News Coverage Prepared For: the European Union Delegation to Egypt
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Egypt Presidential Election Observation Report
EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT JULY 2014 This publication was produced by Democracy International, Inc., for the United States Agency for International Development through Cooperative Agreement No. 3263-A- 13-00002. Photographs in this report were taken by DI while conducting the mission. Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: +1.301.961.1660 www.democracyinternational.com EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT July 2014 Disclaimer This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Democracy International, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ................................................................ 4 MAP OF EGYPT .......................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................. II DELEGATION MEMBERS ......................................... V ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ....................... X EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 6 ABOUT DI .......................................................... 6 ABOUT THE MISSION ....................................... 7 METHODOLOGY .............................................. 8 BACKGROUND ........................................................ 10 TUMULT -
Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist for Terrorism
Snapshot – The Wrong Target: Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist For Terrorism SUMMARY On October 15, Andrew Nasif, an Egyptian university student and leftist opposition party member, became the first Coptic Christian to be sent to prison under the country’s draconian anti-terrorism law. The court ruled that Andrew promoted terrorist acts through Facebook posts, flyers, and petitions calling for political and economic rights. Andrew’s lawyer describes his conviction as “truly frivolous” and “literally completely empty” of any evidence showing that he was involved in calling for violence. His case is the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities punish peaceful dissent as “terrorism,” while the problem of actual violent militancy in Egypt grows worse. Genuine security in Egypt will come not through blanket repression, but through the rule of law, rights, justice, and strong and accountable institutions. To read this snapshot as a PDF, click here. INTRODUCTION On October 15, the Zagazig Criminal Court in al-Sharqia Governorate in Egypt’s Delta region sentenced Andrew Nasif Noshi Saleeb to five years in prison for violating Law 94 of 2015, the anti- terrorism law.[1] The judge ruled that 23-year-old Andrew, a business student at Zagazig University, had promoted terrorism through pro-democracy pamphlets, posts on Facebook, and a petition opposing President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s economic policies. Andrew’s conviction is only the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities are using terrorism as a pretext to repress citizens who have nothing to do with the country’s violent Islamist extremist threat, but who speak out against rising authoritarianism, injustice, and economic hardship. -
Revelatory Elections – a State of Divide and Rule by Maged Atef
MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Revelatory Elections – A State of Divide and Rule by Maged Atef Feb 28, 2018 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Maged Atef Maged Atef is a freelance journalist based in Egypt. He has contributed to a number of publications, including Buzzfeed, Foreign Affairs, and the Daily Beast. Brief Analysis he Egyptian Commission for Presidential Elections has set March 26 for voting in Egypt (with March 16 as the T start date for Egyptians abroad to vote). These elections come amid a kind of fog on the political stage. The outcome is predetermined, which is to favor President Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, who has no true competitor in the race. Indeed, Sisi announced the timeframe for the elections while extending the State of Emergency for another three months. This enables Sisi's security apparatus to continue to censor the press, ban organizations, eavesdrop on citizens, and restrict their freedoms under the law. The role of the press—both official and unofficial—is to support the president and highlight his achievements in the past four years. Although these elections may be a sham, they do shed light on all sides of the equation, including the president, the opposition, and the army. The president's moves with regard to these elections have alternated between two models. The first is the "Putin" model: the dominant strongman who pays no heed to what is said about him abroad. The second is the "Mubarak" model: where one keeps the appearance of a fictitious democracy for the Western press. The president's alternation between these two models became obvious in the pre-electoral period. -
Playing with Fire. the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian
