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UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 2005 VOlUME 2 NUMBER 1 SEPTEMBER 2005 AJoumaI of the Department of FoUtlcal Science, University of •••• UNILA G Journal of Politics is published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria. ISSN 0189-739X. ' Editor-in-Chief: Prof. Alaba Ogunsanwo Managing Editor: Tunde Babawale Editorial Assistants: Dr. Samuel Ugoh & Ronke Karunwi Editorial Board Professor Adigun Agbaje Professor Amadu Sesay Department of Political Science Department of International Relations University of Ibadan Obafemi Awolowo University Oyo State Ile-Ife, Oyo State. Professor 1. Adele Jinadu Professor Robert Ola Centre for Advanced Social Science Adekunle Ajasin University (CASS), Port Harcourt Akungba-Akoko Rivers State. Ondo State Professor Nuhu Yaqub Professor Aaron Gana University of Abuja African Centre for Democratic Governance Abuja. (AfriGov), Abuja. Professor G. Aforka Nweke Professor Siyanbola Tomori Department of Political Science Department of Economics University of Nigeria University of Lagos, Akoka Dr. Ayo Akinbobola Dr. Remi Anifowose Department of Political Science Department of Political Science University of Lago, Akoka. University of Lagos, Akoka Information for Contributors The Unilag Journal of Politics is a biannual journal in political science research. It however welcomes multidisciplinary contributions, which focus on the military, technological and social issues that impact on human existence and survival. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The journal hopes to contribute to the universal struggle for justice, equity and establishment of a world of harmony and peace. In particular, it invites contributions on issues that affect the development/underdevelopment of the African continent. Correspondence Articles for submission should be sent to Professor Alaba Ogunsanwo, Editor- in-Chief, Unilag Journal of Politics, Department of Political Science, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria, (01) 5454891-3 (ext.1307 & 1304). Information regarding subscription should be addressed to: Tunde Babawale, Managing Editor, Department of Political Science, University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba, Lagos. (01) 5454891-3 ext.1278. E-mail: [email protected]. or unilag politicsesyahoo.com. Our website is www.unilagjournal of politics.org The annual subscription fee for individuals is N1,OOOor $10. Institutional subscriptions cost N2,OOOor $20. Manuscript Requirements Unilag Journal of Politics is a peer-reviewed publication with manuscripts anonymously assessed by atleast two referees: Submission of manuscriptto the Unilag Journal of Politics implies that the author is committed to publishing in the journal. It also presupposes that the same article is not being simultaneously submitted to any other publication nor has it been published elsewhere with a content that is evidently similar. Articles being submitted for publication should have 15-25 double-spaced pages with approximately 250 words per page. Book review essays submitted must not be longer than 13 double-spaced pages. All manuscripts must be written in English and must conform to the APSA style sheet and the Chicago Manual of Style in their bibliographical references. For example: 1. Dodd, C. H. 1988."Politics, Modernisation, the: State and Democracy: Approaches to the Study of Politics in Turkey". inState,DemQcracyan4 the Military: Turkey in the 19805, eds. M. Heper and A. Evin. NY: Walter de Gruyter. 11-22. 2. Horowitz, Donald L. 1977.The Courts and Social Policy . Washington, D. C. :UNIVERSITYThe Brookings Institution OF. IBADAN LIBRARY The accuracy of quotations as well as the supply of complete references is the sole responsibility of authors. Each manuscript should be accompanied by a brief biography and an abstract of not more than 250 words. Each author should provide, on a separate cover page, author's name, phone number and institutional affiliation. Three hard copies of the manuscript, in addition to a 3.5 disk (IBM-formatted), should be submitted for publication. Tables or graphs should be in a separate file on the disk. Contributors will receive two complimentary copies of the issue. Contents Articles 5 Isaac Olawale Albert Col. Muammar Ghadafi of Libya as an Internation Conflict Actor 27 Derin K. Ologbenla The Modernization of China and North Korea: A Comparative Study in Development .... " " 64 E. Remi Aiyede Executive-Legislature Relations in Nigeria's Emerging . Presidential Democracy 88 I. S. Popoola A Study on the Rise of Advertisement as a Deciding Factor in Newspaper Production and Management in Nigeria 101 Adelaja Odutola Odukoya Federalism and the Management of Diversity in Nigeria 130 Chris C. Ojukwu The Politics of Integration and Marginalization in Nation-building: The Igbo Question in Nigerian Politics 154 Samuel Chuks Ugoh Constitution-making and Constitutionalism