Truman's Loyalty Program
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A Legacy of Advocacy Is Born As AAI Confronts Mccarthyism
AAI LOOKS BACK A Legacy of Advocacy Is Born as AAI Confronts McCarthyism by Bryan Peery and John Emrich Today, across-the-board cuts in federal funding for scientific research threaten to drive leading scientists overseas and deter the next generation from entering scientific professions. Sixty years ago, scientists had similar concerns for their own funding, albeit for very different reasons. lthough federal spending forf the business meeting late Awas on the rise in the ini the afternoon on Tuesday, decades immediately following AprilA 13. Rumors that the U.S. the Second World War, it was also PublicP Health Service (USPHS), the height of the Second Red whichw administered National Scare associated with Senator InstitutesI of Health (NIH) grants, Joseph McCarthy (R-WI), and wasw blacklisting scientists on scientists faced the possibility of politicalp grounds had circulated having their individual funding amonga attendees during the withheld on the basis of mere firstfi two days of the Federation rumor or innuendo about their ofo American Societies for past political associations. ExperimentalE Biology (FASEB) In this political climate, meeting.m Disturbed by these scientists increasingly turned rumors,r Michael Heidelberger Members off the HouseHouse Un-AmericanUn American ActivitiesActivities to their professional societies (AAI( ’35, president 1946–47, Committee outside of Chaiman J. Parnell Thomas’s 1948–49) brought the matter to defend their interests before home (l-r): Rep. Richard B. Vail, Rep. Thomas, Rep. John policy makers. The leadership McDowell, Robert Stripling (chief counsel), and Rep. to the floor of the business of the American Association of Richard M. Nixon meeting. -
J. Edgar Hoover, "Speech Before the House Committee on Un‐American Activities" (26 March 1947)
Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 139‐161 Underhill 139 J. EDGAR HOOVER, "SPEECH BEFORE THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON UN‐AMERICAN ACTIVITIES" (26 MARCH 1947) Stephen Underhill University of Maryland Abstract: J. Edgar Hoover fought domestic communism in the 1940s with illegal investigative methods and by recommending a procedure of guilt by association to HUAC. The debate over illegal surveillance in the 1940s to protect national security reflects the on‐going tensions between national security and civil liberties. This essay explores how in times of national security crises, concerns often exist about civil liberties violations in the United States. Key Words: J. Edgar Hoover, Communism, Liberalism, National Security, Civil Liberties, Partisanship From Woodrow Wilson's use of the Bureau of Investigation (BI) to spy on radicals after World War I to Richard Nixon's use of the renamed Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to spy on U.S. "subversives" during Vietnam, the balance between civil liberties and national security has often been a contentious issue during times of national crisis.1 George W. Bush's use of the National Security Agency (NSA) to monitor the communications of suspected terrorists in the United States is but the latest manifestation of a tension that spans the existence of official intelligence agencies.2 The tumult between national security and civil liberties was also visible during the early years of the Cold War as Republicans and Democrats battled over the U.S. government's appropriate response to the surge of communism internationally. Entering the presidency in 1945, Harry S Truman became privy to the unstable dynamic between Western leaders and Josef Stalin over the post‐war division of Eastern Europe.3 Although only high level officials within the executive branch intimately understood this breakdown, the U.S. -
The Cold War and Mccarthyism Howard Tennant
WARS The Cold War and McCarthyism Howard Tennant 1. Work in pairs. Read the text on the Cold War and then make questions, HISTORY using the phrases in bold. The first question has been done for you. Text A The Cold War The term ‘Cold War’ is used to describe the relationship between America and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1980. It was a period of conflict, tension and rivalry between the world’s two superpowers. (1) Neither side fought the other – the consequences would be too terrible – but they did fight for their beliefs using other countries. For example, in (2) the Vietnam war in the 1960s and 1970s, (3) South Vietnam was against the Communists and supported by America. North Vietnam was pro-Communist and fought the south (4) using weapons from communist Russia or communist China. In Afghanistan, the Americans supplied the Afghans with weapons after (5) the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979. They never physically involved themselves and so avoided direct conflict with the Soviet Union. 1. Did America and the Soviet Union fight each other? 2. When was ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________? 3. Which country did the USA ____________________________________________________________________? 4. Which countries supplied weapons ______________________________________________________________? 5. When did the Soviet Union ______________________________________________________________________? • This page has been downloaded from www.onestopclil.com. 1 of 2 Written by Howard Tennant. © Copyright Macmillan Publishers Ltd 2008. FROM WEBSITE •PHOTOCOPIABLECAN BE DOWNLOADED HISTORY 2. In pairs read this text on McCarthyism and make the questions. Text B McCarthyism (1) The term ‘McCarthyism’ refers to a period of strong anti-communist suspicion in the USA that lasted from the late 1940s to the late 1950s. -
