CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

The Role of Women in Artistic Expression in the Roman

Empire, First Through Third Century, A.D.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in Art, Art History

by Gloria Blume

December, 2019 The thesis of Gloria Blume is approved:

______Edie Pistolesi, Ph.D Date

______Mario Ontiveros, Ph.D. Date

______Owen P. Doonan, Ph.D., Chair Date

California State University, Northridge II

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the California State University, Northridge Art Department for making this thesis a reality for me, especially, Professor Edward Alfano, Chair of the Art

Department, as well as Professor Lesley Krane Coordinator for their guidance and support.

I would also like to thank Dr. Owen Doonan, Chair, as well as Dr. Mario Ontiveros, Dr.

Edie Pistolesi, Dr. Peri Klemm and Dr. Meiqin Wang for sharing their expertise and knowledge with me.

I would like to thank my family and friends for their love and support through this journey.

III

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SIGNATURE PAGE…………………………………………………………………..ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS…………………………………………………………..... iii

ABSTRACT …………………………………………………………………………...vI

CHAPTER I. Introduction ……………………………………………………………..1

CHAPTER II. Roman Gender ……………………………………………………….. 9

CHAPTER III. Case Studies …………………………………………………………. 15

CHAPTER IV. Conclusion ……………………………………………………………28

BIBLIOGRAPHY….……………………………………………….………………….30

APPENDIX………………..……………………………………………………..….....33

IV

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Map of ………………………………………………..……………....33

Sarcophagus 1………………………………...... 34

Roman Sarcophagus 1a……………………………………………………………….35

Edgar Degas, The Young Spartans, 1860 ….………………………………………...36

Edgar Degas, The Young Spartans, 1860-80 …………….…………………………..37

Portrait of Eumachia, .……………..…………...……………………………38

Portrait of Plancia Magna, Perge, ..…………………...……………………………...39

Portrait of Claudia Tatiana, Aphrodisias, …………………………………………... 40

Portrait of a as , ………………………..………..….………….41

Portrait of Vegetable Vendor, Ostia…..….…………………………………………. 42

V

ABSTRACT

The Role of Women in Artistic Expression in the Roman Empire, First Through Third Centuries, A.D. By Gloria Blume Master of Arts in Art, Art History

During the Roman Empire elite patrona, middle-class freedwomen and working-class women were honored by art images reflecting a range of statues with the same social ambition as

Roman men. These women commissioned architecture, monuments and public and private portraits. During this period of Roman history, the public culture was structured around conventions of gendered representations making sure that women fit into their natural role. I will argue that some women were able to transcend the conventions of culture and ideology of their perceived gendered role. To this end, I will apply a theoretical model established by art historian and social theorist, Whitney Davis. In his article, ‘Gender,’ he demonstrates a method of analysis based on a formal structure of grammar in visual representation that can be applied to systems of

Roman culture and society.1 Furthermore, he argues that when the differences between the sexes are established in visual representation as well as in linguistics, they tend to generate wide

1 Davis, Whitney, ‘Gender,’ “Critical Terms for Art History,” Chicago University Press, (1996-2003):330-344.

VI acceptance when they serve the particular interests of the elite.2 Natalie Boymel Kampen, a leading scholar on Roman women, defines gender as social transformation of biological sex into cultural categories; mostly, this transformation is one based on the justification of power relationships and the relation and maintenance of the established hierarchies.3 This definition can also apply to our understanding of Roman culture during the period of this project when it comes to gender.

The portraits considered in this thesis interjected the female subjects into traditionally male social spaces while taking advantage of a more gender fluid atmosphere than commonly expected.

It is essential to understand these art works in their tangled, problematic social, political and interpersonal context. Three of the elite women I will discuss had their public honorific portraits paid for by civic or communal agents. In contrast, a relief/shop sign, depicting a working-class woman, was commissioned and paid from her own earnings.

I have selected five case studies to demonstrate a range of women’s agency in differing social contexts during the first through the third centuries CE to support my argument. They are; 1)

Eumachia, an elite woman from Pompeii in Italy, 2) Plancia Magna from Perge, a city in the province of , 3) Claudia Tatiana from Aphrodisias in Asia, 4) a female vegetable vendor from Ostia, the port city of Rome and 5) a Portrait of a Woman as Venus at the Capitoline Museum in Rome. These case studies illustrate a wide range of social conditions that offered women diverse opportunities to express themselves in a manner consistent with their stations in their communities.

There were working-class women who worked as midwives, women venders who made makeshift

2 Ibid.:337-343. 3 Kampen, Natalie Boymel, ‘Gender Theory in ,’ ”I Claudia Women in .” E.E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, eds., Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven (1996). University Texas Press, Austin:14. VII stands to sell food on market days. And, interestingly, a woman who owned a shop, directed and paid for a family funerary relief/shop-sign. I chose to focus on the vegetable vender because her relief is so dynamic and uplifting. It is also an interesting example of how art and mercantile spaces interact.

VIII

Chapter I Introduction

Roman women commissioned monuments, architecture as well as public and private portraits contrary to popular assumptions. Whether in Italy or in the provinces during the Greek expansion along the Mediterranean, art reflected and adopted subtle local traditions in their art. Greek

Classical and Hellenistic styles which featured dramatic twisting body language, in closed poses with a focus on realism. These influences were carried on into the Roman Imperial period.

Roman ideology aimed at creating order and stability in their society and culture with the help of binary gendered artistic images to stress that women as well as men had certain roles and behavior to play in their culture. Many examples of the sculpture depicting elite women were presented in line with the Greek and Hellenistic ideals which emphasized youth, beauty and fertility. A second century, CE, Roman sarcophagus in the Los Angeles County Museum, provides insights into the Roman attitudes about gender relations.4 (map: fig. 1)

A Roman general’s life story is presented in a symbolic formulaic narrative in three marble panels from left to right. The large front panel depicts his life in three scenes; the first is an image of a horseman and fallen warriors; the second scene is of a ‘barbarian,’ or ‘other,’ pleading for clemency before a Roman officer; then continues with the sacrifice of a steer before a tetrastyle temple. On the far right, there is a scene of the of a male child with the and two servants with the Three Fates on the left side of the image. Between them is a globe and they are,

4 Kleiner, Diana E.E., ‘Family Ties: and Sons in Elite and None Elite Roman Art,’ “I Claudia II, Women in Roman Art and Society, ”Diana E.E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, Yale University Art Gallery,” (2000), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, The William Randolph Hearst Collection, 47.8.9.: 57.

