Diplomacy and Global Security: a Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era

Diplomacy and Global Security: A Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era

Henry B. Ogunjewo, Ph.D

Department of History & Strategic Studies, University of Lagos, Nigeria Email: [email protected]@gmail.com

Abstract

Immediately after the Cold war, there was a general optimism of an international system that would enable the component nation-states to pursue economic growth and greater independence. Despite the various strategies by the component nation states in the international system to attain self- sufficiency in economic terms and thus reduce dependence on other nation states for their needs and survival thereby weakening bilateral relations, the contemporary realities of the international system in the face of global security challenges pose a compelling sustained cooperation and collaboration among the nation states in the international system. Global security includes military and diplomatic measures that nations and international organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) take to ensure mutual safety and security. It also includes the regional and sub-regional collaborative strategies at combating security challenges. Diplomacy and global security are among the most pressing issues facing the world today. Success or failure can have huge implications for the international community and society as a whole. This paper submits that global security will remain a compelling factor in diplomatic relations in the twenty-first century.

Keywords: Global Security, Diplomacy, Cold War, Collaborative Strategies, Sustained Cooperation

Introduction

Global security in the contemporary international system includes military and diplomatic measures that nation-states and international organizations such as the United Nations and NATO as well as regional organizations like the European Union (EU), the African Union (AU), the Organization of American State (OAS) and so on take to ensure mutual safety and security. It also includes the collaborative efforts and regional organizations corporate efforts which provide analyses that help policymakers understand political, military and economic trends around the world; the sources of potential regional conflict; and emerging threats to the global security environment (Buzan and Hansen, 2009). Global security, refers to the amalgamation of measures taken by nation states and international organizations, such as the United Nations, European

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Union, and others, to ensure mutual survival and safety. These measures include military action and diplomatic agreements such as treaties and conventions. International and National security are invariably linked and mutually dependent.

As a matter of fact, International security is national security or state security in the global arena. Diplomacy and international security are among the most pressing issues facing the world today. The success or failure of global security can have huge implications for the international community and society as a whole. That is why this paper presents an opportunity for diplomats, politicians, academics, state and non-state actors to think strategically reflect historically and plan properly.

The content of international security has expanded over the years. Today it covers a variety of interconnected issues in the world that affect survival. It ranges from the traditional or conventional modes of military power, the causes and consequences of war between and among states, economic strength, to ethnic, religious and ideological conflicts, trade and economic conflicts, energy supplies, science and technology, food, as well as threats to human security and the stability of states from environmental degradation, infectious diseases, climate change and the activities of non-state actors (Buzen et al, 1998). The international system as presently constituted is very fragile and demands sustained cooperation and collaboration. This paper submits that global security will remain a compelling factor in diplomatic relations in the twenty-first century.

Diplomacy

Diplomacy as a concept and practice is as old as man. However, the origin of organized diplomacy may be traced to the relations among the city-states of ancient Greece. By the fifth century BC, Nicolson stated, "special missions between the Greek city-states had become so frequent that something approaching our own system of regular diplomatic intercourse had been achieved." (Nicolson, 1946) Thucydides reported about diplomatic procedure among the Greeks, as, for instance, in his account of a conference at Sparta in 432 BC in which the Spartans and their allies considered what action to take against Athens (Nicolson, 1946).

The Romans contributed in a way to the advancement of the art of diplomacy by negotiation. Their representatives became skilled diplomats and trained observers. This extended the practice of diplomacy to include observation and reporting along with representation (Kishan, 2011).

Modem diplomacy as an organized profession arose in Italy in the late Middle Ages. The rivalries of the Italian city-states and the methods, which their rulers used to promote their interests, are described in masterful fashion in Machiavelli's “The Prince”. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, established the first known permanent mission in Genoa in 1455 (Kishan, 2011).

In the next century, Italian city-states established permanent embassies in London, Paris and in the Court of the Holy Roman Emperor. A British Ambassador was assigned to reside in Paris and Francis I of France "devised something like permanent diplomatic machinery" (Akadiri, 2003).

After the peace of Westphalia of 1648 formalized the state system (Akadiri, 2003), permanent missions became the rule rather than the exception. Diplomacy became an established

Diplomacy and Global Security: A Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era profession and a generally accepted method of global intercourse. As diplomacy became more formal, its rules became more standardized. The 1815 Vienna Congress contributed in this respect, placing diplomacy on a formal basis, with standardized rules of procedure and protocols, embodied. In the Regalement of March 19, 1815 and in regulations of the Congress of Aix-la- Chapelle in 1818 (Akadiri, 2003).

Harold Nicolson, whose delightful little book, Diplomacy, has become a classic on the subject has called attention to three developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which have greatly affected the history, the theory, and practice of diplomacy and which have impacted significantly on foreign policies. These are:

(i) The "growing sense of the community of nations,"

(ii) The "increasing appreciation of the importance of public opinion" and

(iii) The "rapid increase in communications” (Nicholson, 1969)

The first two enlarged the diplomat's functions and enhanced his importance. The foregoing process stimulated the evolution of the five traditional roles of diplomacy; Representation, Negotiation, Reporting, Interpretation and Protection. These five pillars of diplomacy now extend into trade, investments, security, sports and cultural exchanges. However, by far, the most critical factor that will define international relations in the twenty-first century is global security.

Therefore, while three developments have greatly affected the history, the theory, and practice of diplomacy and have impacted significantly on foreign policies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, only one dominant factor will determine, define and shape the twenty-first century: Global Security. The post-cold war era will witness compelling sustained cooperation and collaboration among the nation states in the international system.

Global Security up to the Cold War

Global Security had always been a cause of concern since the advent of the modern state. The traditional security paradigm refers to a realist construct of security in which the referent object of security is the state. The prevalence of this theorem reached a peak during the Cold War.

For a very long time, major world powers entrusted the security of their states to a balance of power among nation states. In this sense, global stability relied on the premise that if state security is maintained, then the security of citizens will necessarily follow (Bajpai, 2000). Traditional security relied on the anarchistic balance of power, a military build-up between the United States and the Soviet Union (the two superpowers), and on the absolute sovereignty of the nation state (Owen, 2004). States were deemed to be rational entities, national interests and policy driven by the desire for absolute power (Bajpai, 2000). Security was seen as protection from invasion; executed during proxy conflicts using technical and military capabilities.

Indeed, since the previous centuries till date, one of the greatest challenges to statecraft is the task to establish an international framework that would contain international violence and

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 prevent future wars with their devastating consequences (Gordon and Alexander, 1995). This is against the background that violent conflict is an intrinsic and inevitable phenomenon in human society. Hence, as interactions occur and interests coincide, conflicts are likely to occur. For as long as this is so, then the need to devise an international system that would guarantee peace will always be there so that mankind can realize one of its major preoccupations on how to ensure social, political and economic development. This is hinged on quality diplomatic relations both at the bilateral and multilateral levels. Global security has come to strengthen the course of diplomacy across centuries and continents. This paper reiterates that global security will continue to be a compelling factor in diplomatic relations in the twenty-first century.

The need for peace among states and nation states was what necessitated the creation of balance of power in world politics. For realists, balance of power is the most reliable strategy to maintain peace and order in the international system. No wonder the trade finance relations among states are often explained in terms of balance of power.

On a general note, balance of power is as old as the human society. According to David Hume, the notion prevailed even in ancient Greece (Hume, 1990). Kissinger’s discussion of the origin of the balance of power concept has traced it to the city states of ancient Greece, Renaissance Italy and European state system which arose out of the peace treaty of Westphalia in 1648 (Kissinger, 1994). Dougherty and Pfiltzgraff also argue that the concept was implicit in ancient India and in ancient Greece even though it was not formalized (Kissinger, 1994). The quest for corporate global security is evident from the time.

Yet, in spite of the old nature of the concept of balance of power, the concept does not enjoy universally acceptable definition as there are as many definitions as there are many scholars in the field. Hans Morgenthau, a well-known exponent of this theory, refers to balance of power as the refund state of affairs in which power is distributed among several nations with approximate equality (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraff, 1990). In the words of Quincy Wright, “It is a system designed to maintain a continuous conviction in any state that if it attempts, aggression, it would encounter an invincible combination of others” (Quincy, 1983). In other words, it implies such a distribution of power in a multi-state system that no single state would be able, with impunity, to overrun the other states. The history of the application of balance of power in interaction among states dates to the emergence of the international system itself. This was in 1648, when the treaties of muster and Osnabruck were signed which granted sovereignty and full independence to European states. The peace treaties collectively called the Peace Treaty of Westphalia recognized the need to maintain a measure of equilibrium in the power of the newly recognized sovereign states that were emerging across Europe.

In 1713, after the end of the Spanish war of succession, the treaty of Utrecht was signed and the balance of power was significantly maintained which signifies peace among European states. Similar trend also existed in the treaty of Paris, which was signed after the seven years’ war in 1763. Under this treaty arrangement, France was allowed to keep much of its territory, so as not to alter the balance of power arrangement which already existed among European powers during this period.

During this period, efforts were maintained to keep the balance by ensuring that territorial compensation of the expense of the lesser states did not tilt the balance in favor of one particular

Diplomacy and Global Security: A Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era state. This was maintained until the mid-18th century following the rise of Prussia to a big power status. This development was at the expense of Austria and France, which resulted into disequilibrium in central Europe. At the same time England had attained naval supremacy at the expense of Holland and entered naval rivalry with France.

In the last quarter of the 18th century, the structure of power distribution in Europe became dislocated in favor of France and this condition became prominent in the course of the Napoleonic wars. France was able to challenge all of Europe and resisted the entire continent combined successfully for over a decade. It is therefore easy to understand why the leaders of Europe that gathered in Vienna in 1814 and 1914 tried and re-instated the balance of power. At the Vienna Congress, territories were accordingly redistributed with the principle of balance of power in mind. This structure remained in place until the outbreak of World War I in 1914.

Before the outbreak of the First World War, the unification of Germany and Italy also upset the existing balance of power in Europe. Austria, which lost northern Italy, was not compensated elsewhere in Europe. This signalled her decline from big power status. In the same vein, France lost Alsace and Lorraine to Germany unification and was not compensated elsewhere in Europe. The principal reason for this was the phenomenon of militant nationalism, which pervaded Europe from the late 19th century and the outbreak of World War I.

The inter war years’ era (1919-1939) was a major turning point in the development of international relations and the issue of world peace in the other hand. More importantly, during this period, World leaders thought that the League of Nations being the first universal multipurpose international organization since the history of mankind would be a proper replacement for the balance of power security strategy. This was basically because the League was to promote the concept of collective security and dissuade nation states that intended to impose their hegemony on global politics. However, since the study of the balance of power in contemporary time has an unending dialogue with the past, it is therefore critical to examine how the concept of balance of power had been operated as a security strategy before the inter war years and beyond (Carr, 1946).

At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and 1920, the leaders of the post-World War I period were convinced that balance of power system, especially the alliance system established in the late 18th century caused the First World War. In the new structure of the post-world war I period, therefore, the balance of power was totally abandoned and rejected. Alternatively, the World leaders led by the American president, Woodrow Wilson, established the system of collective security under the auspices of the League of Nations. The League began to function with high hopes. Indeed, the preamble to the League document stated that the organization was established to end wars forever.

The League of Nations’ life span is divided into four distinctive periods, namely from 1920-1923, 1924-1931; 1932-1936 and 1936-1945 when the League eventual collapsed (Plowright, 2007). Indeed, between 1920 and 1923, the League made some tremendous successes. For example, the fallout between Germany and Poland in the German-Polish border was resolved. Apart from that, the League intervened between France and Germany especially when France hastily occupied Ruhr in attempt to collect the war indemnity or reparation imposed on Germany. As it should be recalled that the victorious powers were unanimous to put the war guilt on

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Germany, which was carefully crafted in the Article 231 of the Versailles Treaty. The League, within this period also put in place mechanism of operations for the collective security system which replaced the concept of balance of power that was jettisoned at the Paris Peace Treaty.

In the second period of the League of Nations, Germany applied and joined the League, and the organization equally faced international issues that could bring about world peace. Indeed, the organization got involved during the second period on the issue of disarmament as it was thought that accumulation of arms was a major factor that led to the outbreak of World War I (Plowright, 2007).

The third period of the League existence marked the beginning of the end of the organization. During this period, numerous developments in the international system created problems the League was unable to handle. The first of the major crises started in 1931 when Japan invaded Manchuria and China and refused to abide by the League’s intervention. Germany later withdrew from the League and attacked Czechoslovakia and Poland, which culminated in the outbreak of World War II. During the final stage of the League’s life span, Italy under Benito Mussolini invaded the Greek Island of Corfu and in 1935 conquered Abyssinia, the Ethiopian capital to avenge the humiliation of the Italian forces at the battle in 1896.

In all these, the collective security system put in place by the League of Nations could not serve a balance principle established in 1919. Indeed, recourse to war as an instrument of state policy in the inter war years convinced world leaders and scholars of the period that the post-World War I structure of the international system that was based on collective security and the democratization of the conduct of global politics was grossly inadequate to prevent wars among states (Plowright, 2007). Accordingly, at the end of World War II in 1945, balance of power quickly returned as a way of checking aggression among states.

