The Rhetoric of Athenian Identity in Demosthenes' Early Assembly Speeches
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341 BC the THIRD PHILIPPIC Demosthenes Translated By
1 341 BC THE THIRD PHILIPPIC Demosthenes translated by Thomas Leland, D.D. Notes and Introduction by Thomas Leland, D.D. 2 Demosthenes (383-322 BC) - Athenian statesman and the most famous of Greek orators. He was leader of a patriotic party opposing Philip of Macedon. The Third Philippic (341 BC) - The third in a series of speeches in which Demosthenes attacks Philip of Macedon. Demosthenes urged the Athenians to oppose Philip’s conquests of independent Greek states. Cicero later used the name “Philippic” to label his bitter speeches against Mark Antony; the word has since come to stand for any harsh invective. 3 THE THIRD PHILIPPIC INTRODUCTION To the Third Philippic THE former oration (The Oration on the State of the Chersonesus) has its effect: for, instead of punishing Diopithes, the Athenians supplied him with money, in order to put him in a condition of continuing his expeditions. In the mean time Philip pursued his Thracian conquests, and made himself master of several places, which, though of little importance in themselves, yet opened him a way to the cities of the Propontis, and, above all, to Byzantium, which he had always intended to annex to his dominions. He at first tried the way of negotiation, in order to gain the Byzantines into the number of his allies; but this proving ineffectual, he resolved to proceed in another manner. He had a party in the city at whose head was the orator Python, that engaged to deliver him up one of the gates: but while he was on his march towards the city the conspiracy was discovered, which immediately determined him to take another route. -
Theopompos' Treatment of Cimon Connor, W Robert Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1963; 4, 2; Proquest Pg
Theopompos' Treatment of Cimon Connor, W Robert Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1963; 4, 2; ProQuest pg. 107 Theopompos' Treatment of Cimon w. Robert Connor MOST A CENTURY AGO F. Ruhll first called attention to a E curious and difficult fragment of Theopompos2 in the Contra Iulianum of St. Cyril of Alexandria. The fragment, now printed as number 90 in Jacoby's collection, is an attack on the integrity of Cimon, the fifth-century Athenian general. Since Ruhl's discovery the fragment has received little serious discussion: it was omitted in the collections of Theopompos made by Schranz and by Grenfell and Hunt,3 only briefly discussed by Jacoby,4 applied to other Athen ians by Meyer and Wade-Gery,5 and dismissed by Ruhl himself as part of a "vollstandiges Lugensystem"6 developed by the Christian authors to denigrate paganism. More disconcerting is the failure of two important studies of Theopompos to consider the fragment. Both K. von Fritz and A. Momigliano accept the view that Theopompos gave his "permanent approval" to Cimon, "the old-time gentleman, brilliant in war as well as in society, a perfect aristocrat ... who was finally defeated ... 1 F. RUhl, Die Quellen Plutarchs im Leben des Kimcn (Marburg dissertation 1867). 2 FGrHist 115 F 90. It has been suggested to me that the large number of iambic feet in the fragment (infra page 108) may indicate that the fragment belongs to Theopompos the comic poet, not Theopompos the historian. The fragment, however, accords well with what is known of the digression on the demagogues in the Philippica, and has no obvious parallel among the fragments of the comedian. -
The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes
The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Charles Rann Kennedy The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Table of Contents The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes..............................................................................................1 Charles Rann Kennedy...................................................................................................................................1 THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC............................................................................................................................1 THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC.......................................................................................................................6 THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC........................................................................................................................10 THE FIRST PHILIPPIC..............................................................................................................................14 THE SECOND PHILIPPIC.........................................................................................................................21 THE THIRD PHILIPPIC.............................................................................................................................25 THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC.........................................................................................................................34 i The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Charles Rann Kennedy This page copyright © 2002 Blackmask Online. -
Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat
CHAPTER 6 Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat Max L. Goldman Introduction For years Demosthenes urged the Athenians to oppose the rising power of Macedon, which had come to prominence in the second half of the fourth century through the diplomatic and military efforts of its king, Philip II.1 Demosthenes finally convinced the Athenians and the Thebans to form an al- liance, which faced Philip at Chaeronea in the late summer of 338 BCE. Philip’s decisive victory in that battle had immediate consequences for the political landscape of the Greek world and modern historical narratives tend to treat Chaeronea as a turning point, as the moment when mainland Greece ceased to engage in independent foreign policy actions.2 Although this turned out to be the case, it was not immediately clear at Athens that the new order established by Philip after the battle was irrevocable. When Demosthenes was selected to deliver the funeral oration (logos epitaphios) for the Athenians who died at the battle of Chaeronea, he faced a particularly challenging task because the soldiers, whose deaths he needed to praise, had died fighting a losing battle, a battle he had vigorously advocated for. In his funeral oration, Demosthenes needed to discuss the defeat and his role in it in a way that created a sense of continuity with the past, that minimized the potential disruption such a defeat can inflict on a community, and that gave the Athenians a way to understand their defeat and his role in it. There can be no doubt that Demosthenes delivered the oration for the dead of Chaeronea. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
An Athenian Law on Silver Coinage
AN ATHENIAN LAW ON SILVER COINAGE (PLATES 25-27) AMONG the many remarkableepigraphic discoveries of the recent Agora Excava- -tions one of the most important for students of Greek numismatics and Athenian political institutions is the complete marble stele discussed in this paper. Valuable new evidence about the Nomothetai, the circulation of silver coins in Athens and Peirai- eus, and about a hitherto little-known official, the Dokimastes, is preserved in consider- able detail in this document. In addition to specific information about ancient counterfeit coins there are also no fewer than ten different public officials mentioned in this text which is fifty-six lines long and well-enough preserved to require very little restoration.' Agora Inventory I 7180 (Pls. 25-27). Complete stele of fine-crystaled, white marble mended from two pieces; crowned by a molding 0.082 m. in height consisting of an ovolo topped by a plain taenia. Back rough picked; sides and bottom 0.08 m. of front dressed with toothed chisel. Stele has a slight vertical taper. Found on August 4, 1970 built into the west wall of the Great Drain in front of the Royal Stoa, J 4,5. Height, 1.268 m.; width, at base, 0.457 m., below molding, 0.428 m.; thickness, 0.126 m. Height of letters, lines 1-2, 0.009 m., lines 3-56, 0.005-0.006 m. a. 37514 a. NON- 2TOIX. c'80oE T-roZ vojLo00ETatLS, Em' 'I7ro[8aLavros] dapXovTos: NLKO/-V EL7TEVW TO apyvpLov 8eXErOat TO ATTKoV 0oT[....... ]- TOIX. 39 at apyvpoy KatLEXrL TOV&8tlocr'toy xa[paKT7jpa. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Aelius Aristides As Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2019 Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults Josie Rose Portz University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Recommended Citation Portz, Josie Rose, "Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/5509 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Josie Rose Portz entitled "Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in English. Janet Atwill, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Jeffrey Ringer, Tanita Saenkhum Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) AELIUS ARISTIDES AS ORATOR-CONFESSOR: EMBODIED ETHOS IN SECOND CENTURY HEALING CULTS A Thesis Presented for the Master of Arts Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Josie Rose Portz August 2019 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my wonderful committee who has supported me these past two years in furthering my education in rhetorical studies, many thanks. -
Taking Sides: the Political Economy of Solon's Law for Civil Wars*