Administrative National Security
ARTICLES Administrative National Security ELENA CHACHKO* In the past two decades, the United States has applied a growing num- ber of foreign and security measures directly targeting individualsÐ natural or legal persons. These individualized measures have been designed and carried out by administrative agencies. Widespread appli- cation of individual economic sanctions, security watchlists and no-¯y lists, detentions, targeted killings, and action against hackers responsible for cyberattacks have all become signi®cant currencies of U.S. foreign and security policy. Although the application of each of these measures in discrete contexts has been studied, they have yet to attract an inte- grated analysis. This Article examines this phenomenon with two main aims. First, it documents what I call ªadministrative national securityº: the growing individualization of U.S. foreign and security policy, the administrative mechanisms that have facilitated it, and the judicial response to these mechanisms. Administrative national security encompasses several types of individualized measures that agencies now apply on a routine, inde®- nite basis through the exercise of considerable discretion within a broad framework established by Congress or the President. It is therefore best understood as an emerging practice of administrative adjudication in the foreign and security space. Second, this Article considers how administrative national security integrates with the presidency and the courts. Accounting for administra- tive national security illuminates the President's constitutional role as chief executive and commander-in-chief and his control of key aspects of * Lecturer on Law, Harvard Law School (Fall 2019); Post-doctoral Fellow, Perry World House, University of Pennsylvania; S.J.D. Candidate, Harvard Law School; LL.B., Hebrew University of Jerusalem (2014). -
Legal Minds Debate Whether Obama Executive Order on Abortion Will Stick
Legal minds debate whether Obama executive order on abortion will stick WASHINGTON – One of the biggest questions remaining as implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act begins is whether the executive order on abortion funding signed by President Barack Obama will be effective in stopping any expanded use of taxpayer funds for abortion. Legal experts and members of Congress disagree about the impact of the president’s March 24 Executive Order 13535, “Ensuring Enforcement and Implementation of Abortion Restrictions in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.” Anthony Picarello, general counsel for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, and Michael Moses, associate general counsel, said in a nine-page legal analysis that the executive order is likely to face court challenges and does not resolve problems on abortion funding and conscience protection in the health reform law. “Where the order purports to fix a shortcoming of the act in these areas, it is highly likely to be legally invalid; and where the order is highly likely to be legally valid, it does nothing to fix those shortcomings,” they said. Rep. Bart Stupak, D-Mich., a key player in the health reform debate, said executive orders “have been important means of implementing public policy” throughout history, noting that President George W. Bush used Executive Order 13435 in 2007 to limit the use of federal funds for embryonic stem-cell research. “This executive order followed the principle of the sanctity of life, and was applauded and welcomed by the pro-life community,” said Stupak, a nine-term House member who recently announced that he would not run for re-election. -
Mccarthyism Space and Arms Race Notes
Name ______________ Period ___ McCarthyism New Red Scare Beginning in 1950, Joseph ________________became the most visible public face of this era of anti-communism. – The term _________________________ was coined that same year(1950) to describe and condemn the senator's methods. – McCarthyism is the practice of making ____________ of disloyalty, especially pro-Communist activities. • In many instances unsupported by ____________ or based on slight, doubtful, or irrelevant ____________. – Later the term was applied more generally to the ______-___________ of the late 1940s through the late 1950s. – Today, it is often used even more broadly, to describe __________ attacks made on a persons' ______________ and/or patriotism. McCarthy's national reconition rose after a speech where he reportedly produced a piece of paper which he claimed contained a ________ of known Communists working for the __________ Department. – McCarthy is usually quoted to have said: "I have here in my hand a list of 205 people that were known to the Secretary of State as being members of the ________________ Party, and who, nevertheless, are still working and _________________ the policy of the State Department." Many people supported McCarthy because they were afraid that _______________ had indeed _________________ federal agencies. Arms Race United States v Soviet Union • 1949 -The Soviet Union exploded its _________ atomic bomb • 1953 - the United States and the Soviet Union had the ___-______ (Hydrogen bomb). • The United States _______________ the air force which would carry the _________ and built up __________ weapons. • The ___________ Union began to do the ______. • The ___________ arms __________ frightened many Americans. -
