DOCSLIB.ORG

Face to Face: National and New Zealand First 14 September 2005-09-15 Presenter: Kim Hill

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Face to Face: National and New Zealand First 14 September 2005-09-15 Presenter: Kim Hill FACE TO FACE: NATIONAL AND NEW ZEALAND FIRST 14 SEPTEMBER 2005-09-15 PRESENTER: KIM HILL KIM HILL: Good evening. Welcome to Face To Face and the final in our series of interviews with the eight party leaders currently in Parliament. Tonight I’m talking to National Party leader Don Brash, followed by New Zealand First leader Winston Peters. And we’d like your comments, so email us at [email protected]. Well, we’re just three days to go until the election. The race between the two major parties is too close to call. The temperatures are rising. One of the hottest spots of late is, of course, Tauranga, and I’ll speak with Tauranga MP and New Zealand First leader Winston Peters later in the programme. But first, welcome, Dr Brash. DON BRASH (National Leader): Good evening, Kim. HILL: How do you respond to the allegations that Winston Peters has come up with against your candidate in Tauranga, by the way – Bob Clarkson? BRASH: Oh, I say, look, those allegations are entirely unproven. They’re cropping- coming up, what, three days before the election, four days before the election, maximum. They refer to an incident which took place three or four years ago, and you have to ask serious questions about why these allegations are being made now. HILL: Nevertheless, with the spotlight on Mr Clarkson, he has been shown to be a kind of strange candidate. I mean, he doesn’t wanna be an MP, he doesn’t wanna debate, he doesn’t wanna go to Wellington, and maybe he’ll try it for a while. BRASH: Bob Clarkson is a rough diamond. He’s a doer. HILL: That’s what people usually say about people who are odd. BRASH: He’s a doer, rather than a talker, and he has done great things for the city of Tauranga. I’ve got no doubt that as an MP for Tauranga, he’d do a great job. HILL: But you know – I know – that you feel uncomfortable with the kind of persona that he’s projected. I mean, the preoccupation with genitalia is not your thing, is it? BRASH: Well, that’s not my particular thing, no. That’s absolutely true. But, look, the National Party’s a broad church party and Bob Clarkson has got a great contribution to make. HILL: Would you be able to work with Winston Peters after this? BRASH: Well, that’s a good question. There are three centre-right parties, I think, with which the National Party could work in principle… HILL: Well, no, there aren’t. In principle, you’ve already killed ACT off. BRASH: Well, I think it’s fair to say that since the last election, the National Party has taken probably six or seven percentage points off each of the other three centre-right parties, so that certainly, they’re not looking terribly healthy at the moment, any of them. But we could work with any one of the three, or indeed, any combination of the three. HILL: Do you think you can win outright? Is that the plan? BRASH: No, no, no. HILL: Have you at any stage thought you can win outright – no coalition? 1 BRASH: No, no. Frankly, we’ve always thought a coalition was the most likely outcome, but, I mean, what’s the objective in MMP? The objective in MMP is to maximise your own party’s party vote. You can’t help your prospects of forming an alternative government by assisting some other party to increase their party vote. HILL: So you do think you can win outright? BRASH: No. No, no. No. I want to maximise the National Party’s party vote. HILL: Yes. BRASH: The National Party is the only party which can plausibly form an alternative government to the current lot, and for that reason, we are keen to maximise that party vote. But there are other centre-right parties, and we could, in principle, talk to any one of the three of them. HILL: Some suggest that the only way that your strategy so far of not nurturing coalition partners as Labour have done, but in fact spurning them until the last minute – when you might have a cup of tea with Peter Dunne and how many MPs is he going to have – the only explanation for the strategy is if you don’t really want to win this election, you want to be strongly branded for the next one. BRASH: Kim, I can absolutely assure you I am not in this game to lose. HILL: You might not be… BRASH: I want to win this election… HILL: You may not be…. BRASH: …for New Zealand’s sake. Not just for my sake, for New Zealand’s sake. HILL: But do your backers, do your supporters and do your advisors, perhaps, have a longer- term view in mind? BRASH: Uh, I don’t know who you’re referring to as my backers and my advisors and so on, but everyone associated with this campaign – the campaign director, my key advisors in the caucus, my key staff members – want to win this campaign. I can promise you that. HILL: Because it’s been suggested that you don’t understand MMP, you can’t possibly understand MMP. BRASH: Last election, we didn’t understand MMP, I have to say. We fought a lot of electorate campaigns thinking we could win the election by winning electorates. The fact of the matter is no matter how many electorates we win, we cannot win the election unless we win the party vote. Now, that point has got through to us, and we’re driving as hard as we can to maximise the party vote for the National Party. HILL: So that you can,… BRASH: No, so… HILL: …with a bit of luck, go it alone. BRASH: No, so that we have the best prospect of forming a coalition government. United Future has said they will talk first to the party which has the larger party vote, Labour or National. New Zealand First has said they will not go into coalition with either National or Labour, but will support, in a confidence and supply sense, the larger of the two. So we need to be the larger of the two major parties. 