and policy of Public Interest Investigations and a list of explaining terrorism expertise in practice. grants received see: http://www.spinwatch.org/ index.php/about/funding Recent publications include: • The Quilliam Foundation: How ‘counter- PUBLIC INTEREST extremism’ works, (co-author, Public interest INVESTIGATIONS Investigations, 2018); • Islamophobia in Europe: counter-extremism Public Interest Investigations (PII) is an policies and the counterjihad movement, independent non-profit making organisation.