DOCSLIB.ORG

Plan and Market, Part I

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Plan and Market, Part I Paper to be presented to the international workshop on Economic Democracy and the European Left in the age of Globalisation, Stockholm, June 2003. Organized by: CMS and Transform What Economic Democracy should not be about - The dead end of centrally planned economies* Johan Ehrenberg, chief editor, ETC, [email protected] Sten Ljunggren, assistant professor, Business studies, Uppsala University, [email protected] Abstract Economic democracy might hopefully once more be on the political agenda. But one trait of these thoughts must be ruled out at the outset of a new discussion. And that is the notion connected with managing the socialist economy as a centrally planned firm. This form – the centrally planned econ- omy – is a distinct historic phenomenon. It tries to abolish markets as far as possible and replace them with a single common enterprise, where as much as possible is planned beforehand. The aim of this paper is to show that this solution is not a viable alternative for a socialistic vision. Obviously they were worsened by Soviet being a dictatorship, but there were other problems, such as bad adaptability, hierarchic inertia, absents of horizontal relations, no unexpected renewal and primi- tive growth. We criticize two proposals to reform the traditional centrally planned economy (the Soviet type). The first one is the suggestion that a democratically managed centrally planned economy is workable. The second proposal we criticize is the notion of a centrally planning being based on advanced mathemati- cal planning techniques. Our conclusion is that the whole idea of a centrally planned economy is a dead end. Centrally planned economies are one of the historical failures of mankind. We will not go anywhere by continue to cling to them, in one form or another. We conclude with a short discussion of a viable socialist vision and states that 1) markets and capi- talism are two totally different things, 2) a socialist vision must be based not on just accepting mar- kets, but on embracing them, 3) the private ownership of the means of production must be replaced with non-owned and self-managed firms, 4) for any markets too work well, there is a need for a con- siderable degree of governmental involvement and equality of opportunity, income and wealth and finally 5) the question of economic democracy is in a globalised world perhaps a question of the sur- vival of political democracy. *Part of this article was published in an earlier version in the magazine Röda Rummet. Ola Inghe translated it for manifest.se. 2 Introduction introduction of a centrally planned economy on the agenda. In order to discuss the centrally planned economy it is necessary to qualify the concept One may call the centrally planned economy somewhat. Centrally planned economy is not a form of a planned economy and of a strategi- equal to planned economy or to a strategically cally planned economy. But this does not im- planned economy. ply that a strategically planned economy, or a planned economy, is a centrally planned econ- Most economies are more or less planned. omy (Figure 1). Those in power put up some targets, which they subsequently try to meet by various meth- Figure 1. Planned economy, strategically ods. Since 1980, governments around the planned economy and centrally planned econ- world have weakened trade unions, forced omy through a huge increase in income and prop- erty gaps, and substituted public service for private service. Surely, no one can deny that Planned economy this is a result of planned changes – that politi- cal goals are able to steer the economy in a thoroughgoing way. Within the framework of the EMU there has been a co-ordinated, Strategically planned economy planned and very deliberate change of the European economies. We have got lowered interest rate, less inflation, smaller budget defi- Centrally cits and a smaller public sector, higher un- planned economy employment, increased income gaps. Thus, even with traditional monetary and fiscal poli- cies, big changes have been implemented in capitalist countries in a planned way. Centrally planned economy is not equal to strategically planned economy, or planned Before 1980 there are examples of a more in- economy. terventionist planning. Many capitalist coun- tries had a large sector of state-owned compa- nies. Public procurement was important in Strategically planned economy is a broader governing and influencing the business sector. concept than centrally planned economy and Some countries went even further. India had 5- when we talk about planned economy the con- year plans for industrial development and cept is broader still. When discussing centrally France had a framework planning for industry. planned economy, strategically planned econ- The Ministry for Industry and technology omy or planned economy, it is a problem that (MIT) in Japan had a strong position as a plan- nearly all non-capitalist countries in the last ning authority. century were centrally planned economy. During the Second World War many coun- Yugoslavia was an exception, being neither a tries, including USA, had an economic system centrally planned economy nor a strategically best described as a strategically planned econ- planned economy (in some periods it was omy. The whole economy was redirected to- hardly a planned economy at all). China today wards a single purpose – winning the war. maybe could be called a strategically planned After WW II we had in Sweden the so-called economy. planhushållning debate*. The social democrats However, the important point here is that a presented proposals on far-reaching state direc- centrally planned economy (henceforth abbre- tion of the business sector. But! Neither during viated CPE) is a distinct historic phenomenon the war nor in the social democratic proposals in managing the economy. It is something to- for a strategically planned economy, was an tally different from the concept of a “socialist planned economy”, and even from a “socialist strategically planned economy”. A CPE try to * We use strategically planned economy as a trans- abolish markets as far as possible and replace lation of the Swedish planhushållning. 