1 ostensibly, looking for signs of the future of the figures in the panel. As Diana Kleiner describes in her essay “I Claudia II,” the mother is seated and veiled and looking like a forlorn vessel, ‘once she has produced the child, she reticently fades away’5 The role of the Three Fates portends the future of the figures; Clotho, who spins the thread of human destiny, facing her is Lachesis, who dispenses it, and Atropos, who cuts the thread determining the moment of death. The iconography demonstrates a visual language of the qualities and attributes attained by a warrior general with such manly excellence and status of a hero. This is demonstrated with movement in active poses of the man, while women are presented in static and somber expressions.

In contrast, the iconography of the Fates’ presence also emphasizes the importance of the wife and mother to be, who is giving birth to a possible future general, runs in parallel scenes on the far side of the sarcophagus. This establishes the importance of the relationship between the male and female. It demonstrates the attributes and characteristics of the roles they play in their culture and class; he is a man who is a model of what a good aristocratic Romans ought to be and she is the crucial bearer of future male leaders who can carry on the lineage of the Roman man and stability of the culture. A fatalistic outlook that might be interpreted as a form of biological determinism, set in stone which does not leave much room for a propensity for easy change. This is not only a visual picture, but a narrative of roles for women and men of that period and culture, but also combined with a more conceptual motif as to the future of the figures in its message.

There are contrasting sculptural images of older women in this culture which did not only emphasize youth and beauty by sculpting images of softly feminine figures. The culture also valued age and experience of older women. An example of a woman’s portrait sculpture that did

5 Ibid.:56-7.

2 not fit the Roman ideal of constructed gender types, is the “Portrait of a Women as Venus,” in the

Capitoline Museum.6 While the nude body suggests youth and beauty of a classical Venus, the head and expression of the matrona is sculpted with a firm mouth and jaw, with a serious facial expression that signifies that virtue associated with dignity and gravity of age. Her pose is open and dynamic with her left foot forward with bended knee and her right hip thrust forward. This work demonstrates that at times, the culture balanced maturity with physical beauty.

Elite women in the provinces and throughout the empire, sought to adopt the style of the particular empress in power to gain status and favor with the Empire. They favored the sought- after excellent blue and white marble mined in their own territory and then combined with Roman techniques that resulted in a more polished surface. This resulted in a more urbane and cultivated persona, both sensual and strong;

The Aphrodisias series presents some excellent, closely datable examples both of the warm embrace given to the new metropolitan styles and some powerful alternatives. 7

In contrast to elite women, a working-class woman in Ostia in the second century CE, commissioned and paid for a shop sign to honor her contribution to her family and her community.

During ’s and ’s reign, a new harbor was built to handle grain to feed the approximate one million people in Rome with imports from Sicily, Gaul and . The consequence of expanding the new harbor brought the need for more dock workers to handle

6 D’ Ambra, Eve, ‘ in Nudity and Adornment in Female Portrait Sculpture of the Second Century, A. D.’ ‘Kleiner, Dianna E.E. and Susan B. Matheson eds, “I Claudia II, Women in Roman Art and Society,” Yale University Art Gallery, University of Texas Press, Austin Texas, (2000) Portrait of a Women as Venus, Second century. Rome, Museo Capitolina. (1993):102-112. 7 Smith, R.R.R., “Aphrodisias, II: Roman Statuary from Aphrodisias.” Verlag Phillip von Zabern, Mainz am Rhein, (2006), pp. 352.

3 foreign trade as well as the need of more artisans and shopkeepers. This created a shortage of labor and opened up new opportunities for women to participate in commercial life which helped Ostia to become part of a booming economy in new housing for workers.8

Economic opportunity provided space and flexibility for working class women to assert themselves in public, while ironically, elite women were bound by, to a certain extent, traditional styles of the past with only subtle changes. It was the case that poor women who had to support themselves and their families by working outside the home, usually worked in occupations of making fabrics, clothing, food, as well as taking care of young children. This kind of work was essentially familiar to their perceived duties at home,9 but could now become owners of their own shops.

Whitney Davis’ theoretical foundation and model -

Gender differences in Roman representation played a large part in these images. This is how

I’m going to apply his model to of analysis of women in ancient Roman art. These gender differences were highlighted by the 1) location of the piece or architecture, 2) the particular pose or gestures which may have included the relationship to a man, i.e. father, husband, brother, etc.

3) the personal physical attributes such as features or facial expression, hair, clothing. Traditional portraits often followed the Small Herculaneum Woman statute types.10 These characteristics of the portraits were desired and used to frame their identity; they included the head and body, size,

8 Clark, John, “Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representation and Non-Elite Viewers in Italy, 100 B.C.- A.D. 315, (2006), pp. 123-125. 9 Pomeroy, S.B., “Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in ,” New York: Shocken Books. (1975). 10 Trimble, Jennifer, ‘Framing Portraits and Persons: Small Herculaneum Women Statute type and the Construction of Identity,’ Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in : (May 2013) Stanford University.

4 text, and setting. These statues were symbols of honors, identity of the figure, status and financial generosity by members in the community. In their specific sites, the played a part in the architectural fabric of the city rather than being displayed isolated in a modern museum11 This thesis includes an example of Small Herculaneum type, a style favored in a majority of statues and the Eumachia portrait. The example of a Large Herculaneum Woman type can be seen in the statue of Plancia Magna and Tatiana of Aphrodisias herein.

This analytical framework is adopted from Davis’ model of the ‘grammar’ of images, which also points to the forces behind the ideology and elites who commissioned much of the art. Davis’ theoretical model holds that in visual representation, these elements will generate wide acceptance in a culture and will serve the interests of the elites who subscribe to them.12 The viewers then internalize the differences and distinctions between the male and female’s position in the culture.

These are tactics that become legitimized by the participants in the culture.13 To make his analytical model more concrete, he uses two 19th century paintings by Edgar Degas to make his point.