2 HILL: Well, let’s talk about that. If you are the larger of the two major parties and New Zealand First comes along to you and says, you know, “A promise is a promise, Don, and here we are. We’re prepared to talk to you.” What will you give up for them? Your tax policy’s going to have to be amended, because Winston Peters doesn’t like it. BRASH: I simply cannot begin to conduct coalition negotiations on TV, Kim. The reality is if New Zealanders want those tax reductions, if they want a Treaty policy of the kind that the National Party is offering, they should use their party vote for National. HILL: All right. And so what you’ll say to Winston Peters is, “Here we are. We’re the biggest party,” hypothetically, “and this means that we have a mandate for the tax cuts and we have a mandate for our Treaty of Waitangi policies.” BRASH: That’s right. HILL: And Winston Peters says to you, “Yeah, but here we are, and we’re here too because we’ve got the five unwavering principles. What you gonna do about it?” BRASH: Well, I mean, there may be some areas of policy where— HILL: What are they? BRASH: Well, for example, let’s take the Treaty issue. Winston Peters introduced a bill to remove the expression— the principles of the Treaty from a whole series of bills, of laws. Now, we didn’t much like that particular bill, because there are some bits of it we felt were a bit clumsy, but the general principle of taking that expression out of law was one we totally agree with. HILL: Well, I haven’t heard you give up much yet. Is there anything you’d be prepared to give up? BRASH: No, no. I’m talking about the things where Winston Peters and I could reach agreement without difficulty. HILL: Yeah. But as you well know from the history of Mr Peters, what you’re going to have to maybe concentrate on are the things you’re not going to be able to get along on, the things that he will have to score victory on. BRASH: Yeah. And I will not negotiate those here tonight, though, Kim. HILL: All right. But you are confident that you might be able to negotiate with him. BRASH: Uh, reasonably confident. I guess you should ask him that question. Perhaps you will later on in the programme. HILL: I certainly will. BRASH: Yes. I guess I’m more confident, frankly, of being able to form a negotiation with Rodney Hide or Peter Dunne. HILL: Why? BRASH: Well, I’ve known Rodney Hide for a long time – more than a decade. He’s been a personal friend of mine. Uh, Peter Dunne, I have not actually had the same kind of close relationship with, but I’ve known him for more than a decade. He has, of course, worked in a National Party coalition government previously. I’ve got no doubt at all that we could reach an agreement on most policy issues. 3 HILL: You see, I mean, back to ACT, then. The reason that they’re floundering is that many of their supporters have crossed to you.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Blogs, Political Discussion and the 2005 New Zealand General Election
    Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Blogs, Political Discussion and the 2005 New Zealand General Election Kane Hopkins A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Communication at Massey University February 2009 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This whole thing was Susan Fountaine's idea - for that, along with her wisdom and kindness, I will be eternallygra teful- I think. I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr Nikki Hessell and Dr Donald Matheson, for their support throughout the research project. Their competence and insights were important and they have both shown themselves to be almost saintly by their ability to put up with my frustrations and confusion, and somehow turnthat into a structure to work from. Kudos goes to all my colleagues and friends at Massey University, Palmerston North, notably Robyn Mason, Elspeth Tilley, Doug Ashwell, Elizabeth Gray, Nigel Lowe and Marianne Tremaine, fo r your support, assistance, and especially your understanding. A special mention needs to go to Sharon Benson and Christine I Morrison for their support and keeping me sane. \ I need to thank my parents Jenny and Doug Elliott fo r their support and my friends fo r I enduring my long periods of social absence and regular irritability. Extra special thanks need to go to Anna, my understanding wife, who has supported me all the way through.