3 them with a single common enterprise, where cles and the stockpiles of the red bicycles dis- as much as possible is planned beforehand. appear. The aim of this paper is to show that this so- This, to adjust prices but not production, was lution is not a viable alternative for a socialistic the main content in the efforts to reform the vision. CPE:s from the middle of the 60:s to the final debacle in the early 90:s. First we discuss the problems in the tradi- tional CPE. Obviously they were worsened by There has been no lack of ideas to create Soviet being a dictatorship, but there were some form of adjustment allowing peoples other problems, such as bad adaptability, hier- demands to direct what is produced in a CPE. archic inertia, absents of horizontal relations, One is to use market studies – asking people no unexpected renewal and primitive growth. what goods they want to buy. These market studies should then be the base for the planning Secondly we criticize two proposals to re- for consumer goods. form the CPE. The first one is the suggestion of a democratically managed CPE (Benny But! The capitalist large companies globally Åsman in Röda Rummet No 1/2001). The sec- invest billions in market studies, and then they ond proposal we criticize is the notion of a invest hundreds of billions in advertising to CPE based on advanced mathematical plan- convince us that what they produce is what we ning techniques (Cockshott & Cottrell in To- want to buy. Yet time and again it appears that wards a new socialism). there are products that people do not want to buy. One of the beautiful things is that peo- ple’s behaviour cannot be planned or pre- Bad adaptability dicted. Assume that the central planning authority decides that during the coming five-year pe- Hierarchic inertia riod, a certain amount of red and blue bicycles will be produced. When the bicycles reach the Another solution for the dilemma of unpre- shops it turns out that people want much more dictable people is to let the plans adapt to what blue bicycles than produced, and fewer red. people wants to buy. If shortage occurs for an item production should increase, if surplus As a result, queues emerge for obtaining a occurs it should decrease. A socialist CPE blue bicycle, while the stocks of unsold red could be based on planning agencies who plan bicycles grow. The endlessly repeated short- production of consumer goods based on market ages of certain goods create special consumer studies and who, when imbalances neverthe- behaviour. When an attractive product emerges less occur, adjust these by subsequently chang- in the shops, it is bought not in the amount one ing the production of some items. needs but as much as one affords. Subse- quently, it is sold or bartered away, or hoarded One reason that this was never implemented for future private consumption. Because people and never can be implemented is that the very buy as much as possible, shortages are aggra- construction of the CPE makes every change vated and the queues grow. Hoarding makes it very complicated. There are no possibilities of virtually impossible for the planners to get rid linking different parts of the economy – other of the queues by increasing the production. than by higher-level administrative decisions. Every decision must be forwarded upwards in Traditional CPE lacks a mechanism allowing the system. peoples demand – their tastes and preferences – to influence the direction of the production. Assume that the bicycle factory really wants From the early 60:s this was a constant prob- to adjust its production to consumer demands.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • POLITICAL ECONOMY for SOCIALISM Also by Makoto Itoh
    POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR SOCIALISM Also by Makoto Itoh TilE BASIC TIIEORY OF CAPITALISM TilE VALUE CONTROVERSY (co-author with I. Steedman and others) TilE WORLD ECONOMIC CRISIS AND JAPANESE CAPITALISM VALUE AND CRISIS Political Economy for Socialism Makoto ltoh Professor of Economics University of Tokyo M St. Martin's Press © Makoto ltoh 1995 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London WIP 9HE. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published in Great Britain 1995 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-333-55338-1 ISBN 978-1-349-24018-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-24018-0 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 96 95 First published in the United States of America 1995 by Scholarly and Reference Division, ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., 175 Fifth A venue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-12564-6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ltoh, Makoto, 1936-- Political economy for socialism I Makoto Itoh.