Davis compares differing versions of Degas’ 19th century oil paintings called ‘The Young

Spartans.’ The first dated 1860, now at the Chicago Institute of Art and a later one dated 1860-

1880 now at the National Gallery Art in London, England. A focus on gendered traits within the image thus becomes symbolic and iconographical elements incorporated in the images. He concludes that the two representations do no leave much room for variability as to other possibilities relating to one’s sexuality, their place in the culture and their visions for where their future lies. In analyzing the first of the examples, the young group of women are seen to

11 ibid. 12 Davis, Whitney, ‘Gender,’ “Critical Terms for Art History,” Chicago University, (1996-2003):330-343. 13 Ibid.:339. 5 confronting a group of young boys across a natural path that leads to a background of a man, identified as a lawgiver, and thought to be the King of Thrace, speaking to a group of women. The lawgiver/king stands in front of a large and ornate pavilion like structure that looks like a civic arch of some kind. This background, with the male figure in front of it emphasizes the importance of this figure in the social context of the period. The young female figures adopt elements of masculinity in their confrontational stance, with one of the girls emphatically pointing to the group of boys. The large definitive natural path from foreground to background combined with the ornate structure can be interpreted as a pathway to their future roles in the Spartan community.

But, in a later painting of the same subject, Degas presents traits of ‘womanly men’ and ‘manly women’ with changes in architecture. The latter painting now at the National Gallery in London, the wide path separating one group from the other is not as pronounced as the first, and the imposing ornate pavilion is gone, the lawgiver/king is less visible while chatting with a group of women. Davis finds subversive elements in the visual vocabulary of the latter version of the painting with the girl’s hair in the foreground longer, the way one of the girls cups the breast of another girl as well as the willowy, effeminate bodies of some of the boys, with a suggestive pose of one boy on his knees in the forefront.

In both of Degas’ paintings, there are subtle ideological messages for the different genders and, as seen in the latter painting, the incremental changes to identity of the genders has occurred.

His analytical method brings into sharp relief, the complexity of cultural, social and political differences. These changes in visual cues contained in art by an elite, are messages to be internalized by the viewer on the subconscious level.14 My interest in this thesis is to analyze the

14 Bourdieu, Pierre, ”Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste,” Harvard University Press., MA. 6 four case studies using Davis’ model of the grammar of gender. He demonstrates the grammatical relationship that an adjective has to a noun in formal grammar, and compares that to the visual relationship of royal to crown, man to woman. The women I chose to highlight made important inroads in their culture. Davis’ theory demonstrates how complex and challenging it was to make those inroads.

An interesting discussion related to visual cues in art that carried a message of what kind of behavior was acceptable for a woman. Using images that focus on hairstyles and veiling in artistic expression, Glynis Davies writes that in portraits of elite women in all the styles, the robes were designed to constrain the arms and body with the garments falling over the feet and spilling to the ground restricting movement by the feet and stance.15 One might deduce that they were enclosed in a cocoon style clothing. In addition, although men wore veils on religious occasions, Elizabeth

Bartman writes on veiling of women;

In the Roman world, however, women’s hair has the erotic potential which made it a lightening-rod for the anxieties about female sexuality and public behavior, hence the ancient sources preserve references for veiling and strictures regarding female headwear.16

Some scholars believe that elite women who commissioned artistic expression did so for the same reasons that Roman men did. They wanted to emphasize their socio-economic status as well as family lineage and connections, rather than being sensitive to gender differences in their

15 Davies, Glynis, ‘Portraits Statutes as Models of Gender Roles in Roman Society: Role Models in the Roman World, Identity and Assimilation,’ Sinclair Bell and Inge Handsen, eds., Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press. (2003). 16 Bartman, Elizabeth, ‘Hair and Artifice of Roman Female Adornment,’ American Journal of Archaeology, 105. No. 1, (Jan. 2001):5. 7 public portraits. It is precisely how these socio-economic changes gave women of middle and working-classes the opportunity to become patrons of art and is one of the subjects of my thesis.

In the first painting of Degas ‘Young Spartans,’ now at the Chicago Institute of Art, Davis’ model of gendered traits in images become symbolic and iconographical elements which reflect the ideology and focuses on traits in a culture as to what is ‘masculine and what is feminine.’ He ties these traits related to one’s identity, their place in their culture and their expectations for the future. However, his model is not a closed system. In the second painting of the ‘Young Spartans,’ now at the Chicago Institute of Art, he illustrates a change in the subtle but subversive traits of the two paintings.

Whitney Davis’ model of looking into the ideology of a culture with respect to gender identity and analyzing the traits represented in images of the women and men in that culture is timely. This model, analogous to the formal structure of grammar becomes the social and linguistics conventions in visual representation. It illustrates how to gain acceptance of that ideology by the participants in the culture. Its emphasis is on the location, i. e., monument, or tomb; composition, relationship to the masculine; the pose including hair and clothing as well as inscriptions when they are available.

Set in the time and place of ancient Sparta, it is a method of understanding how that culture views the power dynamic between genders. Davis looks into how the roles of women marked as

‘feminine’ contrasted to men as ‘masculine’ and the consequences it created for ancient Sparta community.

8 Chapter II

Roman Gender

Because a woman’s biological makeup gives her a different psychic as well as physical makeup, i.e., giving birth and socializing infants, it followed that her biology led her to play a different role in the culture.17 Roman ideology merged these ideas and communicated them through art.

Georgia Nugent writes that in the influential philosopher and poet, ,18 used a common theme in his writings of how to construct the male self to become a learned man in the community of the polis, Republic or even the Empire. In his epic poem, De Rerum Natura, Nugent writes that he never depicts a woman on her own. Lucretius continually connects women and other female beings to the material who procreate the earth,19 and at the most fundamental level, his thinking of the female is literally the ground against which the male figure emerges, she is characterized as the mother and source of creation.20 Referring to other scholars such as Diskin

Clay21 and Anderson,22 they don’t see the same connections of mother earth to reproducing women, Nugent claims that ‘Neither of these scholars explores the broader and cultural resonance of this association or implication of women being reduced to matter.23 In her conclusion, she writes;

17 Ortner, Sherry B., ‘Is Female to Male as Nature is to Culture,’ In M.Z. Osaldo and L. Lamphere, eds., Woman, Culture and Society. Stanford, CA, Stanford University Press:68-87. 18 Nugent, Georgia, ‘The Female in Lucretius De Rerum Natura,’ Colby Quarterly, vol. 30.3, Sept.:179-205. 19 Ibid.:182. 20 Ibid.:183. 21 Clay, Diskin, “Memmius,” (1983)212-215. 22 Anderson, (1960) 23 Ibid.:183.