Playing with Fire.The Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Leviathan Daniela Pioppi After the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) decided to act as a stabilising force, to abandon the street and to lend democratic legiti- macy to the political process designed by the army. The outcome of this strategy was that the MB was first ‘burned’ politically and then harshly repressed after having exhausted its stabilising role. The main mistakes the Brothers made were, first, to turn their back on several opportunities to spearhead the revolt by leading popular forces and, second, to keep their strategy for change gradualist and conservative, seeking compromises with parts of the former regime even though the turmoil and expectations in the country required a much bolder strategy. Keywords: Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Arab Spring This article aims to analyse and evaluate the post-Mubarak politics of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in an attempt to explain its swift political parable from the heights of power to one of the worst waves of repression in the movement’s history. In order to do so, the analysis will start with the period before the ‘25th of January Revolution’. This is because current events cannot be correctly under- stood without moving beyond formal politics to the structural evolution of the Egyptian system of power before and after the 2011 uprising. In the second and third parts of this article, Egypt’s still unfinished ‘post-revolutionary’ political tran- sition is then examined. It is divided into two parts: 1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)-led phase from February 2011 up to the presidential elections in summer 2012; and 2) the MB-led phase that ended with the military takeover in July 2013 and the ensuing violent crackdown on the Brotherhood. -
The Riddle of the Sphinx: Why President Sisi Fears the Election
No. 8, February 2018 FUTURE NOTES THE RIDDLE OF THE SPHINX: WHY PRESIDENT SISI FEARS THE ELECTION Robert Springborg This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement No 693244 Middle East and North Africa Regional Architecture: Mapping Geopolitical Shifts, regional Order and Domestic Transformations FUTURE NOTES No. 8, February 2018 THE RIDDLE OF THE SPHINX: WHY PRESIDENT SISI FEARS THE ELECTION Robert Springborg1 Egypt’s President Sisi has been described as Sphinx-like, carefully hiding his thoughts and intentions behind a stoical exterior. His utterances tend to be moralistic, more like an austere father lecturing, even threatening errant children, than a politician engaging in political debate and laying out programmes.2 When he does address the latter it typically takes the form of eulogizing specific projects with which he has associated himself and charged the military with executing. In the lead up to the presidential election of late March, the general riddle of this Sphinx-like President has taken on more specific form. On the one hand, the drumbeat of reports of economic, counter-terrorism and foreign policy successes emanating from the presidency and other government officials has dramatically increased. A steady stream of announcements is informing Egyptians that the economy is taking off, that terrorists are being subdued, and that Egypt is playing an ever-greater role regionally, even globally. On the other hand, the behaviour of the President-Sphinx increasingly reflects that of a leader who feels profoundly threatened by political forces, including those closest to him. -
News Coverage Prepared For: the European Union Delegation to Egypt
News Coverage prepared for: The European Union delegation to Egypt . Disclaimer: “This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of authors of articles and under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of IPSOS or the European Union.” 1 . Thematic Headlines Domestic Scene Nour Party Denies Abandoning Abul-Fotouh Calls for Sabahi and Abul-Fotouh to Form National Commission Sunday Last Day for Challenges against Election Results MP Urges Morsi to Step Down for Sabahi Presidential Candidates Deny Supporting Morsi in Runoff Sabahi Campaign Prepares Report of Violations The Constituent Assembly Approved Preparations for the Run-off Round Resigned Officers Can Vote Egypt’s National Party Supports Ahmad Shafiq The Revolution Movements in Qalyoubiya Boycott the Runoffs The Revolution Front Supports Mursi Egypt’s National Party Supports Ahmad Shafiq Sabahy: I Will Not be Vice President 2 Newspapers (27/05/2012) Page: 1 Author: not mentioned Resigned Officers Can Vote Official sources declared that retired military officers had the right to vote in the presidential elections and practice all the other political rights enjoyed by the other citizens. The officials denied rumors about discarding retired military officers’ votes. Similar news was reported in al-Shurouk, p. 3 3 Page: 1, 3-5, 7, 22, 24-26 Author: many authors Preparations for the Run-off Round Communication between the different political parties and players started as soon as preliminary results of the presidential elections were announced. The run-off round is to be held between Ahmad Shafiq and the Muslim Brotherhood’s Muhammad Mursi. -
Prohibited List (Updated List October 25, 2016) Mohamed Hosny Elsayed