    [Show full text]
  • An Investigation Into the Phraseology of Question
    ORDER! ORDER!: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE PHRASEOLOGY OF QUESTION TIME IN THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND HOUSES OF REPRESENTATIVES A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the University of Canterbury by Irina Loginova University of Canterbury 2013 Table of contents: Acknowledgements viii Abstract xi List of abbreviations and acronyms xiii List of figures, tables, graphs and diagrams xiv Figures xiv Tables xv Graphs xix Diagrams xxi Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1. Aims 1 1.1. Why examine Question Time? 1 1.2. Exploration of genrelects in general and methodology for their study 3 2. Analytic framework 5 2.1. Pre-elections 7 2.2. Reasons for the study 8 3. Methods 8 4. Outcomes 11 Chapter 2: PHRASEOLOGY OF QUESTION TIME 13 i 1. Introduction 13 2. Speech genres 13 3. Speech community, community of practice, discourse community 14 4. Summary of Chapter 2 23 Chapter 3: METHODOLOGY 25 1. Introduction 25 2. Developing a database for the study of the phraseology and ethnography of Parliamentary Question Time 26 3. The use of linguistic corpus tools for PLIs selection 40 4. Summary of Chapter 3 48 Chapter 4: HISTORIC OVERVIEW OF PARLIAMENTARY TRADITIONS IN NEW ZEALAND AND AUSTRALIA 50 1. Introduction 50 2. Question Time as a communicative performance 50 3. History and geography of Australia and New Zealand 55 4. Summary of Chapter 4 63 Chapter 5: ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF QUESTION TIME 65 1. Introduction 65 2. Question Time as a ritual 65 2.1. Question Time in the New Zealand Parliament 66 ii 2.1.1.
    [Show full text]
  • In Search of a New Zealand Populism
    In Search of a New Zealand Populism Heresthetics, Character and Populist Political Leadership By Ben Thomas McLachlan A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Contents Abstract – Page 3 Abbreviations – Page 4 List of Figures and Tables – Page 5 Chapter One – Introduction – Page 6 Chapter Two - Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworks – Page 15 Chapter Three - Case Study: John A. Lee – Page 37 Chapter Four - Case Study: Winston Peters – Page 61 Chapter Five - Case Study: Richard Seddon, ‘King Dick’ – Page 93 Chapter Six - Renshon and Character – Page 118 Chapter Seven – Conclusion – Page 124 Bibliography – Page 132 2 Abstract Populism, an academically contested political theory, has been subject to few thorough studies in the New Zealand context. With a history of strong, successful leaders, and fervent political rebels, New Zealand provides a useful political context in which the theoretical platform for what constitutes populism can be explored. While the current pre-eminent model of New Zealand-centric populist leadership is Barry Gustafson’s six point framework, this thesis will posit that adopting a multi-methodological approach is able to explain the nuances of New Zealand populism more effectively. Traditional international approaches to populist theory, such as those of Panizza and Laclau, are introduced to provide context on the wider literature on populism. In a challenge to Gustafson’s model, which closely matches the definitions of Panizza and Laclau, the social choice theorems of Riker’s heresthetics are introduced to provide a counter- explanation for populist leadership.
    [Show full text]
  • 2007 Review Is the Third Such Review As Promulgated by the Parliamentary Service Act 2000, the First Being Carried out in 2002 and the Second in 2004
    A.14 PARLIAMENTARY APPROPRIATIONS REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE THIRD TRIENNIAL REVIEW March 2007 BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................ 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY........................................................................................... 2 PART ONE: INTRODUCTION................................................................................ 14 Terms of reference .............................................................................................. 17 Report structure................................................................................................... 18 Principles For Resourcing Parliament.................................................................. 19 The Process ........................................................................................................ 20 Consultation......................................................................................................... 21 PART TWO: THE PARLIAMENTARY ENVIRONMENT UNDER MMP................... 23 Ten years of MMP ............................................................................................... 23 PART THREE: PROGRESS ON THE 2004 REVIEW ............................................. 26 Actions Taken: 2004 Review............................................................................... 26 Assessment of Progress: 2004 Review............................................................... 26 PART FOUR: MANAGING THE PARLIAMENTARY APPROPRIATIONS .............