9 In this poem whose raison d’etre is to provide a reasoned understanding of the composition of the cosmos and one’s place in it, the female provides a means of figuring the world but does not possess a mind capable of understanding it.24

These assumptions helped to set up a binary universe for mother earth to procreate the world, which lead to a logical model for men of action to wage war with the possibilities of heroism, romanticized versions of voyages and battles to come in the future so men can ‘Pour from those lips soft syllables to win ‘Peace for the Romans, glorious Lady, peace!’25 This ethos of what is meant to be an acceptable man and women led to creation of a visual language that was a shorthand symbolic iconography in developing such distinctions.

With Lucretius in the philosophical and poetic realm, also expresses secular writings, came up with a binary interpretation of gendered biology. In one of Metamorphoses,26 the poet presents a story of two crossed lovers; Iphis, a woman disguised as a man to save her from death as an infant girl for not being a male, falls in love with another woman called Lanthe. On the eve of their marriage and with the intervention of the gods, her sex is changed to a male with the physical characteristics that came with the culturally and physically ‘masculine’ traits that are more accepted in the culture and ideology. He describes in detail the changes;

‘Iphis walked . . . with a long stride that was her want. Her face seemed of a darker hue, her strength seemed greater, her very features sharper, and her locks all unadorned, were shorter than before. She seemed more vigorous than was her girlish wont.27

24 Ibid.::183. 25 Lucretius, De Rerum Natura. William Ellery Leonard, ed. E.P. Dutton. 19., Book I, lines 46-7. http://data.perseus.org 26 Ov., Met. 9. 726-38. 27 Kampen, Natalie, ‘Gender Theory in Roman Art, “’I Claudia Women in Ancient Rome,” Diana E.E. Kleiner, Susan B. Matheson, eds, Yale University Art Gallery, University of Texas Press, Austin. (1996):16-17. Quoting Ovid, Ov., Met 9, 726-38, Ov . Met 9. 785-38. 10

She no longer exhibits her natural womanly lighter skin – the preferred ideal complexion of the culture – her short hair and delicate steps, her higher pitched voice and weaker strength. Her body language changes; nature and culture are in cultural harmony in the eyes of the greater Roman

Empire’s ideology and propaganda. One of the most important functions of Roman ideology is the traditional role of women destined to be a vessel of fertility. Portrait sculpture, philosophy and literature are in harmony in this instance.

As Nugent quotes theorist Jean-Joseph Goux, who has analyzed in his writing on symbolic economics and has called ‘. . . paternalism, including assumptions that; in ‘good’ reproduction, the paternal position is institutionalized . . . All the organizational and informational power that is immanent in nature’ . . .28 are products of a program of the ideology. Goux also connects Freudian writings on the unconscious and Marxian analyses of class in which these elements feature in the structure of culture. Davis’ model demonstrates how the public comes to internalize cultural structures of elites and how it reaches the broader community. Pierre Bourdieu writes that generally, these tactics reach the public on a sub-conscious level.29

Cultural structures also included legal mechanisms established after the fall of the Republic and the consolidation of power by the Empire. The establishment of a bilateral descent system in order to transfer property, for the upper and middle class, was legally created.30 Differential age categories were established for both male and females. Incorporating the linguistic aspect of

28Nugent, Georgia, ‘Mater Matters,’ Colby Vol. 30, no, 3, (1994):179-205. quoting Jean-Joseph Goux’, “Symbolic Economics After Marx and Freud,” (1990), Cornell University Press:224. Cite ‘Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, William Ellery Leonard, ed., E. P Dutton. 19. http://data.perseus.org. 29 Bourdieu, Pierre, “Distinction: A Social Distinction of the Judgement of Taste,” Harvard University Press, MA. (1984), Routledge and Paul Kagan, Ltd. 30 Saller, Richard P., ‘, Mater Famlias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household,’ Classical Philology, Vol 94, No, 2 (Apr. 1999):182-197.

11 Davis’ model, generally in Roman art, these existed different social categories in gender groups in men with respect to age. Men had five classes of ages; boys which featured the rite of passage from boy to men with the rights and privileges attached to a boy who turned 14,31 (paides), for youths, (epheboi) ages 18-20), (neo) ages 20-30, (adres) ages 30’s and onwards, and (gerontes) elders. Females, however, were defined in only two broad groups, girls of pre-marriage ages (13-

14) and mature women. Between the visual distinctions of differentiation in female portraits, the linguistic categories reinforced those differences.

For some context of how a marriage of known Hellenistic techniques such as dynamic body language and expressive portrait art were combined with Roman self-expression in presenting the subject in a positive and objective manner. In addition, the art must present the values and beliefs was created, he enacted many reforms in the society’s marriage, taxing and military laws.32 The territories in Asia Minor continued to use Greek/Hellenistic styles and forms, but combined them with a classicism for public art that communicated ideas of social order and became an instrument of his ideology.33 Rome as well as cities in the Greek East were influenced by this ideology in their public art.

31 http//www.forumromanum.org/life/Johnston39.jpg. 32 www.csun.edu/~hcfli004.Aug. 33 Boatwright Mary T,, ‘Just Window Dressing: Imperial Women as Architectural Sculpture,’ Chap. 4:61-75. Diana E.E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, eds., “I Claudia – Women in Roman Art and Society,” University of Texas Press, Austin Texas (2000). 12

Chapter III

Case Studies

Introduction to Case Studies

A system of gendered hierarchal status did not stop some women in the first through the third centuries, A.D., from creating relationships in various trades and guilds establishing networks of commercial and political communities which were formed in the social contexts of their lives.34

This was the case with a freedwoman Eumachia from Pompeii, Italy; Claudia Tatiana, from

Aphrodisias in Asia Minor; and Plancia Magna, from Perge, a city in the province of Asia. These successful elite women were public priestesses who came from wealthy commercial families, some with aristocratic backgrounds, and with social and political connections in their cities. Their wealth and status enabled them to become honorees and sometimes have patrons commission and pay for life-sized portrait sculptures in public spaces. In contrast to these elite women of wealth and status, there were working-class women who commissioned funerary and commercial reliefs, i.e., the makeshift food sellers on market days in the port city of Ostia, in Italy. The image of a vegetable vender35 that I chose as an example, highlights the differences and distinctions in style, location, clothing and environments in the culture. This woman, as well as other working-class women such as midwives, were able to commission artistic representation of their lives in the public square in the second century CE.