    [Show full text]
  • The Way to the Socialist Planned Economy
    The Way to the Socialist Planned Economy Marek Breit and Oskar Lange Translated by Jan Toporowski* Abstract: This is the first English translation of a 1934 article by Marek Breit and Oskar Lange on the economics of socialism. Breit and Lange advocate a form of market socialism based on self-managed workers’ cooperatives, with membership open to all who wish to join. 1 The Breakdown of the Capitalist Economy Otto Bauer said not very long ago that ‘the fall of the second workers’ government in England, the events of recent years, and especially in the current year in Germany, mark the end of an epoch and the start of a new one in the history of the international workers’ movement. We find ourselves at the start of a period of severe, protracted economic crises, broken only by short moments of respite; a period in which the proletariat will rather be convinced of how narrow are the boundaries with which the world capitalist economy limits the possibilities for liberation of the working class, and how these binding constraints may only be removed together with the whole capitalist system.’1 Essentially the world-wide economic crisis, the likes of which the capitalist economy has not experienced since its beginnings, shows the complete bankruptcy of the capitalist economic system. Nothing so demonstrates that complete bankruptcy, the total breakdown of the capitalist economy, as the co-existence of poverty with excess that is met at every step. When the masses of the people in the capitalist economies are oppressed by unprecedented poverty, stores are packed with goods for which there are no buyers; when millions are starving, grain and coffee are sunk at sea or burnt; when millions cannot clothe themselves, spinning and weaving plants stand idle.
    [Show full text]
  • Management of Technology in Centrally Planned Economy
    O o/ tec^"^ MM UBCA Viuimiii HD28 .M414 III 3 -1060 OObOlBEfi 9o WORKING PAPER ALFRED P. SLOAN SCHOOL OF MANAGEMENT Management of Technology in Centrally Planned Economy Jong-Tsong Chiang February 1990 WP 3130-90-BPS MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY 50 MEMORIAL DRIVE CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 02139 1990 lAPRlS. ) O ij c?'< Management of Technology in Centrally Planned Economy Jong-Tsong Chiang February 1990 WP 3130-90-BPS The author is grateful to the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA), the Institute of Social Management of Bulgaria, the Prague University of Economics, the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences and the USSR Academy of Sciences for their financial support and other assistance in doing the field research. He is also deeply indebted to many friends' invaluable information, advice, help, and interpretation. — " II fritiwi.^-"-^ Management of Technology in Centrally Planned Economy Abstract This paper studies the management of technology in centrally planned economies, namely, the USSR and East European countries. From a cross-technology perspective, technologies under investigation mainly cover military, nuclear power and computers with a view to contrasting their distinctions. To further support the arguments made, technologies like space, laser, automation, new biotechnology and new materials are also mentioned where appropriate. In addition to the cases in different national contexts, the international cooperation within the framework of the CMEA (or COMECON: the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) is discussed. To depict the patterns of management of technology in the East as opposed to that in the West, only systematically determined issues are the main foci in this paper. The preliminary conclusions reached are: 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Interrogations, Week 3, February 6, 2018 Parecon Vs Democratic Market Socialism
    Reading Interrogations, week 3, February 6, 2018 Parecon vs democratic market socialism 1. Masoud Movahed Last week, we read Erik Wright’s Envisioning Real Utopias which was both an incisive diagnosis of the harms of capitalism and an innovative theoretical framework for conceptualizing the goals of social change and the strategies for their realization. This week’s reading, however, focuses on the actual nitty- gritty of organizing economic resources in a post-capitalist economy. In Alternatives to Capitalism, Robin Hahnel and Erik Wight engage in a thoughtful but critical dialogue as to how a post-capitalist economy would look like. Having already produced numerous works of scholarship on alternatives