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Harry Mcpherson Interview VIII LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON LIBRARY ORAL HISTORY COLLECTION The LBJ Library Oral History Collection is composed primarily of interviews conducted for the Library by the University of Texas Oral History Project and the LBJ Library Oral History Project. In addition, some interviews were done for the Library under the auspices of the National Archives and the White House during the Johnson administration. Some of the Library's many oral history transcripts are available on the INTERNET. Individuals whose interviews appear on the INTERNET may have other interviews available on paper at the LBJ Library. Transcripts of oral history interviews may be consulted at the Library or lending copies may be borrowed by writing to the Interlibrary Loan Archivist, LBJ Library, 2313 Red River Street, Austin, Texas, 78705. HARRY MCPHERSON ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW VIII PREFERRED CITATION For Internet Copy: Transcript, Harry McPherson Oral History Interview VIII, 11/20/85, by Michael L. Gillette, Internet Copy, LBJ Library. For Electronic Copy on Diskette from the LBJ Library: Transcript, Harry McPherson Oral History Interview VIII, 11/20/85, by Michael L. Gillette, Electronic Copy, LBJ Library. NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON LIBRARY Legal Agreement Pertaining to the Oral History Interviews of HARRY MCPHERSON In accordance with the provisions of Chapter 21 of Title 44, United States Code, and subject to the terms and conditions hereinafter set forth, I, HARRY MCPHERSON, of Washington, D. C., do hereby give, donate and convey to the United States of America all my rights, title and interest in the tape recordings and transcripts of the personal interviews conducted on May 16, September 19, and November 20, 1985 and February 7, and May 13, 1986, and prepared for deposit in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library. This assignment is subject to the following terms and conditions: (1) The transcripts shall be available for use by researchers as soon as they have been deposited in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library. (2) The tape recordings shall be available to those researchers who have access to the transcripts. (3) I hereby assign to the United States Government all copyright I may have in the interview transcripts and tapes. (4) Copies of the transcripts and tape recordings may be provided by the Library to researchers upon request. (5) Copies of the transcripts and tape recordings may be deposited in or loaned to institutions other than the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library. Signed by Harry McPherson on August 8, 1997 Accepted by John Carlin, Archivist of the United States on September 5, 1997 Original Deed of Gift on File at the Lyndon B. Johnson Library, 2313 Red River, Austin, TX 78705 ACCESSION NUMBER 97-5 BIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION: HARRY MCPHERSON Lawyer; b. Tyler, Tex., Aug. 22, 1929; B.A., U. South, 1949; D.C.I. (hon), 1965; student Columbia, 1949-50; LL.B., U. Tex., 1956; admitted to Texas bar, 1955; asst. gen. counsel Democratic policy com., U.S. Senate, 1956-59; asso. counsel, 1959-61; gen. counsel, 1961-63; dep. under sec. internat. affairs Dept. Army, 1963-64; asst. sec. state ednl. and cultural affairs, 1964-65; spl. asst. and counsel to Pres. Johnson, 1965-66; spl. counsel to Pres. Johnson, 1966-69; private practice law, Washington, 1969-. INTERVIEW VIII DATE: November 20, 1985 INTERVIEWEE: HARRY McPHERSON INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Mr. McPherson's office, Washington, D.C. Tape 1 of 1 G: Let's start with [1958], and the first elements of 1958 seem to be a lot of questions about defense. M: Yes. G: You see a lot of elements of the arms race in here and questions of whether our defense was strong enough. There seemed to be a little bit of partisan politics here, with the Democrats arguing that more money needed to be spent on defense. Let me ask you to assess this issue as it stood in 1958. M: My really curbside view of it--because I was still only two to three years into working for Johnson, and the persons who advised him on major issues were George Reedy and Gerry Siegel and such persons, not me. But I had the distinct impression that Johnson was trying to capitalize on the defense issue politically and at the same time was trying to show himself not as being bellicose but as being large in scope, so far as foreign relations were concerned. I think he was beginning to build a national reputation, wishing to build a national reputation in the foreign policy field, as somebody who had a big head and an ability to look after the country. As I wrote in my book [A Political Education], the first responsibility of government is to protect its citizens. Senator [Richard] Russell and Senator [John] Stennis and those senators who dealt with defense issues were dealing with that primary responsibility, and Johnson allied himself with them and worked on the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee as its chairman, [and] had been on the Naval Affairs Committee in the House. I think his defense work emerged from a natural interest, a feeling that this is something that very much needed to be looked at to avoid another Munich. He had that experience very much in his mind, the experience of Guam and rearming in 19[41] and continuing the draft. He was a strong man and at the same time, under whose tutelage I don't know, he was trying to give the country the feeling of someone who had ideas, bold ideas, about reducing the dangers of the arms race, even so that he was--the open-skies proposal and things like that were advanced to show the largeness of his vision. But there was certainly a lot of use made of military officers like [James] Gavin McPherson -- VIII -- 2 and others who complained about the weakness of our forces. He had gone to extraordinary lengths, Johnson had, to pound on the Pentagon in the question of space and did as much as anybody, I believe, to make them seem shortsighted, unable to comprehend the importance of the Russian space shot, with those hearings and with getting a Donald Quarles on the stand to betray the administration's small-minded view of what the space race was going to be about. G: How did LBJ perceive the administration in this respect? Did he perceive them as being small-minded or myopic? M: I think so. I think he did. At the same time, you have, I believe, his very complex view of Eisenhower. I think he regarded Eisenhower as a man who was almost sublimely ignorant of many important things that politicians and people in a supremely political job like the presidency ought to know; he thought Eisenhower did not know [them]. He didn't have exactly contempt for Eisenhower, but he didn't have much respect for his judgment in some important fields. At the same time, he could read the polls and he knew how people back in Texas felt about Eisenhower--Eisenhower had carried it handsomely both times--and he took great pains not to seem captious or to be nipping at Eisenhower. He justified that with his fellow Democrats, despite the displeasure of Mrs. Roosevelt and Herbert Lehman and people like that, Walter Reuther, on the grounds that the country should speak with one voice abroad. And we had a lot of [crises]; this was at the time when Ike was meeting or had met with Khrushchev, when we were putting troops into Lebanon and so on. Johnson said, "I don't want the Democrats to be in a position of shortchanging the administration or crippling them as they deal with these overseas crises." I think he genuinely felt that. But he felt, I think, even more that Ike was terribly popular and it would be awful politics for the Democrats in general and for Johnson in particular to attack him or to subvert him in any way. G: To what extent do you think his support of the space program was based on publicity? Do you think that this was a factor, or do you think it was really a genuine interest in exploring space for scientific or defense reasons? M: I don't know and there's no point in my speculating. I didn't know at the time. I didn't know whether this was something that someone had convinced Johnson was going to be a very big thing, and if he got on board early he would be glad he had. The hearings were run with [the] full glare of publicity. He had Gerry Siegel and some others drafting the NASA act, and he learned that statute well enough to put it through, to handle it on the floor. I don't know if he ever knew the specific technological details of missilery, but he knew enough to handle it as an organizational matter. But the fundamental question you're asking, why he got onto the space business, I don't know, except that somebody had obviously persuaded him that it was an issue whose time would come and he would be well placed to be there early. It may have been it had something to do with some military contractors, because we know that during the Kennedy years, when Johnson was vice president, that Houston was chosen to be the space center, and I have no doubt that McPherson -- VIII -- 3 Johnson had something to do with that. G: Any firsthand evidence there or was this just--? M: No, just a feeling that if he were looking for a place to put the space center, there were a lot of places to put it.
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