Presbyterians and Mccarthyism the Anticommunist Campaign of Senator Joseph Mccarthy Prompted a National Debate on the Protection of Civil Liberties
For Truth and Liberty: Presbyterians and McCarthyism The anticommunist campaign of Senator Joseph McCarthy prompted a national debate on the protection of civil liberties. The Presbyterian Church defended the freedom of dissent. by Rick Nutt THE COLD WAR WITH THE SOVIET UNION tions, charges levelled without regard to context dominated life in the United States after and shifts in historical circumstances…and, above all, suspicion. McCarthyism describes, more- World War II. The will to stop the spread of over, a basically negative approach to the prob- communism was clear in both global and lems of communism under the pretense of patrio- domestic policies, and Presbyterians mani- tism but without concern for free government in fested that conviction along with their fel- an open society.…2 low citizens—indeed, at times Presbyterians One of the most vigorous statements of were in the midst of the conflict over com- opposition to McCarthyism was issued by munism. It was at Westminster College in the General Council of the Presbyterian Fulton, Missouri, in 1946 that Winston Church, U.S.A. (PCUSA) in 1953. This essay Churchill added the phrase “Iron Curtain” to will survey the Presbyterian response to our vocabulary. Perhaps the two most fa- McCarthy, with special attention to the mous Presbyterians of the 1950s were Dwight PCUSA’s “Letter to Presbyterians” and the Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles, presi- reaction it evoked. dent and secretary of state respectively, re- sponsible for opposing communism abroad I and at home (Dulles became famous for his resistance of communism by a policy of World War II was a watershed in the “brinksmanship”). -
Letter from Senator Joseph Mccarthy to the President of the United States
Letter from Senator Joseph McCarthy to the President of the United States This letter from Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican representative of Wisconsin, to President Harry Truman was written three days after McCarthy’s famous Wheeling Speech. This speech signaled McCarthy’s rise to influence, as he gained national attention by producing a piece of paper on which he claimed he had listed the names of 205 members of the Communist Party working secretly in the U.S. State Department. McCarthy was, at the time of this letter, beginning to exploit national concerns about Communist infiltration during the Cold War. This fear of infiltration was intensified by the Soviet Union’s recent development of the atomic bomb and the coming Communist takeover of China. “McCarthyism” however was not yet at its peak. Senator McCarthy here at first encourages President Truman to commit more resources to the war of containment being fought in South Korea, and secondly questioned the legitimacy and effectiveness of Truman’s loyalty program, signed into effect by Executive Order 9835 in 1947. This program required the FBI to run checks on almost anyone involved in the U.S. government and subsequently to launch investigations into any government employee with what could be presumed as questionable political associations. The Loyalty Program was not enough to satisfy Senator McCarthy, who suspected that a number of subversives had slipped through the investigation and remained in the State Department. President Truman made it clear that he would not take McCarthy’s accusations seriously and that the Senator was “the best asset the Kremlin has.”109 July 12, 1950 The President The White House Washington, D. -
Primary Source Document with Questions (Dbqs) the POTSDAM DECLARATION (JULY 26, 1945) Introduction the Dropping of the Atomic Bo
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) THE POTSDAM DECLARATION (JULY 26, 1945) Introduction The dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki remains among the most controversial events in modern history. Historians have actively debated whether the bombings were necessary, what effect they had on bringing the war in the Pacific to an expeditious end, and what other options were available to the United States. These very same questions were also contentious at the time, as American policymakers struggled with how to use a phenomenally powerful new technology and what the long-term impact of atomic weaponry might be, not just on the Japanese, but on domestic politics, America’s international relations, and the budding Cold War with the Soviet Union. In retrospect, it is clear that the reasons for dropping the atomic bombs on Japan, just like the later impact of nuclear technology on world politics, were complex and intertwined with a variety of issues that went far beyond the simple goal of bringing World War II to a rapid close. The Potsdam Declaration was issued on July 26, 1945 by U.S. President Harry Truman, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China, who were meeting in Potsdam, Germany to consider war strategy and post-war policy. Soviet leader Joseph Stalin also attended the Potsdam Conference but did not sign the Declaration, since the Soviet Union did not enter the war against Japan until August 8, 1945. Document Excerpts with Questions From Japan’s Decision to Surrender, by Robert J.C. -