    [Show full text]
  • In the High Court of New Zealand Tauranga Registry Civ-2005-470-000719
    IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND TAURANGA REGISTRY CIV-2005-470-000719 IN THE MATTER OF an Election Petition relating to the Tauranga Electoral District BETWEEN WINSTON RAYMOND PETERS Petitioner AND ROBERT MONCRIEFF CLARKSON Respondent Hearing: 28-30 November and 1 December 2005 Court: Randerson J Goddard J Panckhurst J Appearances: B P Henry for Petitioner C R Pidgeon QC and P T Kiely for Respondent Judgment: 15 December 2005 DETERMINATION OF THE COURT Solicitors: D J Gates, Barristers & Solicitors, Whangaparaoa, for Petitioner Kiely Thompson Caisley, Auckland, for Respondent PETERS V CLARKSON HC TAU CIV-2005-470-000719 [15 December 2005] Table of Contents Para No Introduction [1] Background to the petition [5] The grounds and relief sought in the petition [17] The concept of “election expenses” [20] The 1956 Act [23] Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System [28] The Wairarapa Election Petition Case [32] The Electoral Amendment Act 1990 [36] The Electoral Act 1993 [44] Some conclusions as to the interpretation of s 213 [48] Onus and standard of proof [55] The calculation of election expenses [60] Item 2.1 – Push Polling Campaign [61] Item 2.2 – Van Sign [66] Item 2.3.1 – Signage on Chapel Street Headquarters [77] Item 2.3.2(i) – Small Roadside Signs [95] Item 2.3.2(ii) – Large Hoardings [104] Item 2.3.3 – Speedway Sign [111] Item 2.3.4 – Sign on Bus at Belk Road [116] Item 2.4 – Brochures [119] Item 2.5 – Three Page Feature in Bay of Plenty Times [123] Item 2.6 – Bumper Stickers [136] Item 2.7 – Newspaper Advertisements [137] Item 2.8 – Miscellaneous Advertising [138] Item 2.9 – Salaries of Campaign Staff [142] Item 2.10 – Radio Advertising [145] Summary [146] Determination [148] Report [149] Certificate to the Speaker of the House of Representatives [150] Costs [152] Introduction [1] At the general election held on Saturday 17 September 2005 the respondent Mr Clarkson was elected as the Member of Parliament for the Tauranga electoral district.
    [Show full text]
  • Thursday, September 10, 2020 Home-Delivered $1.90, Retail $2.20
    TE NUPEPA O TE TAIRAWHITI THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2020 HOME-DELIVERED $1.90, RETAIL $2.20 AMAZING OUTCOMES PAGES 3-5, 7-12, 14-15, 18 • Six new cases linked to church group • Sky TV optimistic despite $156.8m loss ARTS & • ‘Rule of six’ as UK tightens social restrictions FROM ENTERTAINMENT • Book claims Trump ‘played down virus’ REDEPLOYMENT PAGES 19-22 PROGRAMME PAGE 3 INSIDE TODAY Cannabis over DISPENSING WEED: The Essence cannabis dispensary in Las Vegas is one of many in the state of California where adult the counter use of cannabis is legal. A BERL report says if the drug is legalised in New Zealand, there could be over 400 cannabis stores across the country, including up to seven in Tairawhiti. AP pictures Report indicates potential for seven pot shops in Tairawhiti by Murray Robertson be more than 400 cannabis stores across It is proposed in rural townships that of excise duty and levy. and Andrew Ashton New Zealand, and that an estimated 120 retail outlets also double as a combined A tiered quota system would allocate tonnes of legal cannabis could be produced store. “blocks” to cultivators meeting certain TAIRAWHITI could have as many as each year for sale in those stores. The estimated number of stores in social equity objectives. The residual seven legal cannabis outlets turning over It has been estimated New Zealanders Gisborne-Tairawhiti, at seven, appears from tier 1 could then be allocated to all up to $4 million a year if the cannabis already cultivate about 74 tonnes of higher per head of population compared to approved licence holders.
    [Show full text]
  • New Zealand First: Parallels Between the Man and the Party Margaret Joiner Department of Political Studies University of Auckland ([email protected])
    New Zealand First: parallels between the man and the party Margaret Joiner Department of Political Studies University of Auckland ([email protected]) Paper prepared for the New Zealand Political Studies Association Conference, University of Auckland, Auckland, 30 November-1 December 20091 Abstract: This paper will address the likelihood of the New Zealand First party returning to parliament at the 2011 General Election. Following fifteen years in parliament, in 2008 New Zealand First failed to reach the five-per cent threshold, or to secure an electorate seat. With a few exceptions, notably the Social Credit/Democratic party (1953-1987), small parties in New Zealand have tended to come and go and are rarely long-term movements. By focusing on the emergence and decline of New Zealand First, this paper engages with the wider study of New Zealand’s modern party system, specifically the phenomenon of the limited lifespan of small parties, and the notion advanced by a number of scholars that parties are profoundly influenced by their origins (Downs 1957; Duverger 1959; Rawson 1969; Panebianco 1988; Jaensch 1994; Hug 2001). This paper posits that New Zealand First emerged primarily as a political vehicle for the frustrated ambition of its mercurial leader, Winston Peters. Parallels have been identified between the man and the party as it progressed through an oscillating pattern of success and failure, thereby confirming that Peters continues to be the personification of the movement. While political parties tend to rejuvenate following electoral downturn, which typically involves leadership change, the findings here question the effectiveness of such a strategy for a party so reliant on its leader for voter identification.