Ostia was the port city of Rome that supplied Rome with grain as well as other goods, went through a labor shortage that gave working class women an opportunity to engage in commercial

34 Will, Elizabeth Lyding, ‘Women in Pompeii,’ Archaeology, 32 no. 5 (1979):34-38. 35 Clarke, John C., “Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representations and '’Non-Elite” Viewers in Italy- 1000 BC-AD 315. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London,: University of California Press, (2006):123. 13 activity that differed from the norm. These opportunities afforded such women to personally interact with others in their community as part of the hustle and bustle of ordinary business life.

This relief reflects an altogether different style and environment not the same of portraits grand marble portrait statues. While Cicero36 referred to these women as ‘craftsmen and shopkeepers of all that scum of the cities,’37 these examples of working-class women created a public space to showcase their works in images that mirrored their active lives, while elite women competed for attention and status on the urban stage with large portrait sculptures. These four case studies establish a variety of uses of women’s public participation in art across a broad range of social statues in the socially and culturally dynamic Roman Empire.

36 Ritter, Bradley, “Jueans in the Greek Cities of The Roman Empire.” , Orations, Flacc. 18, Supplements to the Journal for the Studies of Judaism: Brill: Leiden/Boston. (2015) . 37 Treggiari, Susan, ‘Lower Class Women in the ’ Florilegium, vol. 1 (1979):65-79 notes 80-86. Fla 14 Case Studies

1) Eumachia – 1st. Century A.D., Pompeii – Italy (freedwoman)

Eumachia, a public priestess of the Imperial cult in the Roman colony of Pompeii, is an example of how some women were able to make their accomplishments known in the commercial life of their community and became patrons and honorees of art.38 She is sculpted in the Small

Herculaneum Women statue, a type focusing on the status women with idealized facial features similar to Greek styles after 350 B.C. The Large Herculaneum Woman type most often represents figures of matrons.39

By the grammar of the placement of her portrait in an important space and which was paid for by cloth sellers guild, identified as a fullones, (launderers), state a dedication; EUMACHIAE.

L.F…SACRED FULLONES. (translates as “to Eumachia daughter of Lucius, a public priestess

[of Pompeian Venus] from the fullers.”)40

Location and Context – Ist. century A.D., a freedwoman and priestess of , Goddess of

Agriculture by the name of Eumachia, donated a building that stands next to the later Temple of

Vespasian in the city’s forum. Her tomb rested on the outer part of the acropolis outside the

Nucerian Gate. She donated the building to the cloth seller’s guild of the city. Inscriptions on the building and the base of her statute reads that she is being honored by the statute, as well as her father’s commercial wealth and the family’s connections of the city as founders.41

38 Will, Elizabeth Lyding, ‘Women in Pompeii,’ Archaeology, Vol, 32 No. 5, (September/October 1979) pp. 34-43. 39 https://www.getty.edu/arinstalation_highlights/herculaeum-women.html. 40 41 Ibid.:37. 15 By the grammar of the placement of her portrait in an important public space and which was paid for by cloth sellers guild, identified as a fullones, (launderers), states a dedication;

EUMACHIAE. L.F. . SACERD. PVBL. FULLONES. (translates as “to Eumachia, daughter of

Lucius, public priestess [of Pompeian Venus] from the fullers.”).42 The statue reads ‘masculine’ as to the location, size of her portrait as well as the act of donating the portrait and refurbishing a damaged gate gave her the status of being benefactor of a building in her community.

Pose and Physical features – Eumachia’s pose and features and the material used can be interpreted as aspiring to be high status woman. The statute is sculpted in marble in a traditional idealized pose with a delicate facial expression, especially, the small mouth, her slightly tilted head exposing her graceful neck in a vulnerable manner, with her hair veiled. She is posed in the traditional Hellenistic style, heavily robed to her feet with her wrapped around her arms and hands close to her body. This form of covering with clothing, delicate women’s poses, features, and material used, was in the interest of Rome’s method of social control.43

Body language – Despite her closed form and heavy clothing, her stance is rather dynamic in that her right knee is slightly bent and her left foot is in the front echoing a feature which hints at more active body language in that she appears to step off her pedestal. She is also looking down on her viewers are markers that challenge the norms of that period and shows the contradiction between the ‘ideal’ and the real. In spite of her wealth, she still had to walk a fine line between pressure to conform to traditional styles and the more subversive constructs of her portrait. Again, the portrait was paid for by the Fullones, while she chose to portray herself with simple dress, unveiled, uncomplicated coiffure, but active and in charge of her public life.

42 www.vroma.org 43 Kampen, Natalie Boymel, “The Muted Other” The Art Journal, no. 2 (1988):47. 16 2) Plancia Magna – Perge – 1st - 2nd Century – Southern Turkey

Perge, a city in the province of “Pamphilia” during the Roman Empire period, continued to use Classical and Hellenistic forms in their civic statuary and monuments, but also adopted the more contemporary refined as well as a more reflective style that demonstrated a more complex and subtle elements in Roman self-expression. The three styles included the statue of

Plancia Magna is sculpted in the Large Herculaneum style, one of the three sizes of women public statues; i.e. Small, Medium and Large. Plancia Maga’s was placed in the south of the city’s ornate city gate.44 In addition, during the second and third centuries, the history of women in the Asia

Minor provinces took part in earning titles of civic offices as well as religious themed portraiture unparalleled in other parts of Rome.45

Location and Context - Plancia Magna in was a priestess and magistrate of her community with aristocratic lineage. She privately donated money and renovated a ceremonial entrance gate to her city in 121 A.D.46 Much of the town’s architecture was severely damaged after a strong earthquake that destroyed much of the city as well as the entrance gate. Such statues as well as civic architecture, paid honor to wives, daughters, as well as powerful businessmen like the father and brother of Plancia Magna. Honorific statues of women had a relatively longer tradition in provincial cities like Perge.47 ‘In Perge, such woman as Planica Magna, visibly bridged the

44 Boatwright, Mary, T., ‘Just Window Dressing: Imperial Women as Architectural Sculpture.’ Chap. 4:61-75. Diana E.E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, “I Claudia II – Women in Roman Art and Society.” University of Texas Press, Austin Texas (2000). 45 Kearsley, R.A., ‘Women and Public Life in Imperial, Asia minor: Hellenistic Tradition and Augustan Ideology,’ Ancient West and East, 4.1, (2005):98-121, Amsterdam; J.C. Gieben, 1996 46 Boatwright, Mary, ‘Just Window Dressing? Imperial Women as Architectural Sculpture,’ “I Claudia II, Women in Roman Art and Society,” Diana E.E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, eds. Yale University Gallery,’ (2000) Chap.4:64- 70. 47 Ibid.:65.