to capitalism, both authors come equipped with deep knowledge of their subject, as scholars as well as practitioners. Since the 1990s, Robin Hahnel and Michael Albert have been designing a “participatory economics,” where only councils of consumers and workers plan consumption and production, where they coordinate aggregate demand and supply, and where they also in their way resolve the shortcomings by a process akin to “learning by doing”—what Hahnel coined “iteration facilitation board.” The two authors thus in Alternative to Capitalism present their approaches and critically interrogate them. The book is divided in two main parts: each three chapters long. In the first chapter, Hahnel lays out his model of “participatory economics,” and Wright presents his critiques of the model in the second chapter. In the third chapter, Hahnel responds to Wright’s critiques. The structure of the second part is the same, but with the opposite order. The book does not have an overall conclusion, which would have been interesting to clearly see the areas of convergence and divergence in their views.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Principles of Socialism and Capitalism for Addressing Poverty by Matthew Kaiser
    Economic Principles of Socialism and Capitalism for Addressing Poverty By Matthew Kaiser Throughout life many people will never experience extreme poverty, or for that matter poverty at all. There could be many reasons for this, such as being born in a place with low poverty rates or being born into families who are affluent. Regardless of the reasons people will not experience poverty, there are people who cannot seem to escape from poverty. According to the United Nations, around ten percent of the world’s population is living in extreme poverty and struggles to fulfill the most basic human needs (United Nations, n.d.). Why is extreme poverty still a problem in a world immensely more developed than in the past? Would capitalism address poverty more efficiently and better than socialism? To answer these questions there must be an understanding of the definition of poverty, classifications of the different economies, and the characteristics of socialism and capitalism. When one thinks about poverty, one may assume that poverty just entails a lack of financial stability. People who lack income and stability will experience the effects of poverty more than those who do not. However, extreme poverty includes many variables such as hunger, malnutrition, limited access to education, social discrimination, exclusion, and poor living conditions. When these things fester together and economies fail to fix these issues, the result is extreme poverty and poor qualities of life. Though poverty can be found in most places in the world, most extreme poverty is found in developing economies. There are three broad classifications countries can be placed into: developed economies, economies in transition, and developing economies.
    [Show full text]
  • Algorithmic Central Planning: Between Efficiency and Freedom
    FINAL - PALKA (DO NOT DELETE) 6/26/2020 3:57 PM ALGORITHMIC CENTRAL PLANNING: BETWEEN EFFICIENCY AND FREEDOM PRZEMYSŁAW PAŁKA* I INTRODUCTION In 1945, when the Soviet Union was emerging victorious from the Second World War, and communism and planned economies would soon become the reality for millions of people in Eastern Europe, F. A. Hayek wrote his seminal The Use of Knowledge in Society, which began: What is the problem we wish to solve when we try to construct a rational economic order? On certain familiar assumptions the answer is simple enough. If we possess all the relevant information, if we can start out from a given system of preferences, and if we command complete knowledge of available means, the problem which remains is purely one of logic. This, however, is emphatically not the economic problem which society faces. The reason for this is that the “data” from which the economic calculus starts are never for the whole society “given” to a single mind which could work out the implications, and can never be so given.1 I contest F. A. Hayek’s assertion that the conditions for an efficient planned economy can never materialize. On the contrary, I argue that the validity of his claim is contingent upon the state of technology in a given society and the types of socio-technological practices that people engage in. Advances in data processing technologies might render an economic order based on central planning possible to realize and potentially more efficient than a market economy relying on private property and contract exchange.