The Cold War Global Security Apparatus

The Allies were concerned with the brutal leadership of Joseph Stalin as well as the spread of communism. The Cold War was fought between the superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union in something called a proxy war. Cold War was the open, yet restricted rivalry that developed between the USA and erstwhile USSR and their respective allies after World War II. The war was waged on political, economic and propaganda fronts and had only limited recourse to weapons. The term was first used by the English writer, George Orwell, in an article published in 1945 to refer to what he predicted would be a nuclear stalemate between “two or three monstrous super-states, each possessed of a weapon by which millions of people can be wiped out in a few seconds.” It was first used in the United States by the American financier and presidential adviser Bernard Baruch in a speech at the State House in Columbia, South Carolina, in 1947.

Although not consciously designed, the arms racing, alliance seeking and assertive interventionism of the rival camps during the Cold War ensured that the balance of power became prominent from the late 1940s and 1989 (Aworawo, 2005). During this period, the balance of power became a balance of terror in an international atmosphere of mutual assured destruction (MAD). The development of Thermo nuclear weapons and the intercontinental ballistic missile in the late 1940s and during the 1950s, with the capacity to annihilate humanity, ensured that the

Diplomacy and Global Security: A Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era balance of power, occupied the center stage of global politics from the end of the Cold War to the 21st century (Aworawo, 2005).

As Cold War tensions receded, it became clear that the security of citizens was threatened by hardships arising from internal state activities as well as external aggressors. Civil wars were increasingly common and compounded the existing poverty, disease, hunger, violence and human rights abuses. Traditional security policies had effectively masked these underlying basic human needs in the face of state security. Through neglect of its constituents, nation states had failed in their primary objectives (Baylis, 1997).

In the historical debate on how best to achieve national security, writers like Hobbes, Machiavelli and Rousseau tended to paint a rather pessimistic picture of the implications of state sovereignty. The international system was viewed as a rather brutal arena in which states would seek to achieve their own security at the expense of their neighbors. Interstate relations were seen as a struggle for power, as states constantly attempted to take advantage of each other. According to this view, permanent peace was unlikely to be achieved. All that states could do was to try to balance the power of other states to prevent anyone from achieving overall hegemony. This view was shared by writers such as E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau (Baylis, 2001).

More recently, the traditional state-centric notion of security has been challenged by more holistic approaches to security. Among the approaches which seek to acknowledge and address these basic threats to human safety and global security by extension are paradigms that include cooperative, comprehensive and collective measures, aimed to ensure security for the individual and, as a result, for the state and the international system at large.

To enhance international security against potential threats caused by terrorism and organized crime, there have been increases in international cooperation, resulting in transnational policing (Arcadia, 2004). The International Police (Interpol) share information across international borders and this cooperation has been greatly enhanced by the arrival of the Internet and the ability to instantly transfer documents, films and photographs worldwide. Thus, both diplomacy and global security have been greatly enhanced by the persistent improvement in communication technology.

Investing in the armed forces is back in fashion. Since the end of the Cold War, the foreign policy of many West European countries, including the Netherlands, seemed to be based on three assumptions: wars between European countries were something of the past, wars outside Europe were of no direct concern to Europe and, anyway, the United States would come to the rescue if things would go wrong. These assumptions were built on wishful thinking, but they provided the Netherlands government a welcome excuse to focus its diplomacy on economic interests, to economize on international cooperation and to neglect its armed forces. Indeed, when one believes that foreign policy is mainly about promoting economic interests, why invest in the armed forces? The Russian military involvements in Ukraine, the flood of refugees from the South, the terroristic threat in Europe and ominous remarks of the President of the United States, have disproved all three assumptions. Threat to global security is real. As a result, the requirements of an effective army are taken seriously again. This makes sense (although it

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 remains to be seen whether the necessary funds will indeed be made available), but it is not sufficient. First of all, a well-trained and well-equipped army is an instrument of security policy, not a substitution for diplomacy. On the contrary, an arms build-up can be destabilizing, unless it is combined with a simultaneous investment in diplomacy and arms control. The stronger the forces, the greater the need is of cooperation with potential adversaries to prevent brinkmanship and misunderstanding with potentially grave consequences.

Cooperating with non-like-minded countries is probably the most difficult part of diplomacy, but also the most essential part. It cannot be handled as a footnote to economic diplomacy. It requires long-term investment in personal relations, in knowledge and in institutions. Secondly, increasing the defense budget will do little to address the root causes of international insecurity. To address poverty, bad governance, corruption, climate change among others. It is essential to increase investments in international cooperation and regional collaboration.

In the course of the 1960s and 1970s, however, the bipolar struggle between the Soviet and American blocs gave way to a more-complicated pattern of international relationships in which the world was no longer split into two clearly opposed blocs. A major split had occurred between the Soviet Union and China in 1960 and widened over the years, shattering the unity of the communist bloc. In the meantime, Western Europe and Japan achieved dynamic economic growth in the 1950s and 1960s, reducing their relative inferiority to the United States. Less- powerful countries had more room to assert their independence and often showed themselves resistant to superpower coercion or cajoling.

The 1970s saw an easing of Cold War tensions as evinced in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) that led to the SALT I and II agreements of 1972 and 1979, respectively, in which the two superpowers set limits on their antiballistic missiles and on their strategic missiles capable of carrying nuclear weapons. That was followed by a period of renewed Cold War tensions in the early 1980s as the two superpowers continued their massive arms build-up and competed for influence in the Third World.

However, the Cold War began a gradual but progressive breakdown in the late 1980s during the administration of Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev. He dismantled the totalitarian aspects of the Soviet system and began efforts to democratize the Soviet political structure. When Communist regimes in the Soviet-bloc countries of Eastern Europe collapsed in 1989–90, Gorbachev acquiesced in their fall. The rise to power of democratic governments in East Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia was quickly followed by the unification of West and East Germany under NATO auspices, again with Soviet approval.

Gorbachev’s internal reforms had meanwhile weakened his own Communist Party and allowed power to shift to Russia and the other constituent republics of the Soviet Union. In late 1991 the Soviet Union collapsed and 15 newly independent nations were born from its corpse, including a Russia with a democratically elected, anticommunist leader. The Cold War had come to an end.

Diplomacy and Global Security: A Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era Diplomacy, Global Security and the New World Order

Immediately after the cold war, diplomacy assumed a more critical role in the international system, especially in the face of global security which necessitated a compelling sustained cooperation and collaboration among the nation states in the international system. Diplomacy indeed has remained a veritable instrument of sustaining global security. As a matter of fact from the popular “9/11”, The September 11 attacks (also referred to as 9/11) in which there were a series of four coordinated terrorist attacks by the Islamic terrorist group al-Qaeda against the United States on the morning of Tuesday, September 11, 2001. The attacks killed 2,996 people, injured over 6,000 others, and caused at least $10 billion in infrastructure and property damage (Matthew, 2009). Additional people died of 9/11-related cancer and respiratory diseases in the months and years following the attacks (Matthew, 2009). The other records of eventual deaths and infections as a consequence of the attacks are still being compiled.

America was livid with national rage; suspicion of possible source(s) of such dastardly attack in no distant time fell on al-Qaeda. The United States responded by launching the War on Terror and invaded Afghanistan to depose the Taliban, which had failed to comply with U.S. demands to extradite Osama bin Laden and expel al-Qaeda from Afghanistan.

Other states in the international system strengthened their anti-terrorism legislation and expanded the powers of law enforcement and intelligence agencies to prevent terrorist attacks. Although Osama bin Laden, al-Qaeda's leader, initially denied any involvement in the September 11 attacks, in 2004 he claimed responsibility for the attacks (Moghadam, 2008). Al-Qaeda and bin Laden cited U.S. support of Israel, the presence of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia and sanctions against Iraq as their motives for the attack. After evading for almost a decade, bin Laden was located in Pakistan and killed by SEAL Team Six of the U.S. Navy in May 2011.

It is instructive to note, that the September 11, 2001, came to be a defining phenomenon for the diplomatic architecture of the international system. President George Bush clearly began to view the diplomatic international relations with the lens of September 11. Within hours of the September 11 terror attacks on New York and Washington, D.C., American commentators were already comparing the event to a “new Pearl Harbor.” The 60th anniversary of that transformative event was coming up later in the year, and had been the subject of a major Hollywood movie over the summer. The comparison of September 11 with Pearl Harbor was natural because both were surprise attacks that killed many Americans, but most interesting about it was its implication: that an age of innocence and isolation had passed, and that American invulnerability was gone.

Just as was the case after the Japanese attack (and again in a different way when the Soviet Union launched the Sputnik satellite some 16 years later), September 11 seemed fated to change radically and permanently the degree to which, and the way in which, the United States engaged with the rest of the world. It was indeed a defining moment and phenomenon with tremendous impact on diplomacy and global security.

It is probably too soon to say for certain whether September 11 will prove to be such a “paradigm shift” along the lines of 1941 (when America abandoned isolationism), 1947 (when containment became the lens through which foreign policy was seen), or 1989 (when the “post-

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Cold War era” began). Much will depend on how the Administration responds, and whether it is able to maintain the level of focus and commitment to terrorism since the initial emotion and anger about the attack has substantially subsided. The fight against terrorism has become the defining issue for the American foreign policy makers since the Bush presidency. The political and psychological impact of the September 11 attacks will have long term implications for the ways in which the United States engages in the world. Even recent meetings of the US President with North Korean leader are informed by diplomacy and global security.

The end of the Cold War led to new security challenges, because of changing notions of military force and the new sources of security threat (Smith, 2006; Shaw, 2005). The first one is related to the rise of nuclear power. With the demise of the USSR, the simple bipolarity of the Cold War world was replaced by a multipolar world, where the centrality of power was no longer clearly defined (Brown, 2005; Jackson and Sorensen, 2003). The rise of the Asian economic powers, the advance of nuclear and biological weapons in countries such as Iran, Israel and Iraq challenged the stability of the mutual deterrence principle, comfortably sustained during the Cold War (Hammes, 2005).

Another source of security threat after the Cold War was related to terrorism, and the rise of sub-state actors (Smith, 2006). The War on terror, embedded in the Bush doctrine, was a clear demonstration of the changing nature of war, and the elusive image of the new enemy (Shaw, 2005). After 9/11, it became clear that terrorism was not a war against an enemy, but against the tactics (Baylis and Smith, 2007). Its manifestations and capacity to destroy were as much the result of political construction, as of historically embedded perceptions about the East and the West and their manipulation by mass media and policy-makers.

In the post-Cold War era, non-state actors, such as Al Qaeda and Hamas, became a new source of security threat because of their ability to operate internationally, but at the same time to exist inside the state (Shaw, 2005). Also, the controversies, around states labeled as rogue and unable to comply with the international standards for peace and democracy such as Afghanistan, Iraq, North Korea, Libya and Syria necessitated new means for meeting the challenges to threat and security.

Conclusion

It has become obvious that only by developing a new security concept and establishing a fair and reasonable new international order can world peace and security be fundamentally guaranteed. Several Research Institutes, academic circles, professionals, diplomats and practitioners provide analyses that help policymakers understand political, military, and economic trends around the world; the sources of potential regional conflict; and emerging threats to the global security environment as well as possible mitigating strategies including greater diplomatic engagements and continuous collaborative strategies to combat the dynamic global insecurity apparatus.

As NATO finalizes its new political guidance designed to shape future military forces, it has the chance to both strengthen Europe’s commitment to burden-sharing and relieve American concern about the creation of a new European Army. Building an enhanced European capacity within NATO entails some risk, but the benefits may outweigh concerns. Global security is a

Diplomacy and Global Security: A Historical Narrative of the Post-Cold War Era serious business. This short paper and International Studies in general provide knowledge of world affairs, develop an understanding and appreciation of other cultures, civilizations and societies, illustrate possible frictions and threats to global security and world peace and promote informed analysis of global interdependence. References Akadiri, O. (2003). Diplomacy, World peace and security Akure: Ondo State Government Printing Press, p. 240.

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Strategy and Ethnic Conflict and Path to Peace (ISBN 1590337328) among many others) (ISBN 027597636X)

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria

1Julius L. Ngomba, 2Jacho David Sunday Ph.D and 3Ayuba D. Mgbegah Ph.D

1Department of Political Science and International Relations, Taraba State University, Jalingo. 2Department of Political Science, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nasarawa State. 3Department of Sociology, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria E-mail address: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

Opposition political parties in Nigeria have been battling with the politics of zero sum game where the winner takes all and the loser loses all in a democratic setting since political independence in 1960. The ruling party uses powers of incumbency, state treasury, state apparatus and all advantages of power to emasculate and dominate the political arena. This paper examines the role that All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People Democratic Party (PDP) played as the major opposition political parties in the Fourth Republic. The role of opposition is sacrosanct as it is essential to the smooth running of any representative democracy, the paper recommends that government should, therefore, at all levels strive to do away with any policy that will thwart the effort of opposition because in Nigeria most of the weaknesses of the opposition parties emanate from the incumbents’ hostile policies, which are mostly aimed at fragmenting and weakening the opposition groups.