Prohibited List (Updated List October 25, 2016) Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak Suzan Saleh Thabet (wife of Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak) Alaa Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak Omar Alaa Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak (minor) Haydi Mohamed Magdi Hussen Rasekh (Wife of Alaa Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak) Gamal Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak Farida Gamal Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak (minor) Khadiga Mahmoud Elgamal (wife of Gamal Mohamed Hosny Elsayed Mubarak) Anoshk Caroline Rowd Serabel (wife of Habib Ibrahim Habib Eladly) Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz Ahmed Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz (minor) Afaf Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz Malak Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz Abla Mohamed Fawzy Ali Ahmed Salama (wife of Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz) Khadiga Ahmed Ahmed Kamel Yassin (wife of Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz) Shahinez Abdel Aziz Abdel wahab ELNaggar (wife of Ahmed Abdel Aziz Ezz) Rashid Mohamed Rashid Rashed Hussein Alia Rashid Mohamed Rashid Rashed Hussein Salma Rashid Mohamed Rashid Rashed Hussein Rawya Rashid Mohamed Rashid Rashed Hussein Hanya Mahmoud Abdelrahman Fahmy (wife of Rashid Mohamed Rashid Rashed Hussein) Mohamed Zoheir Mohamed Waheed Mohamed Zoheir Garanah Habiba Mohamed Zoheir Mohamed Waheed Mohamed Zoheir Garanah (minor) Adham Mohamed Zoheir Mohamed Waheed Mohamed Zoheir Garanah (minor) Zoher Mohamed Zoheir Mohamed Waheed Mohamed Zoheir Garanah (minor) Amir Mohamed Zoheir Mohamed Waheed Mohamed Zoheir Garanah (minor) Jaylan Shawkat Hosni Galal ElDin (wife of Mohamed Zoheir Mohamed Waheed Mohamed Zoheir Garanah) Mohamed Ahdy Abbas Fadly Mohamed Mohamed -
The Egyptian Uprising and a Sufi Khidma
BREAD, FREEDOM, SOCIAL JUSTICE: The Egyptian Uprising and a Sufi Khidma AMIRA MITTERMAIER University of Toronto The taxi driver hesitated for a moment when asked to let me out by the narrow staircase leading down into the City of the Dead. “Are you sure? Here?” I sensed worry mixed with a hint of contempt. Why would a foreign-looking woman be so foolish as to wander into Cairo’s cemetery-city in which over a half-million people live in and amongst tombs? In the urban imaginaries of many, the area is off-map, dangerous, and full of robbers or worse. By the summer of 2011, security had become a central concern across Cairo and rumors were running wild. Things were said to be—and often felt—unsafe. This was also a time when many Egyptians had begun to deeply worry about the fate of the revolution. Uncertain and increasingly skeptical, those still protesting continued repeating three central demands—“bread, freedom, social justice” (‘aı¯sh, hurriyya, ‘ada¯la igtima¯‘iyya)—yet with more and more friction around what these demands meant and mounting concern that they might have become empty slogans. To overcome, or at least bracket, this pervasive sense of uncertainty, all I needed to do was take the narrow staircase, step over feces and syringes, and push open a large metal gate on which is written Alla¯h karı¯m (“God is generous”). No need to call beforehand; no need to come at a certain time of day or day of the week. The gate is always open, even at two or three in the morning. -
STIFLING the PUBLIC SPHERE: MEDIA and CIVIL SOCIETY in EGYPT Sherif Mansour
Media and Civil Society in Egypt STIFLING THE PUBLIC SPHERE: MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN EGYPT Sherif Mansour I. Overview More than four years after the dramatic events in Cairo’s Tahrir Square led to the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak and Egypt’s first-ever democratic elections, Egyptian civil society and independent media are once again struggling under military oppression. The July 2013 military takeover led by then-general, now- president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has brought Egypt’s brief, imperfect political opening to an end. The Sisi regime’s goal is to return Egypt to the pre–Arab Spring status quo by restoring the state’s control over the public sphere. To this end, it is tightening the screws on civil society and reversing hard-won gains in press freedom. Civil society activists have been imprisoned, driven underground, or forced into exile. The sorts of lively conversations and fierce debates that were possible before the military takeover were pushed off the airwaves and the front pages, and even online refuges for free discussion are being closed through the use of surveillance and Internet trolls. Egypt’s uneven trajectory over the past several years is reflected in the rankings it has received from Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press report, which downgraded Egypt to Not Free in its 2011 edition, covering events in 2010. After the revolution in early 2011, Egypt improved to Partly Free. By the 2013 edition, it was Not Free once again. And this year, Egypt sunk to its worst press freedom score since 2004. -
EGYPT: RESURGENCE of the SECURITY STATE by Ann M