in Nigeria's Fourth Republic (1999-2004): Issues and Trends 180 Tola Odubajo Some ExploratoryUNIVERSITYExplication ofOFNigerian/Canadian IBADAN LIBRARYRelations 198 Emmanuel o. Ojo The Military and the Phenomenon of Corruption in Nigeria: A Case Study of Gen. Sani Abacha's Administratfon (1993-1998) 64 E. Remi Aiyede Executive-Legislature Relations in Nigeria's Emerging Presidential Democracy E. REMI AIYEDE* Abstract This paper investigates the recurrent executive-legislature face- offs in Nigeria in the Fourth Republic. It examines the underlining issues and strategies adopted by each arm in pursuit of its interests and how these strategies fuel and intensify the conflicts, noting the opportunities and challenges for reducing the tendency towards government immobilism. It argues that three factors have been critical to the relentless acrimony between the legislature and the executive. The first is the relative underdevelopment of the legislature in terms of institutional processes, role perception and rules of conduct. The second is the incoherence of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) that rendered it incapable of enforcing discipline among its members in government. The third is the hangover from militarism, which reflects in the strategies adopted by both parties. Introduction IGERIA adopted the British parliamentary model at independence in 1960. This system of government was Npractised until January 1966 when democratic rule was terminatedUNIVERSITYby a military coup. OF IBADANBefore the coup, LIBRARYdemocratic processes had been abused, reaching its climax in the federal electoral crisis of 1964/65 in which widespread violence occurred in the Western Region. Indeed, the conflicts that were thrown up by the political chicanery of the period eventually plunged the country into a 3D-month civil war. The successful effort to keep the country united was concluded by a planned return to civil democracy in 1979. The Murtala/ " Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Lagos, Nigeria. UNILAG Journal of Politics Vol. 2, No.1, Sept. 2005 65 Obasanjo MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF THE period, MINDFUL OF THE INSTITUTIONAL FAILURES OF THE First Republic SET UP A Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) IN 1975 TO HELP PRODUCE A NEW CONSTITUTION FOR THE country. In DECLARING THE MANDATE OF THE CDC, THE GOVERNMENT CHALLENGED THE COMMITTEE TO PRODUCE A Constitution THAT WOULD 'discourage INSTITUTIONALIZED OPPOSITION TO THE GOVERNMENT IN power, AND instead, DEVELOP A CONSENSUS IN POLITICS AND government'. It RECOMMENDED AN EXECUTIVE PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM OF government, A SYSTEM 'in WHICH THE PRESIDENT AND vice- PRESIDENT ARE ELECTED ... [and] ARE BROUGHT INTO OFFICE IN A MANNER TO REFLECT THE FEDERAL CHARACTER OF THE country' (Mohammed 1976). Eventually, THE CDC's sub-committee ON THE EXECUTIVE RECOMMENDED A PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM THAT WAS SUBSEQUENTLY ACCEDED TO BY THE CDC PLENARY SESSION AND RATIFIED BY THE CA. Thus, THE Second Republic BECAME A PRESIDENTIAL democracy. Although, THE Second Republic ALSO ABRUPTLY ENDED VIA A MILITARY coup, THE PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM WAS NEVER PERCEIVED TO BE discredited. Hence THE Political Bureau OF 1987, THE 1989 Constitution, THE 1994 Constitutional Conference AND THE 1999 Constitution ALL SUPPORTED THE RETENTION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM. This CONSISTENCY IN THE SUPPORT FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM IS A SUFFICIENT GROUND TO CONCLUDE THAT Nigerians HAVE COME TO ACCEPT THE PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM AS THE BEST FOR THE country. But executive- LEGISLATURE CONFLICTS THAT HAVE SLOWED DOWN GOVERNANCE REFORM AND HEATED THE POLITY SINCE THE RETURN TO CIVIL RULE IN 1999CHALLENGE THE CAPACITY OF THE COUNTRY TO MANAGE THE executive- LEGISLATURE GRIDLOCK THAT HAS BEEN A MAJOR CHARACTERISTIC OF THE American SYSTEM AFTERUNIVERSITYWHICH THAT OF THE COU OFNTRY IBADANIS modelled. LIBRARY Indeed, MANAGING EXECUTIVE-LEGISLATURE RELATIONS HAS BEEN THE SINGLE MOST PROBLEMATIC ISSUE SINCE THE RETURN TO DEMOCRATIC RULE IN 1999. Even AFTER THE CONCLUSION OF THE SECOND ROUND OF GENERAL ELECTIONSIN WHICH President Olusegun Obasanjo SECURED A SECOND MANDATE TO RULE FROM 2003 TO 2007, THE National Assembly OVERTURNED A PRESIDENTIAL VETO ON A NEW Independent Corrupt Practices AND Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC)Bill IT EARLIER SUBMITTED TO THE President FOR ASSENT ON May 8, 2003. This WAS JUST A REPLAY OF THE SIMILAR OVERTURNING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL VETO BY MEANS OF two-thirds 66 E. Remi Aiyede vote of the two houses of the National Assembly in the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) Bill,Order of Precedence Bill,and the 2002Electoral Bill.Relentless acrimony over money bills