17 distance between imperial women and local patrons.’48 The quality of the marble as well as the skill of the sculpture is a clue to the wealth and prestige of the Plancii family which included two senators in its history.49

Coming from such wealth and influence, such women began to play a role in the intellectual and religious spheres of their society, many with a desire to mimic and attach themselves to Roman

Imperial women such as wives of emperors.50 Plancia was such a woman in Perge. The Plancii family history also included roots in ancient Latium in central Italy where they were active players in the commercial life of the community which included other middle Eastern trade. Roman power was a new beginning for Perge and other similar city-states which centered around a centralized authority of Rome. The Plancii family, during the Imperial period, as did other aristocratic and wealthy families in Italy, formed commercial and political alliances during the Roman Republican and Imperial expansion.

The grand Ceremonial Arch in Perge, paid tribute to the imperial house and civic deities during Emperor Hadrian’s reign, (117-138 CE). The structure had three levels that featured fourteen niches located in a courtyard which displayed various empresses, mythical founders of

Perge, interspersed with figures of the Plancii relatives.51 In addition, an imposing, larger than life size statute of Plancia, with a dedication inscribed on a marble base, dedicated by her freedmen in the community, was displayed in one of the niches in the ceremonial ornate gate.52 She was an honoree in this instance. The political aim of this sculptural program is clear; increasing the

48 Ibid.:67. 49 Jameson, Shelagh, The Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 55, no, ½. Perge 1 and 2, (1965):54-58. 50 Ibid.:55. 51 Boatwright, Mary, ‘Just Window Dressing? “I Claudia II: Women in Roman Art and Society,” Diana E.E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, eds. Yale University Art Gallery; University of Texas Press, (2000):66-70. 52 Ibid.: 67. 18 reputation of Perge by consolidating its Greek and the Italian / roots of the family, together with commemorating the local civic cults of the time. It sought to reinforce the political ties between Perge and Rome by demonstrating loyalty to perceived influence of the empire.

Pose - She is sculpted in the style of Greco-Roman Large Herculaneum body style often used in classical portraits during this period. The large portrait stands in the round, heavy, cocoon style of robing covering most of her body and feet. The robes constrain her body a bit of movement as she rests on her right leg in what it looks like a contrapposto stance. Her left leg seems unencumbered with a subtle movement of her body leaning forward.

Objects and costume – On her head, she wears a crown, which is a feature more in tune with the provinces in Asia Minor. The front part of her hair showing and the rest of her hair is veiled. She demurely holds the top of her chiton, exposing the contours of her body more clearly beneath her clinging garment. Perhaps local diversity in the provinces such as Aphrodisias and

Perge developed different tastes and attitudes toward women in the public sphere. While the style of the ‘feminine’ articulation of her body, the portrait still worked in the traditional style. The City

Gate was placed as the entrance to the civic center where it was part of a daily narrative of its people.53 By the 2nd century, A.D., a woman like Plancia Magna had the opportunity to take part in fulfilling her public duties. Being a religious priestess and a magistrate of the city, she and her family took part in important traditional festivals and rituals which bind a community; ‘ . . . These occasions linked ritual to reality: they linked human action to physical urban presence, and in doing

53 Ibid.: 66.

19 so magnified the personal, every day experience of the city elevated the event to the level of a community celebration.’54

Furthermore, during the Republican Period and the constant warfare, many women, not only priestesses, were left widows and inherited their husband’s wealth due to their participation in those wars. Women had to take on the responsibilities, not only of the duties at home, but manage family finances and control their own wealth as well as their husbands. acceptance. Although

Augustus created various rules and regulations for women with waivers for women who were married and had three children, the time created some opportunities for women to have some autonomy in their economic life. Women like Plancia Magna made some strides in their ability to participate in their communities like Plancia Magna.

54 Yegul, F., ‘Memory, Metaphor and Meaning in the Cities of Asia Minor,’ In E. Fentress (ed), and the City: Creation, Transformations, and Failures, Journal of Roman Archaeology – Supplementary Series no. 38,:133-153. Portsmouth, Rhode Island. (2000). 20 3) Claudia Tatiana – Aphrodisias – Late 2nd and Early Third Century, A.D. - in

Anatolia, now modern Turkey.

An example of an honorific monument is the portrait sculpture of Claudia Antonia Tatiana with her uncle Domenteius on either side of the entrance to the Council

House/Bouleuterion. Aphrodisias was a Roman province and imperially favored city. In these provinces, the transformation in sculpture also transformed the city and its architecture to adopt the characteristics of a Roman city with similar grid layouts.55

Location and Context - Tatiana was a descendant of an elite family in Aphrodisias in

Anatolia, a Priestess of Aphrodite, and was an aristocratic woman politically well-connected in the city. Aphrodisias had the good fortune to have an excellent marble quarry and marble workshop which made it in great demand throughout its territory. This portrait sculpture is traditional in its conformity to the Greco-Roman typology of the ideal images with attributes more refined in its physiognomy. It can be argued that the size and placement of the statue adopted

‘masculine’ elements that were featured in aristocratic men in order to make an impact for ordinary people to see.

The grammar of location of the two portraits demonstrates her relationship to a male - her aristocratic uncle, Claudius Dometeinos. He and Tatiana were placed on either side of a grand double stoa at the entrance from the city’s main agora and into the Council House, an important location as well as reading ‘masculine’ due to the political and social activities that went on in the

Council House. These statues highlighted the individual’s civic role which included their social lineage as well as their political persona in their communities. Her statue was donated by the patris

55 Drinkwater J. ‘Urbanization in Italy and the Western Empire,’ Quoting J. Wacher (ed.). The Roman World., vol. 1,:345-387). London and New York: Routledge & Paul Kegan. 21 who set up and paid for this architecture and portraits by a civic benefactor named Ti. Claudius

Ctesias. She was the honoree of this gesture. Both came from wealthy commercial families.