Keywords: Democracy, Opposition, Politics, Political Parties and Republic

Introduction

The central role played by political parties in the development and nurturing of a virile democracy and its consolidation cannot be overstated. Where democracy survives for a long period of time, it is because political parties, among other vital institutions, are well established, and have played the role expected of them party politics were introduced in Nigeria in 1922 via the Clifford Constitution, however, its major impediment was the restriction on political participation and representation. The political parties were limited in terms of number, only two of them: the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) and the Lagos Youth Movement (LYM) that emerged in 1934. Their activities were limited to the coastal towns, especially Lagos for the LYM and Lagos and Calabar for the NNDP. This was coupled with the fact that only four people were elected in the polls (Omodia, 2010). Nigeria has come a long way since 1922 in terms of the number and spread of political parties. The number of political parties and their spread seem to give the impression that representation has become an important requirement for the existence of political parties. For example, one of the requirements stipulated for the registration of political parties in the political transition to the Nigerian Fourth Republic was that aspiring political

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 associations needed to garner at least ten percent of the votes in twenty four out of the thirty six states to qualify for permanent registration (Aina, 2002).

The foregoing requirement seems to suggest that political parties were expected to really show capacity to represent the people. However, in the preparation for the 1999 elections, this requirement had to be watered down to avoid the emergence of a two party system. This was why the Alliance for Democracy was registered as the third party in 1999 (Aina, 2002). Since that time, there has been an exponential growth in the number of political parties, and this has given the impression that the grounds of representation have increased. The number of political parties has grown from three in 1999 to thirty in 2002, fifty in 2007 and about ninety-one today. However, instead of this meaning more representation, it has not. As the number of parties increased their relevance in terms of being channels of representation has diminished (Egwemi, 2009). In fact, the existence of political parties seems to have major threat to political representation in Nigeria today.

This paper examines the activities of political parties and opposition politics in Nigeria with the aim of understanding the development of party politics in Nigeria. It argues that the existence of political parties has not meant political representation in Nigeria. Before going into the discussion, however, a clarification of the key concepts of Political Parties and Opposition Parties is attempted in the next section.

Conceptual Clarifications

Democracy

Democracy is essentially a system of government in which the people control decision making. It is a system of government that ensures that power actually belongs to the people (Omotola, 2006). According to Schumpeter, democracy entails “institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions, which realizes the common good by making the people decide issues through the election of individuals, who are two assemblies in order to carry out its will” (cited in Omotola, 2006, p.27). It is an “institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people’s vote” (Omotola, 2006, p.27). Democracy, therefore, from the perspective of this paper is viewed as a governmental process which encompasses the competition for power in order to control political decisions in an atmosphere where civil liberties are exercised.

Political Parties

Political parties are indispensable links between the people and the representative machinery of government. They serve as the motive force in the crystallizing public opinion and as the unifying government agency which make democracy work. A political party is conceptualized as a group of individuals united in principles and decision making with a common goal which is pursued through a democratic process of election.

Liberal view of political parties denotes that they are agencies of an organized public opinion, which operate within a political system just like a machine or a platform for taking part in the struggle for power democratically. The Marxist views political parties as instruments for power, domination and oppression of the proletariat which must lead to struggles where the mass party will emerge to overthrow the existing elite capitalist parties for an egalitarian society.

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria

Political parties may be defined by their common aim. They seek political power either singly or in cooperation with other political parties. In this wise, Schumpeter has opined; the first and foremost aim of each political party is to prevail over the others in order to get into power or to stay in it” (Schumpeter, 1961, p. 279). The distinguishing factor from other groups in a political system is this goal of attaining and/or maintaining political power.

Adigun Agbaje has identified three characteristics that distinguish political parties from other seemingly similarly constituted organizations. These are;

i. It is a label in the minds of its members and the wider public, especially the elect. ii. It is an organization that recruits and campaigns for candidates seeking election and selection into public political office. iii. It is a set of leaders who try to organize and control the legislative and executive branches of government (Agbaje, 1999, p.195).

Political parties as one of the most important democratic institutions perform many functions in a democracy as identified by many scholars. Some of these functions include: unite and stabilize the political process; struggling for capturing of power; providing a link between the government and the people; recruitment of political leaders; setting values for the society; brokers of ideas; political modernization most especially in developing democracies; social welfare functions and the role of societal watchdog or opposition. The conception of this paper therefore is that political parties are the political structures and organizations through which people seek political offices, especially in a democratic setting.

Development of Party Politics in Nigeria

The development of political parties in Nigeria must be understood against the wider context of how the political system has developed since independence, as well as in relation to the sense of deterioration of the institutions of governance since the return to democracy in 1999. Nigeria is governed by a presidential system. Over the decades, and following the experience of military rule, the country has seen a centralization of power in the hands of the executive and a progressive weakening of the federal pact upon which Nigeria was founded. However, as political power has been concentrated in the center and in the hands of the executive branch, an intricate body of informal rules of political interaction has also evolved, including through the experience of civil war (the Biafra war) and military rule, by which power is brokered in a way that achieves a sense of stability-at least among elites (Domingo and Nwankwo, 2010, p.3).

At the inception of party politics in 1923, precisely on 24th June, 1923, following the introduction of the elective principle of the Clifford constitution, Nigerian political parties had very limited and self-serving objectives. The main objective was, perhaps, that of buying legitimacy for the colonial government through very limited franchise restricted to Lagos and Calabar. Richard Sklar, in his seminal work, Nigerian Political Parties, clearly demonstrates how the emergence of political associations, such as the Peoples Union, was only in response to the prevailing realities of colonial administration (Sklar, 1963; Coleman, 1958 cited in Omotola, 2009, p.620). Little wonder, when the first political party in Nigeria, the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) emerged in 1923, under the leadership of Herbert Macaulay, its activities were restricted to contesting elections into the Lagos City Council. For years, the UNDP was hegemonic

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 in its dominance in electoral politics? In the country. This was to be challenged by the Lagos Youth Movement - later the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) which was formed in 1934 and which defeated the NNDP in the elections for the three seats allocated to Lagos that year.

By 1944, the increasing tempo of nationalist agitation had resulted in the formation of another political party – the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC), under the leadership of Herbert Macaulay and later Nnamdi Azikwe (Sklar, 1968, pp.46-50 cited in Omotola, 2009, p.620). This was followed, in quick succession, by the transformation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba socio-cultural organization, into a political party, the Action Group (AG) in 1950 under the leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the Northern People Congress (NPC) in 1959 with dominance in the northern region. By 1951, a breakaway faction of the NPC consisting mainly of radical youths based in Kano formed the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU). These parties dominated the political landscape of the country, particularly in their respective regions in the march towards independence, and in the First Republic.

Historically, Nigeria’s political party formations have been characterized by mobilization leaders, who as founder-leaders, exercised a tremendous influence. Notable examples of such leaders were Obafemi Awolowo of the AG and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), and Nnamdi Azikwe of the NCNC and National Peoples Party (NPP) in the First and Second Republics (1960–1966, and 1979–1938), respectively. In addition, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Tafawa Balewa were the icons of the NPC in the First Republic, who, though not alive by the Second Republic, nonetheless commanded a mythical presence and inspiration within the NPN in the Second Republic. Such leaders influenced party nominations and other internal party processes to the extent of compromising internal party democracy (Agbaje and Adejumobi, 2006, p.39).

After the second interregnum of military rule (1983–1999), the nature and texture of party politics changed. Political parties were no longer guided by an ideology or specific focus; they were not led by a mobilization leader who could drive and guide their actions and policies, and inspire internal cohesion and discipline. Political parties assumed the character of electoral machines, whose sole aim was to win political power through the ballot. Aspirants were mostly individual actors sponsored by some powerful individuals; because the cost of electioneering had now become astronomical.

Over three decades of military rule, distorted social values and undermined democratic institutions in Nigeria, political parties and civil society inclusive, it was worse for the development of the country's party system. The political parties were in complete limbo, and almost near extinction, courtesy of the numerous military coups and counter-coups that punctuated Nigeria's political history. The rise and fall of the Nigerian military are well documented in the literature on politics and development in Nigeria. Suffice to say, however, that the military held all democratic institutions captive between 1966 (when they first struck) and 1999 (when they retreated in humiliation), except for their occasional ceremonious “stepping aside.”

Weak structures and ineffective operations of political parties made things worse for the electoral environment in the country. Well-functioning political parties are essential for the success of democracy. However, in the particular case of Nigeria, there are limited opportunities for the development of political parties.

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria

Nature of Nigerian Political Parties

Most of the African political parties, including that of Nigeria, emerged from the decolonization process through nationalist movement which mobilized citizens for independence. Thus, African political parties and African democracies at large suffered from traumatic experiences such as revolution, decolonization, independence or severe repression during authoritarian or military regimes. The above denotes that political parties in most African countries and Nigeria in particular by their nature are devoid of ideological or nationalistic values but rather decolonization and later serving other purposes. Such has been the nature of political parties in Nigeria since political independence.

The first set of political parties that emerged in Nigeria were during colonial rule the dominant three were Action Group (AG) for Yoruba West, Northern People’s Congress for Northern Hausa/Fulani Muslims and National Council for Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC). They looked ethnic and regional in nature and set the foundation for such outlook in future Nigerian political parties. In the Second Republic, five political parties emerged, namely, NPN, UPN, GNPP, PRP and NPP with the replica of the First Republic party characteristics and orientation. The party system also indicated a multi-party arrangement in both the First and the Second Republic’s. In the Aborted Third Republic, only two parties were registered which were the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP).

In the Fourth Republic, multi-party system was reintroduced again where from 1999 to date more than fifty political parties were registered, but the PDP dominated power control from 1999 until 2015 when it was defeated by APC. One major characteristic of Nigerian political parties, apart from being ethnic and regional in outlook, is the unofficial domination of one party without allowing the opposition to play any significant role. This has been the trend since the First Republic, Second Republic and the Fourth Republic.

Opposition in a Democracy

The liberal democracy, as it is known today, is a result of protracted struggles and revolutions in Europe between 17 - 19th centuries as led by social forces whose interests and roles were internally linked with the use of capitals (Mmegi, 2009). The Network of Ethiopian Scholars (NES) Scandinavian Chapter, in her June 30, 2005, release, ‘’puts the opposition in a democracy in perspective’’ argued that in a democracy, there are many types of people who ordinarily wish to stand for election, some may even be people who do not share the same world view. And once an election is held, which is regarded as free and fair, and a set of the people succeeded in persuading the majority public who got more votes than their competitors, it is a fact that those that lost the election have to live with the victorious ones within the period of the rule, as guaranteed by the constitution, and the losers must be ready to wait till the next election.

The operative and operational position, hence, is “free and fair election”. This appears to be utopian, especially in the less developed economies of the world. There cannot be any perfect election anywhere in the world because it is a human endeavor. There can, however, be an election that can be regarded as generally representative of the views of the majority of the electorate. Where an election is characterized by rigging, manipulation, violence, thuggery, inadequacy or

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 insufficiency of electoral materials, substantial noncompliance with electoral rules, it may be difficult to conceptualize the position of the opposition to such regimes.

It must be emphasized that irrespective of how a government emerged, the way to get such government replaced can only be through the instrumentality of the law. By parity of reasoning, the Supreme Court, in the case of ACB versus Rossek (1993), in deciding on what could be done where a court has given a decision that is patently wrong, or apparently perverse, has expressed that the only option available to the aggrieved is to obey the order and take appropriate legitimate and legal steps to redress the wrong. He cannot unilaterally refuse to obey the lawful order of the court. The alternative is anarchy. In the same vein, where an electoral body has decided on the winner of an electoral contest, the loser must abide by that decision until same is changed by the election petition tribunal usually put in place by the constitution.

The term “leader of opposition” dates back to 1807 in the United Kingdom, where it emerged initially through the practice in terms of which the leader of a political party not in government with the largest representation in parliament was designated as leader of opposition. This practice later crystallized into a constitutional custom and convention. This convention was eventually given statutory recognition in the passing of the Ministers of the Crown Act 1937 wherein section 10 (1) provides. “The leader of the opposition means a member of the House of Common’s who is for the time being the leader of the House of the party in opposition to His Majesty’s Government which has the greatest numerical strength in the house.” Section 10 (3) provides further that if any doubt arises as to which is or was at the material time of the party in opposition to His Majesty’s Government having the greatest numerical strength in the House of Commons or as who is or was at the material time of the leader in that house of such party, the question shall be decided for purposes of this Act by the Speaker of the House of Commons and his decision shall be final and conclusive. Since 1937, when this Act was put in place in the United Kingdom, the leader of opposition has enjoyed certain rights and privileges which include getting paid the same salary as government ministers, an official car, and official residence. The same situation prevails in Commonwealth countries like Australia, Canada and New Zealand. In Botswana, the salaries and allowances act gives the Speaker's authority to designate the leader of opposition without any mechanism provided by the act for designating such a leader. However, in the workings of the state, the speaker usually consults the opposition members of Parliament to determine who they want as a leader.

In the United States of America, there is no designation of opposition in the sense that we have it in the United Kingdom. There exists two party system where a party receives the support of a majority of all voters and thus, is given a clear title to govern the country. Because of the peculiarities of the electoral system in the United States, it is technically possible for one party to win control of one or both Houses of Congress. It was reported that in the 1956 election, the Republicans elected a President and Democrats won control of Congress for the first time since 1848 (Carr, 1951). This state of affairs has repeated itself many times thereafter. What usually happens is that the minority party is usually given the opportunity of choosing a minority leader that usually has some rights and privileges, as any other leader in the Congress.