    [Show full text]
  • MMP) Electoral System Saw the Political Landscape of New Zealand Undergo Something of a Revolution
    THE ROLE OF POLITICA L POSITIONING IN PAR TY PERFORMANCE IN THE 2008 NEW ZEAL AND GENERAL ELECTION K I E R A N M C A N U L T Y UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO CONTENTS Abstract ...................................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................................. 4 1) Positioning Theory ................................................................................................................................................................ 9 2) Minor Parties in New Zealand ....................................................................................................................................... 22 3) Major party positioning: Labour v the Minor Parties ......................................................................................... 32 4) Major Party Positioning: National and the Minor Parties ................................................................................ 69 5) Major Party positioning towards each other ......................................................................................................... 89 6) Minor Party Positioning towards each other ......................................................................................................... 99 7) Discussion ...........................................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Register of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament: Summary of Annual Returns As at 31 January 2007
    J. 7 Register of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament: Summary of annual returns as at 31 January 2007 Forty-eighth Parliament Presented to the House of Representatives pursuant to Appendix B of the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives REGISTER OF PECUNIARY INTERESTS OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT: SUMMARY OF ANNUAL RETURNS J. 7 MADAM SPEAKER I have the honour to provide to you, pursuant to clause 16(3) of Appendix B of the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives, a copy of the summary booklet containing a fair and accurate description of the information contained in the Register of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament, as at 31 January 2007. Dame Margaret Bazley DNZM Registrar of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament 3 J. 7 REGISTER OF PECUNIARY INTERESTS OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT: SUMMARY OF ANNUAL RETURNS Introduction In August 2005 the House of Representatives amended its Standing Orders to provide a system for members of Parliament to register their pecuniary interests, such as the assets, debts and gifts they may each have accumulated or received. It provides a protection against arguments that a possible conflict might arise between a member’s public duty and private interests. If certain things are made known and registered, the question of any conflict of interest can be minimised. The requirements are set out in Standing Order 164 and Appendix B of the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives. It is a register designed to protect members in the event of scrutiny, rather than being a recital of wealth and indebtedness.
    [Show full text]
  • Register of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament: Summary of Annual Returns As at 31 January 2008
    J. 7 Register of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament: Summary of annual returns as at 31 January 2008 Forty-eighth Parliament Presented to the House of Representatives pursuant to Appendix B of the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives REGISTER OF PECUNIARY INTERESTS OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT: SUMMARY OF ANNUAL RETURNS J. 7 MADAM SPEAKER I have the honour to provide to you, pursuant to clause 16(3) of Appendix B of the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives, a copy of the summary booklet containing a fair and accurate description of the information contained in the Register of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament, as at 31 January 2008. Dame Margaret Bazley DNZM Registrar of Pecuniary Interests of Members of Parliament 3 J. 7 REGISTER OF PECUNIARY INTERESTS OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT: SUMMARY OF ANNUAL RETURNS Introduction In August 2005 the House of Representatives amended its Standing Orders to provide a system for members of Parliament to register their pecuniary interests, such as the assets, debts and gifts they may each have accumulated or received. It provides a protection against arguments that a possible conflict might arise between a member’s public duty and private interests. If certain things are made known and registered, the question of any conflict of interest can be minimised. The requirements are set out in Standing Order 164 and Appendix B of the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives. It is a register designed to protect members in the event of scrutiny, rather than being a recital of wealth and indebtedness.
    [Show full text]
  • New Zealand Election: 17 September 2005
    Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library RESEARCH NOTE Information, analysis and advice for the Parliament 14 November 2005, no. 17, 2005–06, ISSN 1449-8456 New Zealand election: 17 September 2005 New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark has formed her National rose 17 points in a month in ‘the largest single 2 third successive minority government after the Labour Party increase in the history of polling in New Zealand’. won 41 per cent of the vote in the 17 September 2005 Pre-election opinion polls were extremely volatile, and election. Labour has a formal coalition with the Progressive commentators agreed that the election was too close to call. Party and confidence and supply deals with New Zealand Major issues of the campaign First and United Future. Clark is the first post-WWII Labour leader to take her party to a third term in office. Tax cuts: both major parties tried to lure voters with promises of tax relief in the context of improving living Contrary to some commentary published immediately after standards and trying to stop the flight of Kiwis overseas. the election, the result did not reflect a significant swing Labour had attracted scorn in June when, in the face of a away from Labour. Its 41.1 per cent of the party vote was booming economy, its Budget offered a tax change said to only 0.2 of a percentage point below its 2002 result, which be worth just NZ67c a week to the average taxpayer. In the had been the party’s best performance since 1987.
    [Show full text]