MARCH 2014 EGYPT: RESURGENCE OF THE SECURITY STATE By Ann M. Lesch Dr. Lesch is Emeritus Professor of Political Science at The American University in Egypt. The views expressed here are her own and do not represent the views of the university. Vast numbers of Egyptians took to the streets on June 30, determined to restore the goals of the January 25 revolution, undermined during the year of rule by Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi. Protesters expressed overwhelming enthusiasm for the military, which sided with them as it had against Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. At the time, I expressed concern that the military, as an inherently authoritarian structure focused on national security, was a problematic vehicle to promote democratization. I also expressed concern that the interim president, who headed the supreme constitution court (SCC), merged executive, legislative, and judicial power in one person. There was also the risk that those who ousted the Brotherhood would gloat over their victory, rather than craft polices that acknowledged the political weight of Islamist trends and sought reconciliation.1 Unfortunately, those concerns have been borne out: Police are ruthless in the arrest and torture of critics, security is deteriorating, the new constitution reinforces the executive branch, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has anointed its senior officer as the next president and deepened the military’s role within the civilian economy, the Brotherhood is demonized, and freedom of expression is circumscribed. Before July 3, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah El-Sisi had warned that the “army is a fire… Do not play against it and do not play with it”2 and expressed concern that, once the military would intervene, it would remain entrenched for decades. -
EGYPT: RESURGENCE of the SECURITY STATE by Ann M
MARCH 2014 EGYPT: RESURGENCE OF THE SECURITY STATE By Ann M. Lesch Dr. Lesch is Emeritus Professor of Political Science at The American University in Egypt. The views expressed here are her own and do not represent the views of the university. Vast numbers of Egyptians took to the streets on June 30, determined to restore the goals of the January 25 revolution, undermined during the year of rule by Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi. Protesters expressed overwhelming enthusiasm for the military, which sided with them as it had against Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. At the time, I expressed concern that the military, as an inherently authoritarian structure focused on national security, was a problematic vehicle to promote democratization. I also expressed concern that the interim president, who headed the supreme constitution court (SCC), merged executive, legislative, and judicial power in one person. There was also the risk that those who ousted the Brotherhood would gloat over their victory, rather than craft polices that acknowledged the political weight of Islamist trends and sought reconciliation.1 Unfortunately, those concerns have been borne out: Police are ruthless in the arrest and torture of critics, security is deteriorating, the new constitution reinforces the executive branch, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has anointed its senior officer as the next president and deepened the military’s role within the civilian economy, the Brotherhood is demonized, and freedom of expression is circumscribed. Before July 3, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah El-Sisi had warned that the “army is a fire… Do not play against it and do not play with it”2 and expressed concern that, once the military would intervene, it would remain entrenched for decades. -
Egypt in 2021: Politics, Human Rights and International Relations
BRIEFING PAPER Number 9193, 8 April 2021 Egypt in 2021: Politics, By Ben Smith, Philip Loft Human Rights and International Relations Contents: 1. Egyptian politics 2. Human Rights: UK and international statements 3. Human Rights: The situation in Egypt 4. Terrorism 5. Defence and International relations www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Egypt in 2021: Politics, Human Rights and International Relations Contents Summary 3 1. Egyptian politics 4 1.1 Background: The Arab Spring and Presidency of Mohamed Morsi 4 1.2 2018 Presidential Election 4 1.3 Referendum on extension of presidential term limit 5 1.4 2020 Senate Election 5 1.5 2020 House of Representatives Election 6 1.6 Opposition 6 2. Human Rights: UK and international statements 7 2.1 UK Government statements 7 2.2 UN Human Rights Council Statement 7 2.3 UK trade agreement with Egypt 7 3. Human Rights: The situation in Egypt 9 3.1 Muslim Brotherhood 9 3.2 Media and journalists 11 3.3 NGOs and activists 11 3.4 Coronavirus 12 3.5 Prisoners 13 3.6 Christians 14 3.7 Trade Unions 15 3.8 Gender Equality 16 3.9 LGBT+ people 16 4. Terrorism 17 4.1 Wilayat Sinai 17 4.2 Other terrorist actions 18 5. Defence and International relations 19 5.1 United States 19 5.2 Libya 19 5.3 Russia 20 5.4 Turkey 20 5.5 The Gulf states 21 5.6 Ethiopia and the Nile Dam 22 5.7 Israel 23 Cover page Attribution: Map Land Egypt Geography/image cropped.