Loyalty Among Government Employees
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 58 DECE-MBER, 1948 Nu-.mnB 1 LOYALTY AMONG GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES THOMAS I. EMERSON* DAVID M. HELFELD t I. BACKGROUNM MOUNTING tensions in our society have brought us to a critical point in the matter of political and civil rights. The stresses are in large measure internal. They grow out of the accelerating movement to effect far-reaching changes in our economic and social structure, a movement which evokes ever-increasing resistance. As the conflicts sharpen, there is rising pressure to discard or undermine the basic principles embodied in the democratic concept of freedom for political opposition. Maintenance of free institutions in a period of deepening crisis would be difficult enough if the struggle were confined to our shores. But the domestic problem is only an element of the world problem. Large areas of the world have abandoned the system of capitalism in favor of socialism. Other areas are far advanced in economic and social change. Everywhere there is struggle, uncertainty, fear and confusion. Pro- tagonists of the more militant economic and social philosophies are organized into political parties which have their offshoots and counter- parts in other countries, including our owm. As a result, the preserva- tion of political freedom, the right to hold and express opinions di- verging from the opinion of the majority, is often made to appear incompatible with the overriding requirements of "loyalty," "patri- otism," "national security" and the like. The danger of "foreign id- eologies," "infiltration," "subversion" and "espionage" are invoked to justify the suspension of traditional rights and freedoms. -
Hofstra University Model United Nations Conference
Hofstra University Model United Nations Conference EXCOMM October, 1962 Crisis Committee Timothy Lachapelle Chairperson 1 Letter from the Chair Dear Delegates, Welcome to Hofstra Model United Nations, and the West Wing Crisis Committee. My name is Tim Lachapelle. I worked on the staff of the first HMUNC Crisis Committee, which re-created the West Wing in the post 9/11 Era. After two days of fast paced debate, and constant threat of nuclear Armageddon, the Hofstra Model UN club quickly discovered that the HMUNC delegates were up to any challenge that we throw at them. This year we are presenting another historical crisis scenario. In this committee you will all be acting as members of the Oval Office during the JFK era. The leaders of the nation are faced with many challenges during his presidency and this committee will be responsible for managing two potential crises: the first is the threat of Soviet missiles off the coast of Florida; the second is the constant threat of an attempt on the President’s life. Although this committee will rely on historical fact to solve these crises, the events will not play out exactly as they did in the history books. Some events or people involved may change depending on how the committee resolves each issue. I am currently a sophomore at Hofstra University, studying Political Science. I have been doing Model United Nations for one year. My first Model UN conference was at the University of Pennsylvania and I represented Iran in the World Health Organization. I discovered a passion for crisis committees when I worked on the staff of the crisis committee during the first Model UN conference ever hosted by Hofstra University. -
Cuban Missile Crisis: Applying Strategic Culture to Gametheory
Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All Graduate Plan B and other Reports Graduate Studies 5-2013 Cuban Missile Crisis: Applying Strategic Culture to Gametheory Chelsea E. Carattini Utah State University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/gradreports Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Carattini, Chelsea E., "Cuban Missile Crisis: Applying Strategic Culture to Gametheory" (2013). All Graduate Plan B and other Reports. 236. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/gradreports/236 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Graduate Plan B and other Reports by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction Game theory applied to political situations offers a unique approach to analyzing and understanding international relations. Yet the rigid structure that lends itself so well to mathematics is not practical in the real world . It lacks a built in mechanism for determining a player's preferences, which is a key part of an international "game" or situation. Strategic culture, another international relations theory, is quite the opposite. Critics claim it suffers from a lack of structure, but it captures the spirit of international actors and what makes them tick. This paper explores the idea of pairing the two otherwise unrelated theories to bolster both in the areas where they are lacking in order to provide a more complete understanding of international states' behavior and motivations. Brief Summary of Major Theories The theories presented in the following pages are drawn from distinct schools of thought; consequently it is necessary to provide some background information.