In Nigeria, the leader of opposition arrangement was put in place in the First Republic in line with what operated in the United Kingdom. Chief Obafemi Awolowo became leader of opposition in the First Republic while it lasted. When the First Republic collapsed, the American

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria

Presidential system was introduced and the Unity Party of Nigeria produced the Minority Leader. The present dispensation has also put in place the position of Minority together with that of Majority Leader. A new scenario was created in Ekiti State where both the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the Action Congress (AC) has an equal number of members in the Ekiti State House of Assembly. The question of which party is the majority party and which is the minority party was in issue. This logjam affected the proclamation of the House for a while until a political solution was put in place where the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) nominated the Speaker and the Action Congress (AC) nominated the Deputy Speaker. With the sacking of the Governor of the State by the Court of Appeal sitting in Ilorin and a re-run ordered in a few polling units, the PDP Speaker was appointed the Acting Governor while the AC Deputy Speaker took over as the Acting Speaker.

The Ekiti scenario has properly brought to the fore the need for a harmonious relationship between government and opposition at some point in time. This is because where there is a free and fair election, the pendulum can change at any time as it is witnessed in the United States of America where the Republicans and Democrats are elected into government and voted out at any time or the other. It is not that there are no other parties in the USA. Third parties have in the past won enough support among voters to threaten the majority parties with the possibility that they might gain a balance of power in the political scene (Carr, 1951). This situation has forced the majority parties to pay constant attention to the pressures exerted by third parties and that is the beauty of democracy.

Role of Opposition

Alabi (2009) argues that the opposition is muffled in many parts of Africa because of colonial legacies and cultural factors. Democracy in Nigeria will develop if the opposition appropriately appreciates its role and adequately carries out same with the expected altruistic motives. In the parliamentary system of government as practiced in the United Kingdom, the tasks and responsibilities of the leader of opposition are clearly spelt out and are challenging, especially if the parliamentary duties are considered. Apart from the assigned roles in the Parliament, he is expected to co-ordinate the activities of his party outside Parliament, especially at the level of mass struggle if the opposition must effectively challenge the ruling party

There is usually what is called a shadow cabinet which oversees all segments of the government, provides alternative ideas, and articulates the policies of the party on every policy decision of the ruling party. The Network of Ethiopian Scholars (NES) articulates the position that a key component of democracy is the toleration of dissent, and that the only condition is that dissenters do not engage in violating the rights of others and use of force, deception or fraud to pursue their interests and goals. The group argues further that as long as they express their dissenting voices within the bounds of democratic ethos, there is no reason to bar them from playing an active role in public life.

The foregoing is an area that has to be given a more pragmatic consideration in Nigeria. Opposition must not be for opposition sake, and it must be devoid of violence and must be within the globally accepted standard or best practice. The people in government are not angels; they are human and indeed Nigerians. They are liable to make mistakes and in the same way as the party in opposition. The only duty an opposition party need’s is to provide an alternative view and this

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 must be properly dissected, articulated and effectively communicated to the general public. NES ask the question (as if it is directed at the political class in Nigeria): “Why was it not possible to use debate, dialogue and democratic forum to those whom it thinks have not acknowledged the regime’s self-validated and justified role as having contributed positive good.”

It must be realized by both government and opposition that the aspiration to be in government is for one common goal-service to the people. From the dynamics of the happenings in Nigeria, it is clear that apart from a very few individuals in and out of government, it appears that the majority of the political class are “crass opportunists”. It has nothing to do with any political party and neither does it have any coloration of ruling or opposition party.

The result of the various local government elections betrayed the political class. Where the People’s Democratic Party is the ruling party, all the seats must necessarily be won by that party. Where the controlling party is the Action Congress, all the Local Government Chairmen invariably are members of the Action Congress. Equally, where the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) is the dominant party, then, the seats at the local governments are in the ANPP’s firm control. This trend portends a grave danger and engenders the possibility of muffling the opposition party and that is likely to serve as a negative commentary on democratic rule and ideals. This is what the leadership of the various political parties and those in government swore to uphold.

The oppression and victimization of the opposing elements throughout Nigeria were identified by Awolowo (1966) as one of the factors which led to the collapse of the First Republic. Awolowo also argued that dissent is a hallmark of representative democracy (Awolowo, 1981). The sage argued further: “Surely, Nigeria is big enough under a democratic form of government to accommodate those in government, on the one hand, and that's not in government, on the other hand. Besides, there is always more than one side to any issue. It is the congenital intolerance of the voice of dissent on their part that makes those in government desirous of bringing all articulate elements within their circle of decisive influence in order to silence and stifle such elements”. The principle behind this position is unassailable, but the fundamental of its postulation appears faulty. The position of Awolowo was that, there should not be any arrangement like national or unity government as it is an attempt to stifle the opposition voice. If the essence of national government is to ensure that every segment of the society is given a say in government then there should not be any problem. However, the practice in Nigeria appears to justify the fears expressed by Awolowo. In principle, the muffling, stifling and compromise of the opposition through the instrumentality of the national government is a failure of the opposition parties and not that of the government.

The arrangement of involving all political parties in government is not peculiar to Nigeria. Such a scheme, according to Carr, makes it often seems a party, especially the one in government, is more concerned about advancing the desires of its leaders for personal power, prestige and gain or promoting the interest of a limited few among its followers than in electing its candidates to office who will carry out the promises that have won it the support of the majority of the voters.

For a party in opposition, it is its function to engage in constant criticisms of the governmental policies which are formulated by the majority, to scrutinize carefully the manner in which these policies are administered, and to keep the possibility of alternative legislative policies

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria and administrative practices constantly in the view of the electorate. The major functions of a political party as identified by Carr are in the main:

(i) Stimulating the citizenry to take a greater interest in the election and activities of government. (ii) Defining political issues of the day and sharpen the choice between alternative paths. (iii) Presenting candidates who are committed to announcing position with respect to the issues. (iv) Majority party provides the basis upon which government can be operated. (v) Accepting the responsibility to govern upon winning the election

It was, then, added that a party must at all times, either in or out of power, constantly ensure that it gauges the mood of the society on all issues and provides appropriate responsible succor to the needs of the society at intellectual and applied levels.

Opposition Political Parties in Nigeria

Opposition politics in developing democracies is not a vibrant activity as compared to their Western counterparts. Most often times, opposition in Nigerian politics is perceived as a threat, an enemy, distraction and an immoral activity that should not be tolerated. Right from the emergence of active politics under the British colonialist’s, opposition was never taken lightly by the ruling party. For instance, in Northern Nigeria, the late Mallam Aminu Kano broke away from Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and formed an opposition party in the North; the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU). Such development was perceived and threatened with sharp hostility from the ruling NPC in the North. There were reports of persecution, intimidation, coercion and the emasculation of the opposition. In the West, the Action Group crisis in mid 1960s led to a faction of the party between Obafemi Awolowo and Samuel Akintola leading to persecution of the opposition within the intra - party crisis.

The above feat of opposition in Nigerian politics in the First Republic was similarly repeated in the Second Republic between 1979-1984 where the parties were ethnic in orientation and outlook with NPN representing the majority North; UPN stands for the West; NPP established in the East and GNPP as an opposition minority party in the North. The NPN won the Presidency and many states, especially in the North. Opposition parties were suppressed, dominated while the 1983 re-election was allegedly bedeviled with massive rigging by the ruling NPN which rendered the opposition less relevant in the process.

With the return to democratic rule in the Fourth Republic from 1999 to date, the scenario which was obtained in the First and Second Republics emerged most forcefully and consolidated with the ruling PDP dominating almost 80 percent of the total Governorship seats and National Assembly seats while asserting control of national politics at the Presidency. The ruling PDP dominated continuously for straight sixteen years, which was the first time as the longest ruling party in the most stable democracy in the country. The 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections, further witnessed increase consolidation into power at all levels by the PDP. This domination has not been without explanation. There were allegations of massive riggings during elections, violence, corruption, political thuggery, vote buying, divide and rule on opposition parties, intimidation and

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 subjugation of opposition and their stronghold as well as plotting moles in the opposition parties to scatter the parties and deny them any relevance in challenging the ruling PDP.

However, the above trend was surprisingly and miraculously overturned in the 2015 General Elections where, against all odds, the opposition APC succeeded in overthrowing the ruling PDP with a landslide victory in an unprecedented history making. This feat that took place is not without many obvious factors such as the improvement in the electoral body (INEC), the use of electronic card readers, a strong merger of opposition parties in forming one formidable party; APC with wire withal for challenging the ruling PDP conveniently, serious national issues that made the public to detest PDP and have determination for a change such as corruption; poverty; unemployment; insurgency; illiteracy, etc. Thus, it can be inferred from the above that, but, for the emergence of stronger APC opposition PDP would have continued beyond 2015.

Loss of steam

To be sure, the PDP started strongly by always “checking” on the APC administration. Mr. Metuh would issue a statement or address a press conference on policy matters almost on daily basis. Apart from Mr. Metuh, other outspoken members of the PDP, including a former Minister of Aviation, Femi Fani-Kayode, a former presidential aide, Doyin Okupe, and the Governor of Ekiti state, Ayodele Fayose, variously voiced opposition to the policies and programs of the Buhari administration.

However, along the line, the opposition party lost steam, no thanks to the alleged involvement of some of its leaders in corrupt practices, which the Buhari administration vowed to tackle. Mr. Metuh, who should be the arrowhead of the opposition, became one of the accused. He was alleged to have received, from the office of the National Security Adviser, N400 million from the $2.1 billion originally meant for arms procurement to fight Boko Haram. The money was allegedly diverted and used to prosecute the 2015 presidential campaign for President Goodluck Jonathan and the PDP. The scandal has since been referred to as #Dasukigate by Nigerians.

Metuh’s arrest and subsequent arraignment over the allegation has dealt a serious blow to the PDP’s ability to check the government of the day and make its positions on national matters known. Unlike the then ACN, which criticized the Goodluck Jonathan administration when it increased fuel price in 2010, the PDP, as Nigeria’s main opposition party, virtually kept mum when the Buhari-led APC government increased the pump price of petrol to N145 from N86.

The opposition party, perhaps, dazed by the corruption allegations against its leaders, and internal wrangling, could not even issue a statement either in condemnation or support. The only notable voice from the PDP that kicked against the fuel price was Governor Ayo Fayose of Ekiti State. Even so, he did not speak officially for the party because it was not his job to do so.

Mr. Fani-Kayode, another outspoken member of the party, who could have kicked against the increase, was in detention and battling to save himself from the allegation that he, as spokesperson of the Jonathan Campaign Organization, benefitted from the Dasukigate scandal. It is therefore safe to assume that many PDP members are unable to voice opposition to the APC government because of the fear that the ongoing corruption probe will soon get to them

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria

Opposition Politics in Nigeria

Opposition politics are an ideological stance taken by groups of politician whose party fail to win a convincing majority in an election. An ideology can be described as a comprehensive vision, as a way of looking at things, as in common sense or a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of that society (Bello 2000). Ideology in its elementary form is an organized collection of ideas. It can be seen as a comprehensive vision, a perspective of reality, or a way of understanding, seeing things and events or actions. An ideology serves as a mirror for the people, expressing how the people view themselves, and even more importantly, how they want to be seen by outsiders. Ideology embodies a system of goals and beliefs, or widely held ideas by members of a society or group.

Ideology, well-articulated signposts the pattern of transition of each society and the roadmap to change. The utility of ideology is more apparent and alive in its application to the political realm. Political ideology is a certain ethical set of ideals, principles, doctrines, myths or symbols of a social movement, institution class or large group that explains how society should work, and offers some political or cultural blueprint for a social order. Political ideology is concerned with how to allocate power and to what ends it should be used.

In societies where democracy has taken root and become firmly consolidated, parties are delineated by their ideologies. Regrettably, the situation is totally different in Nigeria. Because, political parties are not delineated ideologically. This may seem to be a product of ideological confusion, or a total lack of ideology in the development or formation of these parties. There is not much to differentiate the parties in terms of national posture, it is just a marriage of strange bedfellows masquerading as political parties. The only fair exception is that of the western part of Nigeria, where political parties are gaining prominence because of some portrayal of a tinge of ideological seriousness inherited from their ancestry, the late sage Obafemi Awolowo who was popularly known as the leader of opposition in the history of Nigeria.

Opposition politics are inevitable in a democratic society. Genuine political opposition is a necessary attribute of democracy. How can a country be democratic without Opposition parties? How do you ensure a proper check and balance of a government under the democratic process without an Opposition? The existence of an opposition, without which politics ceases and administration takes over, is indispensable to the functioning of democratic political systems.

The division between government and opposition is as old as political democracy itself. In Aristotle’s Athenian polity, the essence of self-government was that citizens were, in turn, both the rulers and the ruled. The government could alternate among different groups of citizens, and the minority could seek to persuade a majority of its point of view by peaceful or political means. The age of direct democracy has been replaced, with representative systems, providing for periodic elections. In turn, these electoral contests are usually dominated by political parties that select their own candidates and leaders. What has not changed, however, in our modern liberal-democratic society is the principle that government must rest on the consent of the governed: which means that the minority accepts the right of the majority to make decisions, provided that there is reciprocal respect for the minority’s right to dissent from these decisions and to promote alternative policies.

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Conclusion

Party politics in Nigeria, right from the return of democracy in 1999 to 2015, has been bedeviled by rampant conflicts with debilitating effects in its democratic consolidation. Inter-party relations have also retrogressed to autocracy partly due to perceived elimination of competitors through state sponsored assassinations, incumbency factor, thereby turning election contests as a matter of life and death. The consequences have produced fierce political struggle and violence which have continued to pose serious challenges to Nigeria’s democratic survival and its consolidation.