Taking sides: The Political Economy of Solon’s Law for Civil Wars* Soeren C. Schwuchow**, Brandenburg University of Technology, Germany George Tridimas***, Ulster University, Northern Ireland This version: 18 June 2019 Abstract In 594 BCE the Athenian statesman Solon defused a grave social crisis by introducing wide- ranging constitutional, political and economic reforms which granted various rights to a nas- cent ‘middle class’ and reduced the power of the wealthy birth aristocracy. Solon’s reforms included a law which perhaps counter-intuitively banned citizens from staying neutral in cas- es of civil conflict. After reviewing aspects of the law against neutrality debated by historians, the present paper employs the methodology of the economics of conflict to investigate the implications of the law for the stability of the constitutional order initiated by Solon. We ex- amine a stylised model of three social classes, Rich, Middle and Poor, where the former two compete for control of the government, and the Poor may decide to stay neutral or side with either the Middle or the Rich. By solving the model we identify conditions for the Rich to ac- cept the Solonian order or reject it and mount a coup. Key words: Ancient Athens; Solon; social conflict; neutrality; social stability; constitution- al choice. JEL Classification: D7: Analysis of Collective Decision making; D72: Political Processes D74: Conflict; Conflict Resolution; Alliances; N4: Economic History– Government; N93 - Europe: Pre-1913 Regional and Urban History * Paper in early stage of progress, preliminary and incomplete. Please do not circulate. ** Soeren C. Schwuchow (corresponding author), Brandenburg University of Technology, Cottbus-Senftenberg, Chair of Microeconomics, P.O. -
The Public Payment of Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens David M
The Public Payment of Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens David M. Pritchard HAT THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY did not give magi- strates misthos, pay, in the fourth century B.C. has long T been argued by M. H. Hansen. This article questions his argument and makes the opposite case that fourth-century Athenians paid their officials with public funds as their fore- bears had certainly done from the late 430s.1 Hansen founds his case on the silence of our ancient sources.2 In 411/0 the oligarchic regime of the Four Hundred made Athenian magistrates, excepting the nine archons, amisthoi or unsalaried ([Arist.] Ath.Pol. 29.5; cf. Thuc. 8.65.3, 67.3). If, after they were ousted, this form of remuneration was restored, it was once more taken away by the oligarchic regime of 405/4.3 For Hansen there is simply no evidence that the democracy in the following year, that is, immediately after its second restoration, or at any point in the fourth century started to pay all of its magistrates again. In his account of the Athenian constitution of the 320s Aristotle’s pupil noted the remuneration of only a fraction of the 329 arkhontes, magistrates, which he got around to describing.4 They were the nine archons, five overseas magi- 1 The earliest evidence of misthos for Athenian magistrates is IG I3 32.8–9. 2 M. H. Hansen, “Misthos for Magistrates in Classical Athens,” SymbOslo 54 (1979) 5–22, at 14–19; “Perquisites for Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens,” ClMed 32 (1980) 105–125; “Seven Hundred Archai in Classical Athens,” GRBS 21 (1980) 151–173, at 167; The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes (Oxford/Cambridge [Mass.]) 240–242. -
Euripides” Johanna Hanink
The Life of the Author in the Letters of “Euripides” Johanna Hanink N 1694, Joshua Barnes, the eccentric British scholar (and poet) of Greek who the next year would become Regius Professor at the University of Cambridge, published his I 1 long-awaited Euripidis quae extant omnia. This was an enormous edition of Euripides’ works which contained every scrap of Euripidean material—dramatic, fragmentary, and biographical —that Barnes had managed to unearth.2 In the course of pre- paring the volume, Barnes had got wind that Richard Bentley believed that the epistles attributed by many ancient manu- scripts to Euripides were spurious; he therefore wrote to Bentley asking him to elucidate the grounds of his doubt. On 22 February 1693, Bentley returned a letter to Barnes in which he firmly declared that, with regard to the ancient epistles, “tis not Euripides himself that here discourseth, but a puny sophist that acts him.” Bentley did, however, recognize that convincing others of this would be a difficult task: “as for arguments to prove [the letters] spurious, perhaps there are none that will convince any person that doth not discover it by himself.”3 1 On the printing of the book and its early distribution see D. McKitterick, A History of Cambridge University Press I Printing and the Book Trade in Cambridge, 1534–1698 (Cambridge 1992) 380–392; on Joshua Barnes see K. L. Haugen, ODNB 3 (2004) 998–1001. 2 C. Collard, Tragedy, Euripides and Euripideans (Bristol 2007) 199–204, re- hearses a number of criticisms of Barnes’ methods, especially concerning his presentation of Euripidean fragments (for which he often gave no source, and which occasionally consisted of lines from the extant plays).