    [Show full text]
  • DEGROWTH LESSONS from CUBA Claire S
    Clark University Clark Digital Commons International Development, Community and Master’s Papers Environment (IDCE) 5-2018 DEGROWTH LESSONS FROM CUBA Claire S. Bayler Clark University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.clarku.edu/idce_masters_papers Part of the Environmental Studies Commons, Food Security Commons, Human Ecology Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Natural Resources Management and Policy Commons, Nature and Society Relations Commons, Political Theory Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Sustainability Commons, Urban Studies and Planning Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Bayler, Claire S., "DEGROWTH LESSONS FROM CUBA" (2018). International Development, Community and Environment (IDCE). 192. https://commons.clarku.edu/idce_masters_papers/192 This Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Master’s Papers at Clark Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Development, Community and Environment (IDCE) by an authorized administrator of Clark Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. DEGROWTH LESSONS FROM CUBA CLAIRE BAYLER MAY 20 2018 A Master’s Paper Submitted to the faculty of Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the department of International Development, Community, & Environment And accepted on the recommendation of Anita Fabos, Chief Instructor ABSTRACT DEGROWTH LESSONS FROM CUBA CLAIRE BAYLER Cuba is the global leader in practicing agroecology, but agroecology is just one component of a larger climate-ready socio-economic system. Degrowth economics address the need to constrain our total global metabolism to within biophysical limits, while allowing opportunity and resources for "underdeveloped" countries to rebuild themselves under new terms.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarianism, Utility and Economic Competition
    WOLFF_BOOK 10/22/2006 3:55 PM LIBERTARIANISM, UTILITY, AND ECONOMIC COMPETITION Jonathan Wolff∗ INTRODUCTION IBERTARIANISM is commonly characterized both by its in- L stitutions and by its foundations. Institutionally, it is associated with the idea of a minimal state,1 restricted to the narrow functions of protecting citizens from each other (and from non-citizens), and providing for the enforcement of private contracts. Typically, liber- tarians assume that this is necessarily accompanied by the eco- nomic institutions of a pure form of capitalism, including strong private property rights, low or no taxation, and free competition among potential producers of goods and services.2 Libertarianism can take various forms, but here I want to con- trast what I shall call “deontological libertarianism,” and “conse- quentialist libertarianism.” Deontological libertarianism, pio- neered by Robert Nozick, is based on a strict doctrine of natural rights, violation of which is never permitted, whatever the conse- quences.3 The justification for such a theory is claimed to be a par- ticular rights-based theory of justice.4 Proponents of consequential- ist libertarianism, by contrast, argue for the free market and strong individual rights to property, not on the basis of an antecedent the- ∗ University College London, Department of Philosophy. I am very grateful to Hil- lel Steiner, Chandran Kukathas, Roger Crisp, John O’Neill, Michael Otsuka, and the participants in the Symposium on Contemporary Political Theory and Private Law at the University of Virginia School of Law for their comments. 1 Nozickian libertarianism, of course, allows people voluntarily to contract into a more than minimal state, if that is what they wish to do.
    [Show full text]
  • I from the CENTRALLY PLANNED ECONOMY to CAPITALIST
    FROM THE CENTRALLY PLANNED ECONOMY TO CAPITALIST GLOBALISATION: HOW ECONOMISTS UNDERESTIMATED THE GROWTH OF THE WORLD MARKET WILLIAM RICHARD JEFFERIES A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Manchester Metropolitan University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Marketing the Manchester Metropolitan University 2013 i The copyright of this thesis belongs to the author under the terms of the Copyright Act 1987 as qualified by Regulation 4 (1) of the Multimedia University Intellectual Property Regulations. Due acknowledgement shall always be made of the use of any material contained in, or derived from, this thesis. © William Jefferies, 2013 All rights reserved. ii DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work has been done by myself and no portion of the work contained in this Thesis has been submitted in support of any application for any other degree or qualification on this or any other university or institution of learning. _______________ William Jefferies iii ACKNOWLEDGMENT. Thanks to Tony Hines and Paul Brook for their support, encouragement and criticism and Viv Davies and Hillel Fridman for their helpful comments throughout. iv DEDICATION. To my brother Rob. v TABLE OF CONTENTS COPYRIGHT PAGE. ii DECLARATION . iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT . iv DEDICATION . v TABLE OF CONTENTS. viii LIST OF TABLES. ix LIST OF FIGURES. x GLOSSARY xi ABSTRACT 1 CHAP TER 1: Introduction. 3 1 .1 Opening 3 1.2 Chapter 2 4 1.3 Chapter 3 4 1.4 Chapter 4 10 1.5 Chapter 5 12 1.6 Chapter 6 13 1.7 Chapter 7 17 CHAPTER 2: Marxist Method. 18 2.1 Marx’s materialism and the dialectical method 18 2.2 Abstraction and the Labour Theory of Value 24 2.3 The nature of value 31 2.4 Transformation problem 37 2.5 National accounting and statistics 61 CHAPTER 3: The Measurement of Soviet Economic Growth.
    [Show full text]
  • What Economic Structure for Socialism?