Party politics encourage regional political leadership, religious divides, lack of clear cut party ideologies, party indiscipline and intolerance, among others. Also, lacks of mutual inter- party democracy encourages a politics of irrationality and intolerance, which abhors maturity of debate, negotiations, dialogue, and mutual compromises based on win-win scenario. These factors, no doubt, persistently threatened current survival of Nigeria’s emerging democracy which must be addressed.

Opposition must not be for opposition sake, and it must be devoid of violence and must be within the globally accepted standard or best practice. The people in government are not angels; they are human and, indeed, Nigerians. They are liable to make mistakes, and in the same way as the party in opposition. The only duty an opposition party need’s is to provide an alternative view, and this must be properly dissected, articulated and effectively communicated to the general public.

Recommendations

For and effective opposition politics, under the present dispensation in Nigeria the paper recommends the followings:

i. The ruling APC should ensure that it provides a level playing ground that it enjoyed to be able to capture power from the then ruling PDP. It should make provision other opposition political parties to have a chance of capturing power too in future as options for voters when the need arises. ii. The ruling APC should, as a matter of fact, stop the intimidation of the major opposition political party, the P.D.P by sending EFCC to arrest and detain them. iii. The opposition PDP should learn a good lesson from the ruling APC and organize itself to give the APC a formidable challenge in future elections so as to avoid institutionalization of the one party system which will be detrimental to democratic rule; iv. Other powerful opposition parties need to organize themselves and form a strong alliance like that of APC in order to have a better chance of challenging the ruling party in the future; and, v. The measures that were put in place during the 2015 General Elections such as the use of the electronic card reader and prevention of rigging should be consolidated and improved upon in future elections. It should be enacted into the electoral law for future elections.

Political Parties and the Nature of Opposition Politics in Nigeria

Reference Agbaje, A. and Adejumobi, S. (2006). “Do Votes Count? The Travails of Electoral Politics in Nigeria” in Africa Development, Vol XXXI, No 3, CODESRIA. Agbaje, A. Political Parties and Pressure Groups in Elements of Politics, edited by A. Remi and F. Enemuo, 122-129. Lagos: Sam Iroanusi Publishers,2008. Aina, A.D. (2002). ‟Party Politics in Nigeria under Obasanjo Administration, ‟ Monograph Series No. 1, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Babcock University, Nigeria. Alabi, (2009). Party Internal Democracy and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria, 1999- 2011. Awolowo, O. (1966). Thoughts on Nigeria Constitution, Oxford, London Bello, D. (2000). The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (2nded.). Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, pg. 393 Diefenbaker, J. G. (1949). "The Role of the Opposition in Parliament," Address to the EmpireClub of Canada, Toronto, 27 October 1949. Domingo, P. and Nwankwo, C. (2010). Review of International Assistance to Political Party and Party System Development, Case Study Report: Nigeria, An Overseas Development Institute Publication, December 2010 Egwemi, V. (2009). From Three to Fifty: Some Comments on the Paradox of Increasing Number and Diminishing Relevance of Political Parties Under Obasanjo‟s Administration, 1999 – 2007, International Journal of Social Science ,1 (2), 33 – 40. Mmegi, (2009). Opposition Parties and the Urban Poor in African Democracies Nwagwu, E. J. (2016). “Political Party Financing and Consolidation of Democracy in Nigeria 1999-2015.” International Journal of Political Science, 10: 243-267 Omodia, S.M. (2010). Elite Recruitment and Political Stability in the Nigerian Fourth Republic‟, Journal of Social Sciences, 24(2):129-133. Omotola, J. S. (2009). Electoral Administration and Democratic Consolidation in Africa: Ghana and Nigeria in Comparative Perspective, PhD Post-Field Seminar Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Omotola, S.J. (2009). Nigerian Parties and Political Ideology, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences (2009) Vol 1, No 3, 612-634. Schumpeter, J.A. (1961). Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, London: Harper. Sklar, R. L., Ebere, O. and Darren. K. (2006). “Nigeria: Completing Obasanjo‟s Legacy” Journal of Democracy Volume 17, Number 3 July 2006. USAID (2006) Democracy and Governance Assessment of Nigeria, Available at:http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNADI079.pdf. Waluchow, W. (2007). Constitutionalism. Standford Encyclopedea of Philosophy, available @ http://www.plato.standford.eduRetreived 14/07/2011

The Role of Political Parties in Democratic Consolidation: Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

1Edoghogho Omoregie and 2John Anani A. Anathekhai

1Department of Political Science, Ambrose Alli University (AAU) Ekpoma, Edo State. 2Department of Policy and Development Studies, Ambrose Alli University (AAU) Ekpoma, Edo State. Email: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

Nigeria once again keyed into what most scholars termed as the third wave of democratic experience which it christened, the Fourth Republic in 1999. This came with the emergence of political parties, which were initially three registered, but with time these have increased. In spite of these increases and level of political awareness in the system, they are observed not to be effectively assuming its roles in engendering democratic consolidation. Political parties and democracy in any setting, assumes an axiomatic relationship. To this end political parties and democracy are supposed as same coin of different sides in a relationship. But in the Nigeria Fourth Republic it is saddening that political parties does little or nothing in deepening or consolidating democracy. This paper, therefore, seeks for those roles of political parties in deepening democracy in the system and how the political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic will key into these roles. Particular focus was placed on those factors that can be used to consolidate democracy, these include ideology, participation, legitimacy and integration. In achieving this, the secondary source of data collection, which involves the usage of books, journal, periodicals, and newspapers among others was highly depended on while the structural functionalist theory was deployed as the theoretical framework. In conclusion, this paper recommends various ways political parties through its roles can effectively contribute to democratic consolidation in Nigeria’s fourth Republic, especially through tackling the crises emanating from participation, integration, legitimacy, among others.

Keywords: Democracy, Ideology, Integration, Legitimacy Participation and Political Parties.

Introduction

Political parties in the contemporary world are viewed as inseparable institution of democracy; this is anchored on the belief that parties have become an inevitable institution in every era of democratic politics. To put it more authoritatively, some scholars of political science like Schattschneider (1942) argued that political parties created democracy and that democracy is unthinkable without given a prominent place to political parties. The implication of this statement, therefore, is that political parties assume the centrality of achieving a consolidated democracy in a system. Policy makers and scholars charged with fostering the development of emerging democracies or empowering the qualities of those already established are of the strong opinion that political parties played a pivotal role in all democracies in the world. This is why it can be assumed that, relationship between a viable and well-structured political party and democracy can be said to be axiomatic.

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There is this assumption that, the role of deepening democracy in the system lies majorly with political parties, owing to the fact that they are endowed with the ability to unify the diverse social spectrum in the system. Some of the conventional role of political parties includes that, it is a medium where citizens participate in government, it is the means through which bridges are built between the government and the governed, political parties provides the vehicle for recruitment of leaders in the system, they educate the citizenry politically, parties can also be channels through which interest articulation and aggregation takes place, the actions of political parties also can give the necessary political stability to the democratic system among others. For political parties to be able to effectively manage those aforementioned functions, efforts must be made to expand and consolidate the democratic space, it is also paramount that parties must in addition possess some characteristics like, having registered members or supporters, it must have well-articulated programs or manifestoes, the aims and objectives of the party must be well stated, the party must have high degree of resourcefulness in terms of sourcing for funds, seeking for talents and nomination of credible candidates for elections and ensuring national spread, parties must have written rules which spells out the do’s and don’ts, it is also pertinent that parties must have clear cut philosophy or vision for the country, this vision or mission represents the party ideology, parties must have a leadership structure and succession pattern to avoid internal crisis but if crisis is inevitable, parties must put in place an acceptable or well-structured internal crisis management mechanism.

Parties with the aforementioned characteristics are believed to be able to effectively deplore its energy towards performing the roles earlier stated and if those roles are well performed, then the democratic system will be able to solve the crisis of legitimacy, the crisis of integration and the crisis of participation which are basic elements for democratic consolidation in any political system. Deriving from the above analysis, this essay among others seeks for those roles of political parties which aimed at deepening democracy. It also wishes to assess how well Nigeria fourth republic political parties have keyed into these roles, in achieving the desired goal.

Nigerian’s journey to the fourth republic commenced in 1998 when a transition to civil rule program was initiated by the military regime of Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar. The army general assumed the helm of affairs as leader in Nigeria after the death of Gen. Sani Abacha who was alleged to have died mysteriously. The charged domestic and external pressure for democratization gave rise to the transition of a multi-party democracy. The act ushered Nigeria in what some scholars of Political Science referred to as the third wave of democratic experience. A queue was taken from happenings in Latin America, Asia and other African countries since the last decades of the twentieth century. Consequently, the arrangement was made to service the recent democracy through a regulatory framework put in place to usher in political parties, to play a major role in the democratization process, drawing references from the relevant sections of the Nigerian constitution, particularly section 221-229 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended (cited in Mohammed, 2007, p. 12).

The condition at the earlier stage of parties’ registration was stringent; as a result, only three political parties scaled through registration by the country’s electoral management body, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Though, the electoral act was later amended making it possible for political parties come on stream, more political parties are continuously being registered, bringing the total number to over ninety (90) before the 2019 general elections. Though the number of political parties has continually increased, but the worries are; do these

The Role of Political Parties in Democratic Consolidation: Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. parties structures possesses ideology. Clear-cut manifestoes, succession pattern, devoid of rancour and acrimony among others to perform the much needed roles of consolidating and stabilizing democracy in Nigeria? Do these parties possess the capacity of resolving those common crises that emanate from democracy? For instance, how prepared are they to engage the crises of integration, participation and legitimacy in the system, these are the pivotal issues to be looked into in the course of this paper.

The concept of Political Parties

A political party has been defined by Marx Weber cited in Nekabari (2004, p. 213) as a voluntary society of propaganda and agitation, seeking to acquire power in order to procure chances for its active militant and adherent to realize objective, which are public, personal or both. This conceptualization sees a political party as firstly, an association of people that are organized for a goal which is to contest elections with the aim of winning and subsequently controlling the machinery of government in a given system. Collaborating with this assertion, Coleman and Rosbery cited in Dowse and Hughes (1972, p. 173) defines a political party as thus:

Political parties are association formally organized with explicit and declared the purpose of acquiring and /or maintaining legal control either single or in coalition or electoral competition with other similar association over personal and policy of the government of an actual perspective or sovereign state.

In reference to the assertion that a political party by its nature seeks the goal of power acquisition through the context of elections, no doubt the basic elements for acquiring this goal is much on the ability of the political party to organize itself and ensure that members and supporters of the party are reconciled in terms of ideological stand. This element is well captured in Hughes and Harrop (2001) who argued that a political party is a permanent organization made of people with ideas, principally concerned with contesting elections, with the hope of winning and occupying the position of authority within the state. Appadorai (2004) emphasized the need for individuals that are members of a political party to hold similar political opinions and work together if they actually seek to win elections and get control of the government.

The concept of Democracy/Democratic Consolidation

The concept of democracy can be said to have floods of definitions because individual and political leaders like associating with the usage of the word. Christensen, Engel, Jacobs, Rejal and Waltzer (1975) observed that even the Nazis Germany under Adolf Hitler claimed that its government was practicing a form of democracy. He referred to as a “centralized Democracy” Mao Tse-Tung of China and Nasser of Egypt both claimed to be practicing another form of democracy they referred to as “party less Democracies” Sekou Toure of Guinea branded his leadership style as “Democratic dictatorship” Ayubkluan of Pakistan and Fidel Castro of Cuba claimed that their governments were another form of democracy which they christened as “Basic Democracy” and “True Democracy” respectively. However, there are basic elements which must be observed or present in a system before such can be termed as democracy. These are part the indices present in Hoffman and Graham (2009) these authors acknowledged the confusion inherent in the effort of trying to give an acceptable meaning to the concept. Hence they argued that

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 democracy entails where the people or citizens directly or indirectly consent to and are major participant in their government. The implication of this conceptualization focuses on the people and by extension, the electorate as the principal factor that possesses the ultimate power in a democracy. In addition, the system of democracy is a self-determination concept; this is well captured in Baber and Watson (1988) who opined that Democracy is a charming form of government. They anchored their belief on the fact that it has the ability to improve the equality of the system and government through citizen’s participation, which is part of the norms inherent in democratic settings. Jega (2007) argued that democracy must be deeply rooted in participation and/or representation and that government in democratic systems derives its power and legitimacy from the people. In this sense government exercises authority within the framework of bodies of supreme law called constitution and the right of the citizens to vote and be voted for in the system.

Democratic consolidation is a situation where democratic values which involve participation are deepened in a system. Linz and Stepan (1996) defined it as a situation where democracy has become the only game in town. That is a situation where democracy makes the government more responsive to the demands or the yearning of the people, where the people beyond periodic elections exercise their right to vote, but use their civic and political right, and where all groups in the system participate equally in the political system. Ojo (2006) argued that, consolidating democracy entails a process where democracy becomes so broadly and profoundly legitimate among the citizens, to the extent that it is unlikely to break down. This definition explains a process whereby new democracies mature and old ones stabilized in a way that, it is unlikely to revert to authoritarianism. The regime in a consolidated democracy meets all required procedures and criteria’s of democracy, these bothers on enhancing both contestation and participation. Also, it entails a system where all politically significant groups accept established political institutions and adhere strictly to the democratic rules of the game. That is, for democracy to stabilize in a system, it must persist over time and democratic culture must be deepened, especially in the area of participation, contestation among others. Consolidating democracy can be interpreted as effort to secure and extend the life span of democracies, beyond the short term, thereby making them immune against the threats of authoritarianism and regression. The rules of the game serve as the dams against eventual waves to the original mission of rendering democracy, the only game in town.