Objects and costume – Tatiana’s crown sculpted with flora and her hair is in waves of curls to her shoulders which is more apparent than in similar portrait statues of women. Interestingly, the size of her sculpture is larger than her uncle’s. The semantic cues signal a blended iconography of masculinity and femininity combined with style of local tradition of the Archaic-Hellenistic style and Rome’s interpretation. Similar to Whitney Davis’ discussion in the latter Spartan Youth’s painting which blended ‘manly and womanly’ traits. Uncle Dometeios wears a himation that is shorter than usual with his left foot in front of his slightly raised right foot on a box of scrolls which demonstrates a dynamic pose that emphasizes that he is a man of education, thoughtful and a man of action. Some combination of elements such as L. Claudius Diogenes Demeteinus’ beard and curly locks worn by local men in this instance, as well as grand crowns were featured in other provinces as well. While no mention of the priesthood is stated in their inscriptions, only their

Roman bona fides such as family and good character are present.

With respect to the crowns, there is a debate among scholars whether the crowns represent their priesthoods since that information is not mentioned in the bases, which are not parallel in size of each other. However, R.R.R. Smith, who has led an archaeological program in excavating

Aphrodisias for many years, states that ‘. . . there is a highly plausible case for suggesting that uncle and niece were jointly high priest and high priestess (of Asia) at the time of the erection.’56

The plinth shows two small feet at the bottom thought to be a figure of a child or mythological figure of Eros, also connected with the city, which might be a reference to her fertility and sexuality

56 Smith, R.R.R., ‘Cultural Choice and Political Identity in Honorific Portrait Statues in the Greek East in the Second century A.D.‘ The Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 88 (1998):565-593.

22 which reads ‘feminine,’ however, the size and placement of her portrait reads ‘masculine.’ She was a grande dame of her generation in Aphrodisias as well as in the province as a whole.57 One of the reasons for Aphrodisias importance was the excellent marble quarry they had and its demand by other provinces as well as Italy’s mainland.

Pose - She, like her uncle, is looking down on her viewers from her pedestal, which was a traditional pose for men. And, very importantly, the image and inscriptions were interrelated and overlapping in their propagandistic messages that women had to be related to the male figure in some of its artistic expression that emphasized traits of ‘femininity’ and ‘masculinity.’ She is sculpted in the Small Herculaneum Woman with idealized features, depicts a younger woman and placed in a specific public space where everyday people would see the statues as they went about their daily lives. Statues in the round make both portraits more accessible to the public. Smith also argues that these statues were powerful markers in a three-way negotiation between a local notable, his peers and community which reflected the local history of the community.

There is a debate amongst scholars whether the crowns represent their priesthoods since that information is not mentioned in the bases, which are not parallel in size to each other. However,

R.R.R. Smith, who has led an archaeological program in excavating Aphrodisias for many years, states that argues there is a highly plausible case for suggesting that uncle and niece were jointly high priest and high priestess (of Asia) at the time of its creation. The plinth shows two small feet at the bottom thought to be a figure of mythological Eros, which would reference her fertility and sexuality,58 She, like her uncle, is looking down from her pedestal on her viewers which was generally a traditional pose of men. And, very importantly, the image and inscriptions were

57 Ibid.:568. 58 Ibid. 23 interrelated and overlapping in their propagandistic messages about the way that elites wanted to be perceived.

This portrait presented a highly formulaic style and semantic emphasis on a message in style and substance for all to see; it reads that I am of high status, wealth, and the appropriate kind of person, woman or man for this community. The ways in which such portraits were put together interacted closely with who saw it, how and under what circumstances. This kind of interplay of word and image created a visual literacy that helped to amplify these characteristics and as Davis’ agreement theory, the grammar of the images have to be coherent.59

59 Trimble, Jennifer, Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics. ‘Framing Portraits and Persons: the Small Herculaneum Woman Statue Type and the Construction of Identity.’ Stanford University Press:1-32. 24 4) Relief of a Vegetable Vender – 2nd. Century, Ostia, Port City in Rome.

While the critical literature has focused on men and women who had wealth, connections and status to become patrons of artistic expression throughout this period, I want to draw attention to patronage by several working-class women.60 It was the case that poor women who had to support themselves by working outside of the home, usually worked in settings such as making clothing and fabrics, food, as well as taking care of young children, the work was essentially similar to her perceived duties at home.61

Location and Context - In the 2nd century, A.D, during Trajan’s and Hadrian’s rule, the already busy harbor was expanded to handle more grain and other imports from Sicily, Gaul and

Africa.62 This new harbor brought the need for more dock workers to handle foreign trade as well as the need for more artisans as well as shopkeepers.63 This also created a shortage of labor and opened up new opportunities for these women to become participants in this economy. In addition, the social status of a patron influenced the types of work scenes and the kind of monument on which the art appears. In a discussion of a relief by and of a working-class woman’s private relief,

John R. Clarke writes about an example of such a woman in the port city of Ostia during the second century A.D. This relief may have been a shop-sign.64 She is engaged in her work and part of the hustle and bustle of her community. This may be one of the only examples of a work paid for by a female patron discussed in my thesis.

60 Natalie Boymel Kampen, ‘On Writing Histories of Roman Art,’ The Art Bulletin, vol. 85, no.2 (2003):371-386. 61 Pomeroy, S.B., “Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves,” Women in Classical Antiquity,” New York: Schocken Books. (1975):73. 62 Kampen, Natalie. “Image and Status: Working Women in Ostia,” Gebr. Mann Studio Reihe, Berlin. (1981): Chap.I:20-32. 63 Ibid.:22 64 Clark, John R., “Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representation and Non-Elite Viewers in Italy: 1000 B.C-AD 315,” Berkley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press:123-125.

