Pan-Slavism in Central and Southeastern Europe
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
The Effects of Nationalism on Territorial Integrity Among Armenians and Serbs Nina Patelic
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2008 The Effects of Nationalism on Territorial Integrity Among Armenians and Serbs Nina Patelic Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES THE EFFECTS OF NATIONALISM ON TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY AMONG ARMENIANS AND SERBS By Nina Patelic A Thesis submitted to the Department of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2008 The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Nina Pantelic, defended on September 28th, 2007. ------------------------------- Jonathan Grant Professor Directing Thesis ------------------------------- Peter Garretson Committee Member ------------------------------- Mark Souva Committee Member The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members. ii ACKOWLEDGEMENTS This paper could not have been written without the academic insight of my thesis committee members, as well as Dr. Kotchikian. I would also like to thank my parents Dr. Svetlana Adamovic and Dr. Predrag Pantelic, my grandfather Dr. Ljubisa Adamovic, my sister Ana Pantelic, and my best friend, Jason Wiggins, who have all supported me over the years. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..v INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………….1 1. NATIONALISM, AND HOW IT DEVELOPED IN SERBIA AND ARMENIA...6 2. THE CONFLICT OVER KOSOVO AND METOHIJA…………………………...27 3. THE CONFLICT OVER NAGORNO KARABAKH……………………………..56 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………...……….89 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………93 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH………………………………………………………….101 iv ABSTRACT Nationalism has been a driving force in both nation building and in spurring high levels of violence. As nations have become the norm in modern day society, nationalism has become detrimental to international law, which protects the powers of sovereignty. -
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Threats to European Security Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff, the Governing Board and the Scientific Council are international. The Governing Board and the Scientific Council are not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, MP, Chairman (Sweden) Sir Brian Urquhart, Vice Chairman (United Kingdom) Professor Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Gyula Horn (Hungary) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Pipers väg 28, S-170 73 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Threats to European Security SIPRI Research Report No. 5 Stephen Iwan Griffiths OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1993 Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford New York Toronto Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi Kuala Lumpur Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland Madrid and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © SIPRI 1993 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. -
Inheriting the Yugoslav Century: Art, History, and Generation
Inheriting the Yugoslav Century: Art, History, and Generation by Ivana Bago Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Kristine Stiles, Supervisor ___________________________ Mark Hansen ___________________________ Fredric Jameson ___________________________ Branislav Jakovljević ___________________________ Neil McWilliam Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2018 ABSTRACT Inheriting the Yugoslav Century: Art, History, and Generation by Ivana Bago Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies Duke University ___________________________ Kristine Stiles, Supervisor ___________________________ Mark Hansen ___________________________ Fredric Jameson ___________________________ Branislav Jakovljević ___________________________ Neil McWilliam An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2018 Copyright by Ivana Bago 2018 Abstract The dissertation examines the work contemporary artists, curators, and scholars who have, in the last two decades, addressed urgent political and economic questions by revisiting the legacies of the Yugoslav twentieth century: multinationalism, socialist self-management, non- alignment, and -
THE WARP of the SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-Westernism, Russophilia, Traditionalism
HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA studies17 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism... BELGRADE, 2016 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism… Edition: Studies No. 17 Publisher: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia www.helsinki.org.rs For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Reviewed by: Prof. Dr. Dubravka Stojanović Prof. Dr. Momir Samardžić Dr Hrvoje Klasić Layout and design: Ivan Hrašovec Printed by: Grafiprof, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN 978-86-7208-203-6 This publication is a part of the project “Serbian Identity in the 21st Century” implemented with the assistance from the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. CONTENTS Publisher’s Note . 5 TRANSITION AND IDENTITIES JOVAN KOMŠIĆ Democratic Transition And Identities . 11 LATINKA PEROVIĆ Serbian-Russian Historical Analogies . 57 MILAN SUBOTIĆ, A Different Russia: From Serbia’s Perspective . 83 SRĐAN BARIŠIĆ The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies . 105 RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER DR. JELICA KURJAK “Soft Power” in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation . 129 DR MILIVOJ BEŠLIN A “New” History For A New Identity . 139 SONJA BISERKO, SEŠKA STANOJLOVIĆ Russia’s Soft Power Expands . 157 SERBIA, EU, EAST DR BORIS VARGA Belgrade And Kiev Between Brussels And Moscow . 169 DIMITRIJE BOAROV More Politics Than Business . 215 PETAR POPOVIĆ Serbian-Russian Joint Military Exercise . 235 SONJA BISERKO Russia and NATO: A Test of Strength over Montenegro . -