Theoretical framework

The structural functionalist theory is deployed for this paper, as it is believed that, this perspective would better capture and explain the variables under study as well as state their relationship. The structural functionalist theory is a broad based perspective, which has its foundation in sociology and anthropology. It has a lot of prominent proponents such as Spencer, Parson, Moor, Milton, Almond and Powell etc. The functionalist set out to interpret society as a structure with interrelated parts, the society is viewed as a whole in terms of functions, and it has as part of its constituent elements, like norms, culture, traditions and institutions. According to Varma (2007), the theory was borrowed from Sociology and Anthropology and became popular in political science since the 1950s. Part of the assumptions of this theory is that, roles are bound up in institutions and social structures, which are functional to the extent to which they assist society in operating and fulfilling its functional goals or needs, this engenders the society to function smoothly. The understanding of the structural functionalist theory emphasis the society and political system as a whole, which are made up of sub-units or sub-systems with

The Role of Political Parties in Democratic Consolidation: Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. interdependent parts, but the entire parts must contribute to the survival of the entire system to function well. On a relative basis, political parties in a democratic system exist in order to perform some salient roles; the overall effect of this expected role should be seen as contributing to the survival and deepening the democratic culture in the system. The assumption which forms the core of this paper therefore is that political parties are part of the sub-unit or institution of the democratic structure that is expected to key into its role well, so as to contribute meaningfully to enhancing democratic values in Nigeria.

The Role of Political Parties under Democracy

Political parties are one of those social structures or institutions visible in every democratic system; they are fundamentally saddled with the responsibility of enhancing democratic values and culture, through its activities. The implication of the aforementioned is aptly explained in Omoruyi (2007) who argued that, democracy is unthinkable without political parties. This implies that, the relationship between the duos is axiomatic. Magstardt (2009) argued that, political parties are sine-qua-non to democratic advancement in any system. Observably, it can be said that, no system can be described as operating a democratic style of government without the presence of political parties who naturally engage in competitive elections, especially in contemporary times when democracy have moved from the ancient Greeks city state style of 500 BC. The complexity of modern society makes direct representation impossible while indirect or representative style is the system in vogue; consequently, political parties are put in place to ease processes and practice of democracy. Furthermore, Nwabuzor and Muller (1988) while reflecting on the emergence of modern political parties affirmed that, the 19th century witnessed the formation and development of political parties which appeared first in the United States and Europe. Their development was linked with the development or advancement of democracy which at that period of history was necessitated by the extension of popular sovereign and parliamentary powers. The implication of the aforementioned view explained the reasons why it is often said in many quarters that political parties and democracy are two sides of the same coin and that the two concepts reinforces themselves. Political parties exist to beautify and deepen democratic belief, culture and values in the system; on the other hand, democracy exists to ensure popular happiness to the greater majority in the system.

How then can the political parties deepen or consolidate democracy in Nigeria through its roles? Political parties anywhere in the world are endeared with certain fundamental roles aimed at engendering sustainable democratic virtues. Idise and Otoghile (1996), Roskin, Cord, Medeiros and Jones (2010) respectively provided some of these roles as follows; political parties are agents of political education, they play the role of interest articulation and aggregation, organizations of voters, it is the channel through which leaders are recruited, organization of government, they create room for political representation, they are the bridge between government and the govern among others. The aforementioned are perceived as the conventional roles of political parties. Nekabari (2004) argued that these functions are mainly roles which are primarily expected of a political party. The implication of this assertion is that political parties are expected to play a more advanced role in a democratic system. If political parties are to be agents that consolidate the democratic system, they must place more focus on those crises that undermine democracy in any system and by implication the Nigerian Fourth Republic. These crises tend to weaken the democratic structure; amongst these are the crisis of ideology, the crisis of participation, the crisis of integration and the crisis of legitimacy. When all these are not well managed by the political

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 party as an institution, the resultant effect may drastically weaken the democratic structure of any system. Another question of interest is how does a political party resolve these conflicts? In addressing this, the following should be taken into consideration.

Ideology Crisis

The absence of a clear cut ideological stand of a political party, render such an institution of democracy to be weak and at such these can also reflect on the democratic structure. Omotola (2009), argued that, party ideology represents a crucial element of a political party and their activities. Ideology in this sense, are sets of ideas about politics, all of which are related to one another, it modifies and supports each other. Nnoli (2007) further conceptualize political ideology as a systematized and interconnected sets of ideas about the socio, economic, and political organization of a society. The import of this on democracy is obvious because it is advised that the parties should cultivate the culture of building socially strong foundation through sound ideologies that will enhance democratic behaviours and competitions among political parties and provide the citizens with the ability to make choice during elections. Janda (2005) advocated strongly for the advancement of party ideologies, according to him, it will have a positive impact on participation both in the internal and external level. He puts it thus: the parties should be organized around ideologies, rather than ethnic, religion or regional identities. Their ideological differences should be distinct but not too sharp… The parties should not be a personality vehicle for the self- aggrandizement of charismatic leaders, but an organization with a democratic internal structure that seeks consistency among citizens and strive for openness, accountability and lawful behaviour.

Participation Crises

The absence of effective citizenry participation in the political process and by implication in a democracy have a way of weakening democracy. Political parties are to enhance participation at both the internal and external competitive levels, otherwise the democratic structure would be assumed to be weak. Magstardt (2009) defined political participation as citizens in democratic involvement in politics through expressing opinions and casting votes. This definition expresses the fact that one of the ways through which citizenship can be defined in any system is through participation. Therefore, political participation assumes the centrality of democratic actions, in other words, participation can be viewed as the political lubricant that overhauls democratic systems. It also implies that the absence of effective citizen’s participation can dwarf the growth and consolidation of democracy. It is affirmed in many political circles that, without the opportunity to participate in the political process, citizenship are meaningless, there are various means through which citizens can participate in politics, these include voting during election, membership of a political party, criticizing policies and programs of Government constructively among others. But for the purpose of this paper, emphasis would be expended on how political parties should encourage participation of the citizen through internal democracy, i.e. within the party. Political parties are conventionally an association of people who organize themselves around their chosen ideology, concerned with contesting elections with the aim of winning and consequently controlling the government. In this wise, all members of a political party, are expected to be given equal level playing platform to actively participate either at the contestation or the voting level respectively. This is part of what enhances or deepen democracy and makes it matured.

The Role of Political Parties in Democratic Consolidation: Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. Legitimacy Crisis

Democratic legitimacy can be viewed as a balance between the public demand for democracy and the perceived supply of democracy from the system. The concept is essential to achieving democratic consolidation. Political authority which is a vital element for political parties who won elections and assumed power in the system is a derivative of legitimacy. Acceptance cannot be enjoyed by a leader from the people if such leader was not elected in the first place by the people. Adejumobi (2000) argued that, the most effective and acceptable way a government can acquire democratic legitimacy is through election, this emphasizes election, both at the intra- party and inter-party levels which must reflect the true acceptability of members of the political party and the electorate respectively. Bratton (2008) observed that the advent of a freely elected political regime would have beneficial consequences on governmental performance. The core reason for this assertion is that election confers political or democratic legitimacy on leaders. Having voted for leaders through political platforms or parties to assume governmental powers, the citizens are always more willing to comply and support such a regime.

Crisis of integration

States with diverse ethnic, cultural, language and religious colorations must renew efforts politically to unite these forces and differences, in order to achieve democratic consolidation. It is believed in many quarters that the most effective machinery for achieving this function is through political parties. Mohammed (2007) argued that the task of political integration involves efforts of engendering national cohesion to achieve unity in the quest for nation building. It is assumed, therefore that, political parties have the capacity to drive these factors effectively. This is because, parties by its very nature are supposed popular organization with a diverse social base and organizational arrangement that links people of different social, cultural standing, and it has the prospects for mobilizing the diverse elements towards the achievement of consolidated democracy. Also, it is strongly believed that parties have the needed impetus at its disposal to create a sense of political community and efficacy, necessary for national integration. The capacity at the political party disposal includes (i) supporting a new constitutional order in an hour of uncertainty and testing, even in the face of disagreements over specific provisions of the constitution that do not firmly support political integration (ii) By strengthening and maintaining communication and a sense of shared stakes among different groups in the system. (iii) By undertaking recruitment techniques, socialization, and popular education in politics in an informal basis. Political party's adoption of the aforementioned in tackling the presence of the integration crisis in the democratic space would be viewed as an agent that is involved in efforts at enhancing the process of democratic consolidation.

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic political parties and democratic consolidation: The journey so far.

In spite of widespread level of political awareness and the increasing number of political parties since 1999, it is heartbreaking to realize that political parties under this dispensation are not able to know their relevance in enhancing democracy in the system. Omoruyi (2007) referred to the fourth Republic political parties as a crop of mere transitional instruments. This assertion is made because: these parties seems to be looking for a role in the democratic arena. It implies therefore, that what is called a political party in the Nigeria Fourth Republic do not qualify to be

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 addressed as such when compared to those tenable in other democratic climes. It is observed that this party lack sound and distinct programs and ideological stands, this makes their activities to be fluid in nature. They are rather described in many circles as an ethnic cleavages and a formation that has been hijacked by financial barons. Also, what is referred to as political parties in Nigeria Fourth Republic today seems to be mere associations of people that lacks the necessary machinery to compete on the basis of political issues, rather their mobilization of popular forces has been largely driven by ethnic, religious as well as money politics. Deriving from the aforementioned analysis, it is clear that these parties are not strong enough to contribute meaningfully to the democratic consolidation of the system.

In the area of participation, it is observed that these fourth Republic political parties are far from fulfilling its mandated role of engendering effective peoples participation especially on intra- party basis, the hierarchy or leadership of the parties has evolved different techniques aimed at discouraging participation, these method includes, elimination of people without due process from the party primaries through administrative fiats, sponsored thugs or paid security personnel rain violence on party members who are perceived as enemy to the barons and baroness of the parties, bribing of party officials and electoral officers, vote buying among others. These activities are the hand work of the political Barons who finances and subsequently hijack the party structure from the people. Ibrahim (2006) describes this scenario as cohesive national bourgeois in nature. This implies that it is more of a means or channel for sharing the proverbial national cake; a means of patronage among the political elites in the system. Meanwhile the ordinary members of the party have no say on issues relating to the party, that is why it is common to see a crude form of imposition of candidature on the party without recourse to rules that governs succession procedure in each of the political parties. From the above analysis, legitimacy crises are bound to arise; just as we have it today.

Ogundiya (2009) opined that legitimacy crisis arises from the inability of the political party to project the choice of the ordinary members of the political party. That is, legitimacy can only be bestowed on a leadership that enjoys the popular support and choice of the people, the inability and policy failure on the part of those at the helm of affairs at the various party levels to stick tenaciously to rules guiding procedure for succession makes a mockery of the parties and its leadership hence, they are confronted with procedural legitimacy crises both at the party and nation-state levels. The absence of legitimacy of a government makes such to be feeble and unstable. Legitimacy crisis in the past has been part of the reason why the military struck in the body polity of many African, Asian and Latin American states including Nigeria. Legitimacy is therefore one of the potent and strong political elements that drives political party towards enhancing democracy in the system.

Nigeria is a nation-state assumed to portray extraordinary diversity, characterized by a multiplicity of languages, cultures and religious groupings. As observed in the earlier part of the paper, political parties as institutions possesses the capabilities ordinarily within its structure to unite these stated diversities or social forces. Mohammed (2007) argued that, integration is the progressive reduction of cultural and regional influences and tensions which may bedevil the continuity in the process of creating a homogenous political community. Observably, since the inception of the present democratic experience in Nigeria from 1999, political parties have shown no signs of comprehending or appreciating its role as regards engendering national integration and nation building, they seem to be more involved in promoting sectional opportunism, the energies

The Role of Political Parties in Democratic Consolidation: Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. of the Nigeria fourth republic parties activities are centered on drumming ethnic religious and money bag politics. This is why Omotola (2009) advocated for a redefinition and dedication of efforts and belief in the principles and actions of political parties; that would promote democratic consolidation. This statement implies the obvious, which is that for now the present crop of political parties are not in any way contributing meaningfully to democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Conclusion

The political parties of the Fourth Republic in Nigeria have grown over the years from the initial three to ninety-three at the last count, before the 2019 general elections. The presences of these political parties have also come with a high level of political awareness among the people, despite all this, it is saddening to note that, the multiplicity in political party formation do not reflect on the area of consolidating the country’s democracy. The inability of these parties to contribute meaningfully is a shortfall of its failure to engage the four crises of; ideology, participation, legitimacy and integration as earlier stated in this paper. Furthermore, it is expedient to state that, when political parties are formed without recourse to sound and distinct political party ideology and programs, such a political party would certainly lack the impetus and machinery to encourage citizens’ participation. This can also result to legitimacy crisis, personalities elected into position on the basis of non-participation on the part of the people, especially those derived from contesting and voting will make the regime suffers acceptance or legitimacy crisis. The corollary of all the above actions can easily lead to the integration crisis in the system. When these actions begin to unfold within the democratic arena, then the system becomes weaker rather than being strong, matured or consolidated. The findings of this paper, therefore, reflect that the numerous political parties in Nigeria Fourth Republic do not contribute through its roles to the consolidation of its democracy.