    What Economic Structure for Socialism? by David M. Kotz Economics Department Thompson Hall University of Massachusetts Amherst Amherst, MA 01003 U.S.A. Telephone 413-545-0739 Fax 413-545-2921 E-mail [email protected] March, 2008 This paper was written for the Fourth International Conference "Karl Marx and the Challenges of the XXI Century," Havana, May 5-8, 2008. What Economic Structure for Socialism?, by David M. Kotz 1 1. Introduction Popular support for socialism has rebounded from the low point reached in the early 1990s following the sudden demise of Communist Party rule in the former Soviet Union and in Central and Eastern Europe. Since then the intensifying problems generated by neoliberal capitalism have spurred renewed interest in an alternative. New efforts to build socialism have recently emerged in several countries in South America. However, it is not yet clear what "a new socialism for the twenty-first century" might be. There is general agreement that the mistakes of twentieth century socialism should not be repeated. In particular, most socialists believe that the economic structure of twentieth century socialism had serious flaws. There is little agreement, however, about what kind of economic institutions should form the basis for a new socialism. Some have advocated the harnessing of market forces as the route to a viable socialism. It is claimed that market socialism can combine the efficiency, innovativeness, and individual choice which competitive markets are supposed to assure with the social justice and economic security promised by socialism. Some point to the rapid economic growth in China since its shift to a market economy as evidence for the potential success of market socialism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Return of Economic Planning
    Campbell Jones Introduction: The Return of Economic Planning This issue proposes to raise the stakes of Left political strategy by returning, in quite dierent ways than might be expected, to the question of economic planning. This comes at a moment when Left politics are at the same time gravely endan- gered and in a phase of radical renewal. Such a moment requires going back to central ideas and rethinking, reworking, and reframing them anew. While the ambition of the issue is to expand, extend, and radicalize Left politics, it is argued that this can be done not only by reclaiming economic planning but further by shifting the grounds of discussions of economic planning. The point, then, is not simply to defend economic planning but to draw out new understandings of economic planning, and in doing so to make conceptual and moreover strategic interventions into contempo- rary economic, social, and political struggle. When Jacques Lacan spoke in 1955 of a “return to Freud,” he stressed that this was any- thing but a return to the commonplace reductions to which Freud had been subjected. As Lacan insisted, the return to Freud was not the “return of the repressed” but a return to the meaning of Freud, in terms of a renewal of the revolutionary gesture of Freud’s calling into question of that The South Atlantic Quarterly 119:1, January 2020 10.1215/00382876-8007617 © 2020 Duke University Press Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/119/1/1/750327/1190001.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 2 The South Atlantic Quarterly • January 2020 which had been taken as truth (Lacan [1955] 2006).
    [Show full text]
  • Financing a Planned Economy. Institutions and Credit Allocation in the French Golden Age of Growth (1954-1974)
    Financing a planned economy. Institutions and credit allocation in the French Golden age of growth (1954-1974). Eric Monnet, Paris School of Economics July 2012 Comments welcome. [email protected] Abstract : The role of banking and nance in the Golden Age of European growth (1950-1973) is very little known and widely underestimated. This paper studies the French system of economic planning and investment- based strategy that enhanced medium and long-term nancing (called investment credit at that time). First, I describe the new institutions that were built after WWII to organize credit allocation. I espe- cially highlight the role of the central bank through the National Credit Council (Conseil national du crédit). I then use a newly constructed database that matches the amount of credit (that had to be reg- istered at the Banque of France) in 49 sectors to corporate tax sectoral statistics. It shows a signicant positive relationship between investment credit and the marginal product of capital. The allocation of medium/long term credit managed to favor the allocation of productive capital across sectors and thus to ensure the catch-up process. Using GMM estimations in order to avoid the endogeneity bias, I nd that the eect of investment credit on growth is signicant and positive, contrary to short-term credit which did not play any role for investment. The new institutions that emerged after WWII were designed to solve a coordination problem that is to nance long-term investment although it was not privately benecial because too risky for banks. Understanding the institutional framework that shaped the mechanisms and success of credit policy in the French mixed economy during the 50s and 60s also helps to understand its failures during the mid 70s.
    [Show full text]