The Rise of Bulgarian Nationalism and Russia's Influence Upon It
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2014 The rise of Bulgarian nationalism and Russia's influence upon it. Lin Wenshuang University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Wenshuang, Lin, "The rise of Bulgarian nationalism and Russia's influence upon it." (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1548. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/1548 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RISE OF BULGARIAN NATIONALISM AND RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE UPON IT by Lin Wenshuang B. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 1997 M. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 2002 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Humanities University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Lin Wenshuang All Rights Reserved THE RISE OF BULGARIAN NATIONALISM AND RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE UPON IT by Lin Wenshuang B. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 1997 M. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 2002 A Dissertation Approved on April 1, 2014 By the following Dissertation Committee __________________________________ Prof. -
Epilogue in 1945 the Croatian Writer Vladimir Nazor
EPILOGUE In 1945 the Croatian writer Vladimir Nazor (1876–1949), who joined the Partisans at the end of 1942, wrote a poem entitled ‘Poems of the Fist’, in which he declared that the Croats were not Goths but ‘an ancient fragment of Slavdom.’ Whoever dared to claim differently, Nazor wrote, would ‘feel our fist.’1 After the collapse of the NDH in May 1945, the new communist authorities soon turned Nazor’s threat of violence against the proponents of the non-Slavic theories of Croat origin into actual policy. The leading proponent of the Gothic theory, the 78 year-old historian and Catholic priest Kerubin Šegvić, was sentenced to death, and subsequently executed, by a Yugoslav military court, on the grounds that his theory on ‘the non-Slavic origin of the Croats’ was designed to ‘demolish Slavic unity’ and ‘incite national hatred among the peoples of Yugoslavia.’2 In spite of its theoretical adherence to Marxist internationalism, the lead- ership of the new Yugoslav state under Josip Broz Tito (1892–1980) also strongly promoted the racial-supranational ideologies of pan-Slavism and Yugoslavism, at least in the early period of its rule. Belgrade was chosen as the site of the Soviet ‘Pan-Slav Congress’ held in December 1946, because Marshal Tito was regarded as Stalin’s most ‘trusted communist fighter’, while ‘the Yugoslavs were regarded as the second ranking Slav nation’ after the Soviet Union. At the end of his opening speech at the Congress, Tito made a ‘three-fold toast, to Slav solidarity, to our greatest Slav brother, the Soviet Union [and] to its leader of genius, Stalin.’3 Theories of the non-Slav origin of the Croats were not officially welcome in Yugoslav academic and political life. -
The Croatian Ustasha Regime and Its Policies Towards
THE IDEOLOGY OF NATION AND RACE: THE CROATIAN USTASHA REGIME AND ITS POLICIES TOWARD MINORITIES IN THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945. NEVENKO BARTULIN A thesis submitted in fulfilment Of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales November 2006 1 2 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Nicholas Doumanis, lecturer in the School of History at the University of New South Wales (UNSW), Sydney, Australia, for the valuable guidance, advice and suggestions that he has provided me in the course of the writing of this thesis. Thanks also go to his colleague, and my co-supervisor, Günther Minnerup, as well as to Dr. Milan Vojkovi, who also read this thesis. I further owe a great deal of gratitude to the rest of the academic and administrative staff of the School of History at UNSW, and especially to my fellow research students, in particular, Matthew Fitzpatrick, Susie Protschky and Sally Cove, for all their help, support and companionship. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Department of History at the University of Zagreb (Sveuilište u Zagrebu), particularly prof. dr. sc. Ivo Goldstein, and to the staff of the Croatian State Archive (Hrvatski državni arhiv) and the National and University Library (Nacionalna i sveuilišna knjižnica) in Zagreb, for the assistance they provided me during my research trip to Croatia in 2004. I must also thank the University of Zagreb’s Office for International Relations (Ured za meunarodnu suradnju) for the accommodation made available to me during my research trip. -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin. -