Recommendations

No doubt that political parties as democratic institutions have a major role to play in ensuring that, the fourth republic democracy is deepened and consolidated. In an attempt to achieve this, some of the recommendations of this paper are as enumerated below;

Party Ideology: It is the strong opinion of these authors that, there is the need for the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC to ensure that existing and newly formed political parties are overhauled and grounded in sound and distinct political ideology. In fact, this should be emphasized as part of the minimum standard and conditionality for party registration in the system.

Political participation: Part of a sound behavioral trait of political parties towards consolidating democracy is ensuring that more and free spaces are provided for citizens’ participation in political activities, especially at the party level or intra-party participation. This entails contesting for position and giving the enabling platform to choose those to represent the party. In achieving this INEC should ensure that it monitors the income and expenditure of every political party in the system and emphasis should be placed on all party member financial commitment as a way of financing political parties. With these in place, the era of money bags hijacking the political party would be drastically reduced if not entirely eradicated. This will then give room for mass political participation.

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Political Legitimacy: As part of the requirement for achieving democratic consolidation in the system, Nigeria fourth Republic political parties are to ensure that their programs and political behavior, especially in the area of intra/inter party elections are handled with utmost care, taking into cognizance the accepted procedure of leadership succession. The electoral management body again should ensure that parties play the game in accordance with laid down procedure. This is the only way leaders chosen within political parties as representatives can enjoy the required legitimacy and support from members. This is a vital part of this discourse that would ensure democratic consolidation

National integration: Another vital element for achieving democratic consolidation in political parties’ role of engendering unity in a multi-ethnic society among other social forces, political parties should not be formed or managed along ethnic, religious or regional lines rather parties are to reflect the multiplicity of these social forces and integrate them. An effective way of achieving this is through the actions of INEC. At the registration of political party level, the electoral body must as a matter of deliberate policy ensure that the parties to be registered meet up with a high level of national spread, through this the parties so registered would become a vehicle for national cohesion or integration which is a salient element for democratic consolidation. References

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer?

Afolabi, Muyiwa Bamidele PhD, Nwoke Uzoma U., Ogbekene, Eloho O. and Odumosu, Adedolapo Gafaru

Department of Intelligence and Security Studies, College of Social and Management Sciences Afe Babalola University, Ado – Ekiti, Nigeria. Email: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

The issue of Insecurity has been a very disheartening one in the Nigeria nation-state. Being the most populous State in Africa, it is yet faced by and with a plethora and an array of serious security challenges. Although law enforcement agencies such as the Nigeria Police Force (as the primary Law Enforcement), the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), the National Drug Law Enforcement Agencies (NDLEA) and so on with specialized functions are in place, the problem of insecurity yet remains unabated and still stands as a mitigating factor against the development of the country. Premise on this fact that insecurity has remained uncurbed and apparently undefeated, there became a rise and a great clamour of a system of State Policing as a probable solution for the raging torrent of insecurity that the country has overtime, plummeted in. Sequel to this, one issue that has continued to generate controversy and heated debate about the practice of federalism in Nigeria is the issue of states having their Police Force. This paper, therefore, dwells on observation and desk-based studies to examine and subsequently challenge the opinion of the creation of a system of state Policing in Nigeria. The paper concludes that most states in Nigeria are not ripe for state Police politically and financially as it will become instruments of oppression and harassment in the hands of state chief executives and politicians. Instead of a system of State Policing, it should rather be substituted for Intelligence-Led and Community Policing where officers must be allowed to serve in their communities. The existing security agencies have to be rejigged. There is the need for the recruitment of more personnel and procurement of modern security gadgets while political leaders must be proactive in addressing security issues.

Keywords: Community Policing, Security, Security challenges, State Police

Introduction

The present Nigeria has been taken over and slowly gripped by destructive forces which have coalesced to affirm that the country is a failed state. Eteng (2018) states that these insecurity issues include: arms proliferation, drug trafficking, human trafficking, kidnapping, political assassinations, armed conflicts, extra-judicial killings, cybercrimes of varying dimensions and other grievous criminal activities. There is, as a matter of fact, no proper and comprehensive statistics and documentation on the actual figures of civilian casualties, who have been left internally displaced and subjected to a life of desolation as a result of the recurrent violence.

It must be recalled that the essential duty of any government is the provision of peace and security for its citizenry. Safety being the backbone of any thriving economic or state-system and,

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? by implication, the security of a state has an overwhelming bearing in the course of the quality administration of that state (Afolabi, 2019).

It is imperative to state that security without a scintilla of doubt has a direct impact on the quality of living of the people in every society and the country at large. There is hence no undermining of the importance of the role which security plays in every community and every state-system. It is by understanding the importance and true essence of security to any organization that every state government has established agencies that function to fulfil the security needs of the State. Nigeria, like other states, has followed in this same trend as it has the Police Force as the central agency that works to ensure the obedience to Law and maintenance of order in the country. The Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), Nigerian Social and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), National Agency for Food, Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) are also established to address security issues (Afolabi, 2017).

The System of Law Enforcement which has been established premising on the vitality of ensuring the security of life or even an attempt at development has over time proven to be ineffective. For instance, it appears that the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has not been able to curtail the insecurity rates effectively. It has been proved over time that the seeming failure of the Police Force has been itself one of the security challenges facing the Nation-State. They have been the major causes of the clamour for the creation of state Police system in the country. This clamour for state police, however, may not be the solution or remedy to the morbid ailment of insecurity which has plagued the country.

Conceptual Clarification

Security

Security is a universal concept like other various Social Science terminologies. It does not have a singular or generally accepted definition due to philosophical differences. Despite the lack of precision and agreement on the specificity of meaning for the concept, Nwolise (2015, p.166) states that “Security is the most sacred, critical and strategic value in the life of any human being or a nation, because, in its absence, nothing else will be useful and desirable”. By deducing from this, therefore, Security is of invaluable essence to any individual, institution, organization, or even a government establishment. Security is therefore a requisite for survival in any society.

According to Imobighe, in Afolabi (2015, p.2):

Security has to do with freedom from danger or threats to a nation’s ability to protect and develop itself, promote its cherished values and legitimate interest, and enhance the well-being of its people. Thus internal security could be seen as free from or the absence of those tendencies, which could undermine internal cohesion, and the corporate existence of a country and its ability to maintain its vital institutions for the promotion of its core values and socio-political and economic objectives, as well as meet the legitimate aspirations of the people.

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As a variance of the traditional perception of security as highlighted above by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) which popularised the concept of Human Security defines it as “…first as safety from such chronic threats as hunger, disease, and repression. And secondly, it means protection from sudden hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life- whether in homes, jobs, or communities” (UNDP 1994: 3, 23).

Showing the importance of Security to Nigeria, Afolabi (2019) giving reference to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, states that:

Exhorting the relevance of the concept of Security is the quixotism of the Sections 14(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigerian does well to highlight; “the security and welfare of the people” as being the primary purpose of government thereby reaffirming that Security is the very plinth upon which any government rests and without which there can be no successful administration of any sort. This is because ensured Security shows the quintessence of any government or credible administration (Afolabi, 2019, p.4).

This shows that Security is essential to any structure or government organization and the ensuring of security of the people is backed up by the constitutions of modern-day democratic government.

Security Challenges

Nigeria has been crippled by varieties of Security threats as Afolabi (2019) rightly posits that:

Nigeria has been plagued with an array of security challenges which has posed a great deal of worry in the social fibre as these insecurities have cost more than we ever bargained. This is not to say that other Nations do not have their security issues, but Nigeria as a Nation-State has faced quite an overwhelming trend of insecurity; however, the gravity of the Nigerian Insecurity has coalesced into a level where it is almost termed as a failed state (Afolabi, 2019, p.8)

The insecurity rates have accelerated to such great heights that the citizens in the country cannot move freely without the fear of being attacked, especially in the North-Eastern areas because of the terror organization- Boko Haram, and very recently, the South-Eastern and South-Western States of the country on the accord of the attacks on farmers by the nomadic herdsmen. In concordance to this, Adegoke in Afolabi (2019) states that the most common of these challenges is the terrorists’ attacks in major parts of the Northern region. With the scourge and surge of the multi-dimensional insecurity such as the incessant kidnappings, herdsmen attacks, political killings, and so on, which have all led to the conception of established security outfits as being incapable thereby giving way to unprecedented violent activities which have skyrockected the upsurge in the number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) (Eteng, 2018).

In an attempt to classify the forms of conflict confronting the country, Fayomi, in Afolabi (2019) states that insecurity in Nigeria is being manifested in the following aspects: ethno-religious conflict, economic-based violence, politically based violence, and that each conflict situation in

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? Nigeria can be subsumed under these significant highlights. Afolabi (2019), in highlighting the insecurity factors of the country, states that poor leadership, god-fatherism, lack of internal democracy, political high-handedness, the lack of feeling of nationalism and uniform individual identity/allegiance to the State are all contributory to the insecurities and tension in the country. He equally states that election tensions could not be undermined in the Nigerian security concerns as it seems like the elections are usually marked as a festival of violence. Additionally, he identified that the religious factor cannot also be subtracted in this chain; as religion which is supposed to be a unifying platform for peace is now operating in its reverse order and being used as a justification to perpetrate so many unspeakable evils.

The Concept of Police and its origin

Roberg, Crank and Kuykendall, in Johnson (2013), maintain that the word ‘Police’ is related to the Greek words ‘policemen’, which means to be a citizen or engage in political activity, and ‘polis,’ which means a city or state (Johnson, 2013). Police, in this sense, carry out the functions of law enforcement, maintenance of order, service, and to gather information. Thus, the police are the major representatives of the legal system in their transactions with citizens. Reiss, in Johnson (2013) equally maintains that they are also the major emergency arm of the community in times of personal and public crisis. In carrying out their mandate, the police possess a vital monopoly on the legitimate use of force.

Newburn in Johnson (2013) highlights that:

Historically, policing and police work did not start as a paid profession, but rather, it started as a noble, incorruptible profession with considerable responsibility and distinction. However, the police, as we know it today, went through three distinct stages before it became a profession. First, the populace, though small was responsible for maintaining law and order, then a justice of the peace emerged on the scene to provide both the law and justice at the bar and in the present era, paid professional police were established to maintain law and order (Johnson, 2013, p.2).

In furtherance of this, Johnson (2013) explains further that:

For Nigeria, policing was dated back to the colonial era. Policing in Nigeria has always reflected the society that created it. In this period, the primary purpose of the police was to advance the economic and political agenda of the colonialists. In many areas, the police engaged in the brutal subjugation of communities and the suppression of resistance to colonial rule. Thus, the use of violence and repression from the beginning of the colonial era marked a dislocation in the relationship between the police and local communities, which has characterized law enforcement practices in Nigeria ever since. In spite of this colonial enterprise on policing in Nigeria, the police are at the forefront of the criminal justice process and, for people, the only personal experience they have with that process is contact with local police (Johnson, 2013, p.2).

By implication, the need for the usage of violence by the police, to have the populace submit to the will of the colonialists, has been a prominent feature of the Police Force, and this

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 trend of violence has lived on even decades after its inception. And although the pattern of violence has persisted in the Police Force, from the colonial era till the modern day, there was however a remarkable difference in the system. In an attempt to discover ways in which the Law Enforcement system of Nigeria can work, the method of state policing been proposed by quite several concerned citizens and scholars and the clamour for the decentralization has ranged on for quite a while.

The Clamour for State Police in Nigeria

Webster Dictionary defines State Police as “the police organized and maintained by a state as distinguished from those of a lower subdivision (such as a city or county) of the state government.” This implies that the State Police system is a system in which each state organizes and coordinates its Police Force independent of the Federal Police System or even the low-end Policing System- Community Policing. The Nation (2015) states that:

There have been growing calls for the establishment of state police over the years, to complement the efforts of the federal police in combating crime and criminality in the country. The idea has always been shut down each time it surfaces.

Still, on the clamour for the establishment of a State-controlled Police Force for each of the 36 states in Nigeria, The Pointer Newspapers on its account of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum asserts thus:

The Nigeria Governors’ Forum, at a recent meeting in Abuja, presented a strong case for the creation of state police. The Governors’ clamour is no surprise because, since the advent of unbroken democratic rule in 1999, there have been calls from various quarters seeking the creation of state police (The Pointer, 2019).

The Pointer Newspaper argues, in connection to the above, that:

From an objective perspective, the issue of establishing State Police in Nigeria ought to have been given a presidential fiat long ago. In an ideal democratic setting, federating states owe it a duty to guarantee the safety of lives and properties within their territories, while the Federal Government is saddled with giving the needed buffer for internal security and forestalling external aggression.

This, and many other arguments that have been given to support the need for a state- controlled policing system all prove to be commendable propositions to guarantee effective security since all would agree that the police system as a whole has not been very functional or rather effective in combating security challenges in the country. But is the creation of State Police really the solution for security challenges? Without a scintilla of doubt or any mincing of words, the challenge for the enthronement of popular democratic control of the country’s Police and to enhance police efficiency accounts for the people’s agitations for State Police Forces in the country.