25 Pose - This relief, now at the Museo Ostiense, depicts a woman center stage and posed in a dynamic attitude selling vegetables and small animals without any covering of her hair and simply coiffured.65 She is seen within a group of similar simply dressed figures. In contrast to Plancia

Magna and Tatiana who are displayed in large portrait sculptures on bases that had inscriptions and were either represented in large statues or in groups of other elites. These elite women are enveloped in robes and dress while the dress of the Vegetable Woman is simple and less constrained. The find spot was found along a busy street leading to the mouth of the Tiber River where other shopkeepers opened their businesses.

Objects and clothes - It is speculated that she may have been an owner or co-owner of the shop which is impossible to know since there were no inscriptions on the relief, but she instructed the sculptor to include an image of her pet monkeys on the far right with another person in the background to her left that could have been her assistant66 This relief has become of interest to some scholars regarding the life of women engaged in commercial life and what possible reactions by the public. Besides the figure of the women in the relief, there are two male figures in dynamic poses who seem to be engaged in conversation while waiting for their goods.

Although the shop sign relief of the woman selling food was privately commissioned and paid for by a private person, both sarcophagus and the reliefs had a public aspect since the tradition in Rome was to bury their people on public streets with the monuments lined along public streets and roads. Also, the shop sign relief has much more dynamism and detail telling the story to the viewer that she was engaged and interacting with the public and even a relief with her pet monkey.

65 Clark, John R. “Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representation and None-Elite Viewers in Italy” 1000B.C-AD315,’ Berkley, Los Aneles, London: University of California Press:123-125. 66 Ibid. 26 Status - Like her male counterparts this woman demonstrates her social status and identity.

Could these differences in style, location and materials by a working-class woman be considered culturally subversive? Perhaps. The narrative of ancient Roman art, as well as Western culture in general, has had a penchant for describing categories of sexuality by using symmetrical binary oppositions such as femininity/masculinity and heterosexuality/homosexuality.67 The culture’s gendered hierarchy had few exceptions from being excluded from legal, political and no opportunity to serve in the military. But, this small relief of a woman’s shop sign relief as well as a few other sculptures, belonged to women who seemed to have been proud of their work, wealth and the prestige it brought them within the confines of their own social class.68

The simplicity of the working-class relief of a woman in Ostia, may have gone against the construct of what a woman ought to look like and act like in images of art. It could be argued that these non-elite women who participated in commerce were concerned with earning a livelihood than elite women. 69

67 Sedgewick, Eve, “Epistemology of the Closet,” Berkley: University of California Press, (1990). 68 Treggiari, Susan, ‘Jobs for Women,’ American Journal of Ancient History,’ 1, (1976):76-104. 69 R. R. R Smith, ‘Cultural Choice and Political Identity in Honorific Portraits Statues in the Greek East in the Second Century A.D,’ The Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 88, (1998):63 27 Chapter IV.

Conclusion

During the first through third centuries of the Roman Empire, elite women and working- class women, were honored by their communities with public portrait sculpture. Where they were situated in their class structure played a large part in the limits and forms available to them in taking part as subjects of art.

High status women like Tatiana, Plancia Magna and freedwomen Eumachia, with aristocratic lineage or wealthy backgrounds, who had deep connections with trade and guild associations, made strides during this Roman period. In contrast, a working-class woman made her way through commerce and created a platform to express through art, part of her life and to gain honor for herself. These women were also seeking status and recognition in their communities whether in mainland Italy such as Pompeii or Ostia, and in the provincial towns of Aphrodisias or

Perge. But all can be analyzed and observed through the lens of Whitney Davis’ theoretical model of creating a ‘grammar’ of gender binary differences in representation of writings of poets

Lucretius and Ovid, we see evidence of the differences between men’s and women’s roles in the culture which supports the ideology created by elites.

This ‘grammar’ of this gender representations includes the location of the piece of art; the pose and gestures of the portrait sculpture or public reliefs; the honor of being a public priestesse and attributes such as facial expressions and body language that feature modesty, loyalty and fertility. Clothing that constricted their bodies as well as the environment they are placed underlined this elitist ideology. Whitney Davis’ theory of gendered traits, states that this method of analysis applies to the systems of Roman Spartan culture and will cause the viewers in that

28 culture to form agreement of their particular place and behavior in their culture. These techniques in visual representations become legitimized by the participants in the culture.

The Roman Empire spread far and wide along the Mediterranean in the first through the third centuries, used artistic projects of binary distinctions to support their ideology. While women regardless of class, were not able to have direct power, the elite women had associative power70 which was dependent on their husbands or male members in their family. This program was influenced by their aristocratic and imperial models of this culture. In contrast, some women in the middle class and lower classes seized commercial and economic opportunities to take part in public artistic projects.

70 Kleiner, Diana.E.E., ‘Imperial Women as Patrons of the Arts in the Early Empire.’ “I ‘Claudia, Women in Ancient Rome,”‘ Diana E. E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson, eds.,Yale University Art Gallery, Yale University Gallery, New Haven (1996 ), p.28. Distributed by the University of Texas Press, Austin. 29 Bibliography

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32 Appendix: Illustrations.

Fig 1, Map of Ancient Roman Empire. 1. Pompeii 2. Perge 3. Aphrodisias 4. Ostia

33

Figure 2. Biographical Sarcophagus of a Roman General’s Life, Los Angeles County Museum of Art. The William Randolph Hearst Collection 47,8,9. (276-193) Possibly from Eastern Mediterranean (Turkey).

Front view of sarcophagus above.

34

Figure 2a. Biographical Sarcophagus of Roman General’s Life, left and right view of Sarcophagus.

35

Figure 3. Edgar Degas oil painting of Young Spartans 1860. Chicago Institute of Art.

36

Figure 4. Edgar Degas oil painting of The Young Spartans 1860-1880. National Gallery of Art in London.

37

Figure 5. Eumachia from Pompeii, Italy. Freedwoman 1st. C. A.D. Museo Archeologia. Naples, Italy.

38

Figure 6. Plancia Magna 1-2century A.D., Perge, Southern Turkey, Archarological Museum.

39

Figure 7. Claudia Tatiana, Aphrodisias, Roman province in Anatolia now modern Turkey. 1st. – 3rd C. A.D. Aphrodisias Museum.

40

Figure 8. Portrait of a Matron in the Guise of Venus. Museo Capitaline, Italy.

41

Figure 9. Relief of a Vegetable Vender in Ostia, Port City of Rome, 3rd C., A.D. Museo Ostiense, Ostia, Italy.

42