Celebrating Zionism's Roots in Serbia Israelis Are Increasingly Heading to the Balkans for Leisure and Adventure
HISTORY ו 5נ״ס,ואתוןן היאהאעיה ל*!׳ to ומשסזי) > " " i Vf־< [*rpTsJi^t ■:־־ד1ומ ■:vr:׳/r- ועע א:י.ו *וו TEODORA HERC1A י *':יי־ Yl Rivka iei - Rebecca Herzl ^’na/boi! ’9b.umrla/died I88S hlk> aHircIa '■'Aft f Theodor Herzl° י11110, ‘ ן_<■.~y~— ף— ?W■ a! T* -*<״ warn , י ■ * .K a A sign marking Theodor Herzl Street, written in Serbian in Cyrillic and Latin script. The The tomb of Theodor Herzl's paternal grandmother, Rebecca street was renamed in Herzl's honor in a state ceremony this past July. (Ronen shnidman) Herzl, in Zemun's Jewish cemetery. (Ronen shnidman) Celebrating Zionism's roots in Serbia Israelis are increasingly heading to the Balkans for leisure and adventure. But our history with Serbia goes back a lot farther By RONEN SHNIDMAN modern Zionist movement, but his ideas are usually or the election of a political leader, known from the rabbin- mentioned in passing if at all. Likewise, there is very limited ical literature as the Messiah son of Joseph. resident Reuven Rivlin visited Serbia this past July scholarship regarding how this Sephardi rabbi on the edge to participate in a ceremony with Serbian President of an empire came to his revolutionary ideas for the return Taking from Kabbala and Serbian nationalism Aleksandar Vucic renaming a street after the Zionist of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel. Historians and After the Damascus Blood Libel in 1840, Alkalai’s work Pvisionary Theodor Herzl in the Belgrade neighborhoodliterary experts have pointed to the influence of the radical acquired a more urgent nature and his writings included a of Zemun. -
Moscow's Racist Revival: a Strategy for World Empire
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 16, Number 30, July 28, 1989 �ITillFeature Moscow's racist revival: a strategy for world empire by Luba George Scheduled for later this summer is what Mikhail Gorbachov and other Soviet leaders have been calling since January the "decisive" Communist Party Central Committee Plenum on "nationality questions." The Russian chauvinists have long been preparing to present their program on how to deal with "nationalist separatist elements" who are trying to break away from the Empire. In an April 1989 interview with EIR Strategic Alert, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., responding to the national unrest resulting in Moscow's slaughter of women and children in Soviet Georgia, stressed that Russian chauvinist elements rallied by the mass-based fascist Pamyat Society "are redefining the relations between Muscovy and the rest of the Empire as those of the master and subject peoples. All pretense of the Bolshevik period is now being discarded. In unleashing this kind of thing, they set forth a process which, once unleashed, can no longer be con trolled, like the sorcerer's apprentice phenomenon." This comes in the context of a deep systemic crisis wracking the Russian Empire. That crisis is highlighted by the specter of mass famine and utter collapse of the civilian economy, the threat of which has triggered a never-ending chain reaction of nationalist unrest throughout Moscow's domains. What form of rule will appear in the Russian Empire following the end of the Bolshevik Period? The systemic crisis and the Slavophile upheaval unleashed in response guarantee major convulsions. -
LARSON-DISSERTATION-2020.Pdf
THE NEW “OLD COUNTRY” THE KINGDOM OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE CREATION OF A YUGOSLAV DIASPORA 1914-1951 BY ETHAN LARSON DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2020 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Maria Todorova, Chair Professor Peter Fritzsche Professor Diane Koenker Professor Ulf Brunnbauer, University of Regensburg ABSTRACT This dissertation reviews the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s attempt to instill “Yugoslav” national consciousness in its overseas population of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as well as resistance to that same project, collectively referred to as a “Yugoslav diaspora.” Diaspora is treated as constructed phenomenon based on a transnational network between individuals and organizations, both emigrant and otherwise. In examining Yugoslav overseas nation-building, this dissertation is interested in the mechanics of diasporic networks—what catalyzes their formation, what are the roles of international organizations, and how are they influenced by the political context in the host country. The life of Louis Adamic, who was a central figure within this emerging network, provides a framework for this monograph, which begins with his arrival in the United States in 1914 and ends with his death in 1951. Each chapter spans roughly five to ten years. Chapter One (1914-1924) deals with the initial encounter between Yugoslav diplomats and emigrants. Chapter Two (1924-1929) covers the beginnings of Yugoslav overseas nation-building. Chapter Three (1929-1934) covers Yugoslavia’s shift into a royal dictatorship and the corresponding effect on its emigration policy.