Historically, local Police Forces existed in Nigeria throughout the era of colonial rule, and up to 1966. Thus, section 105 of the 1963 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provided for

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? the establishment of Nigeria Police Force and other Forces. This provision was also contained in the 1999 Nigerian constitution, under Section 214(1) in concordance with the Part II (3) of the Police Act: “…there shall be established for Nigeria a police force to be known as the Nigeria Police Force.” Earlier, section 105 of 1963 established: i. A Central Police Forces with Jurisdiction over the entire country’. ii. Specialized police forces for securing safety over specific areas. iii. A Police for the Federal Capital territory and iv. Local government police forces established by regional parliaments.

Very worrisomely, it has been observed that Nigeria has not been a country that adjusts to change in the system of things. This is exuded in the endless rhetoric of every successive leadership often placing the blame of their government’s failures on the action of the past government(s) even after being in office for years. This also accounts for the endless criticism and blame of the British Rule as being the cause for the country’s failure and misfortune. How then could we cope with such a significant change as that of a State Police? There has always been an urge to apportion blame to the system rather than an insightful critique of the administration of such system.

The Argument for the Creation of State Police

The belief which the agitators for State Police have is that the Federalism which Nigeria practices requires that each level of government should establish its Police Force. Consequently, the historical background of the federation will determine the devolution and division of powers. The pattern and manner of devolution and division of powers will depend on what the federating units agree to be of common and mutual concerns and consequently reflected in the division of powers in the various lists. The relevance of the idea of Federalism as a method of organizing a government in rural society was stated by Nwabueze (1993, pp. 224-225) in his definition of Federalism. Nwabueze defined Federalism in Gana and Egwu (2003) as:

An arrangement whereby powers of government within a country comprising a large territory and/or diverse nationalities, are shared between a national government, countrywide government and a number of regionally based governments in such a way that each exists as a government separately and independently from the others operating directly on persons and property within its territory area, with a will of its own and its apparatus for the conduct of its affairs, and within an authority in some matters exclusive of the other’s.

Prominent Nigerian advocates of federalism who insist on the multiplicity of political institutions at the various levels of government often cite the United States of America as an example of the ideal or true Federalism not minding that America’s federalism was a product of its history. Thus, commenting on the multiplicity of the police forces in the United States of America, Geller and Morris, in McGoldrick and McCardle (2006, p.239) observed that the American police structure is a captive of the nation’s history. Thus, they argued that:

The Justification usually offered for the hodgepodge of American police forces is that freedom and a healthy system of checks and balances arising out of inter-

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agency competition preclude the creation of a national police force. This, one might say passionately held belief, and it is for the time being politically assailable. Other federal systems of government, Australian, Canadian, German, Swiss seem no less free, their citizens no more threatened by police power and their more centralized police more prone to corruption, excessive force or other improprieties. There is no doubt that the need for a rational and thorough examination of the appropriate and optional police structure for Nigeria’s is desirable. However, the answer does not lie with the multiplicity of the police forces because there is a range of problems associated with a multitude of Police Forces such as inefficiency, poor coordination, cooperation and communication among other problems.

Commenting on the negative aspects of multiplicity of police forces, Geller and Morris observe that, their potential inefficiency of squandering scarce resources that are desperately needed for other societal problems besides crime and disorder is not the only cause for concern about the untidy pattern of federal, state and local police jurisdiction in the United States. Effectiveness considerations arise as well, for poor husbanding of resources and deficient coordination of anti-crime and order maintenance assets may make for weak strategic and tactical planning and ineffectual. It is apparent from Geller’s observation that, despite the level of maturity of the American system, and as ideal as the society is perceived to be, it is yet fraught with a lot of errors and flaws. The United States has always been a point of reference for a great model of the State Policing system. However, its operation of this system of policing has not been a completely smooth sail deducing from Geller’s explanation.

Bayley (1992, p.509) undertook a comparative analysis of the police forces and observed that:

Neither the number of autonomous forces nor the extent of command centralization/decentralization within forces has any effect on human rights and political freedom. Australian, Britain, Canada, India, and the United States are all vibrant democracies, but they vary considerably in the multiplicity of forces as well as command organization within them. Furthermore, authoritarians’ polities sometimes have decentralized police systems, For example, Prussia, The Soviet Union, and American South before the rights movements, while notable democratic countries have centralized ones such as Denmark, Inland, Sweden, New Zealand and France.

Inefficiency, corruption, police brutality and incivility of the Nigerian Police are among the many reasons that have spurned several claims for State Police, but the underlying questions to ask are:

i. How valid can the argument that state police forces will be more sensitive, effective, accountable, and less corrupt than the Federal Police in a society riddled with inter-regional distrust and conflicts as well as religious bigotry? ii. How will the rights of the minorities and non-indigenes be guaranteed in the event of State Police Forces harassment and oppression?

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? Socio-Economic and Political Implications of State Police

Considering the fragility of the present democratic governance, as well as the state of the nation, Nigeria, for now, cannot afford any drastic politically induced institutional change by way of establishment of dual police forces. Thus, when we talk of transformation, whether of economy, government, or social and moral values, we are referring to action within the framework of the Nigerian state. Those dramatics, which we may note concerning the Nigerian state and its efficacy, are concerned with the followings:

(i) Its colonial origins, which even though the civil war affected, remains as yet unconsolidated and not yet matured. Universal doctrines such as democracy, the rule of law, fundamental freedoms and issues of human rights are as however undomesticated and insufficiently internalized in our psychology.

(ii) The Nigerian state evolved out of several compromises which have allowed other competing claims for loyalty much more significant pull on the moral and psychological attitudes of the people, for instance tribalism and corruption or materialism. Thus, action by the state is evaded, undermined or vitiated by appeal to such sentiments.

(iii) The Nigerian state lacks a moral dimension and has yet to inculcate within subjects that sense of sacredness, which makes it almost a religious duty to subordinate one’s sell to its demands.

(iv) Nigeria as a state is not backed by any philosophy of common identity and community and has failed to protect the citizen and his property from the massacre, arson, and armed assault.

(5) Nigeria is yet to achieve full organic identity, coordination, and unity in that there are unnecessary and meaningless disputes as to who becomes the President of Nigeria.

(6) Nigeria lacks a philosophical foundation beyond the general platitudes and remains as vague a disappointing specter and a materially exploitable entity, not something to which loyalty, duty, and obligations are owed.

Given that the State, as we have observed, expresses itself through the activities of the political class, the shortcomings in the characteristics of the political class are as follows:

(i) The political class is unconsolidated as a class; relations purely mechanical, under-educated about the state and uncommitted to it, conduct very individualistic, egotistical and over concerned with fight for office.

(ii) Subservient to environmental factors inimical to the consolidation of the state, viral and ambivalent about principles, rules, and procedures which become subordinated to the material gain and tribal loyalty.

(iii) Violates rules and regulations with ease in electoral competition as well as in the office, no commitment to the community and insensitive to the problems of the masses.

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(iv) Hypocritical about institutions, concepts and ideas which it adopts without a clear understanding of the philosophy, and origins and so breaks the rules or withhold enforcement with ease.

(v) Intellectually barren, disdain for ideas and intellectually and generally does not inspire society to higher ideals or ultimate goals beyond materialism highly hedonistic, uncreative and more concerned with ego expansion and personal adulation.

(vi) Shipwrecked currently by total loss of credibility, and so, deeply involved in tribal pursuits and, nowadays; religious manipulation of institutions and office.

(vii) Has lost the confidence of nearly all and the public views it only as an instrument for the personal material aggrandizement of officials, especially due to the flagrant display of livid material evidence of corruption.

Nigeria is characterized by diversity in religion, ethnicity, and language, as well as in the level of social and economic development. One of the major crises confronting the contemporary Nigerian nation-state is how to manage and mobilize its diversity, in the light of the crisis of legitimacy of the state and deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the country. The enthronement of democratic rule has resulted in the emergence of social formations in the country in response to issues of minorities and internal diversity.

The pressures manifested themselves in a variety of forms. Thus, in the Niger Delta region of the country, we have had agitations and violent campaigns resulting in significant loss of life and a measure of insecurity for the oil industry. In other parts of the country, especially the Southwest zone, we have had calls and demonstrations for a Sovereign National Conference to look for a new basis for the co-existence of the country’s different nationalities. In the South-East zone, and now also in the North-West and North-East zones, there are reports of complaints of all alleged marginalization by the Federal Government. More recently, the states of entire Southern Nigeria joining their counter -parts in Northern Nigeria in holding their meeting to discuss views on the situation in the country and how individual states and the wider regions should relate to the Nigerian nation. Additionally, we have had communal riots resulting in significant loss of lives in several parts of the country in places like Jos, Lagos, Shagamu, Kano, Kaduna, Nassarawa State, Benue State, Taraba State, Ife, Aba, and Bauchi State. These trends go to show that there is need to recognize and face the challenge of managing our pluralism to achieve our desire for a stable, strong and united country offering to all its parts the maximum opportunity for self-fulfillment.

The conduct of the police at present is not merely typical, but is a reflection of the training and dictatorial tradition imbibed under the military. The Police Force, indeed, after many years under the military government, has become a victim of military creation. Thus, the Nigeria Police Force embodies, as some say, a criticism of Nigerian experiences not really of manners, but the basic altitudinal approach to life. It touches on the country’s withering of collective dreams, visions, and values. Like the Nigerian politicians, the Police are yet to come to terms with the reality of our democracy. With the military back to the barracks, the Police will not just man the polity and polling booths, but they will ensure orderliness in the conduct of the exercise. Thus, in the Nation’s search for an enduring democracy, the most significant challenge thrust upon the police is how to manage the dynamics of change.

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? However, experiences in the past and even the present do not give a picture of an outfit capable of performing the role. Nigerian politicians, especially those in government, are always inclined to use the police beyond their constitutional purpose to ensure that their objectives of winning at all cost are achieved. This is understandable. The socialization process that the politicians had undergone under colonial rule prepares them for this kind of activities. The colonial state was an authoritarian one largely intolerant of opposition. The same are the Politicians and the Police of modern Nigeria. The Nigerian Politicians inherited the state along with the spirit of the age. Thus, in both the First and Second Republics, the Police were used to show off the power and intimidate the supporters of the opposition. In the First Republic, the Western Region and the Northern Region maintained Local Police Units, and as expected, the Local Police Units became instruments of victimization, political operation, and vendetta. Thus, the Local Police Units then obeyed the commands and directives of the Premiers. In the case of the American systems, Hawley in Jason and William (2010) observe about the management of Police Force that, Police administrators are always concerned about the degree and intensity of political influence and pressure on their administrative and operational decisions in managing the police force. Thus, in the United States of America, the importance and sensitivity of the relationship between a chief municipal executive and his chief police officer were summed up in an internal memorandum by an aide.

Democracy in the contemporary world, according to (1996) is sustained by two primary forces. First and foremost, it can be the result of the rather powerful demand of the population. Secondly, it can also be mostly the result of international pressures.’ When the democratic transition is driven by a robust national movement for change, it could be described as a robust democratization process, whereas when it depends essentially on external support from powerful countries, it could be called a weak democratization process, because most of its activities are monitored and directed by their foreign collaborators. In this regard, the fragility of the nature of the Nigerian democratization process as well as the heavy dependence on external forces, the question is, how long can these external forces sustain the country’s democratic experiment without the cultivation of a home base and what are the implications for state police.

Since we are considering the socio-economic implications of state police in Nigeria, we shall concern ourselves with the later part of the question above, and Bayley (1992) offers an insight. According to him, during the transition to democracy, democratic reform at the police is likely to be less important to emerging democratic government than security. Explaining why this tends to be the case, he stated that democracy requires stability and order, yet transition to it, are often accompanied by violence and disorder. Threats to regimes always take priority over threats to the public. At the same time, the legitimacy of government requires providing internal order for the population.

The Nigerian situation not only offers a good example of Bayley (1992) thesis but also shows how the management of security and reform dilemma faced by transitional democracies can lead to the growth or stagnation of the democratic process. The existence of the police is necessary for all involved and modern societies, though the nature and scope of their functions and performances in specific situations may either facilitate security or enforce insecurity and repression for the majority of the citizens. In this regard, police, as well as the police culture that prevail in a society at a particular time, are reflections of the nature, dynamics, scope, and intensity of social, political and economic tensions or stability in society. Also, the extent of policing problems in a nation depends on the scale, duration, and intensity of such tensions and conflicts. Thus, participatory democracy, social justice, national development, and integration and self-reliance must be nurtured and sustained in Nigeria through

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viable and sustainable economic and socio-political planning involving the mobilization of the will, energy, and creativity of the people at all levels of the country’s social formation. This will reduce social, political, and economic tensions and promote consensus, involvement, attachment, and commitment to society.

The conflicts between the rulers and citizens, which often lead to the deployment of police against the citizens will be minimized while public support for the police will increase. Perhaps the most dangerous trends towards the realization of democracy in Nigeria is the emergence of ethnic- regional and religious militias that have become laws unto themselves. These militias go by different names such as the “Odu’a People’s Congress,” “Egbesu Boys” and the “Bakassi Boys”. Besides these, there are various ad-hoc concerned groups or association of regions, religions, and ethnicities established to defend corrupt politicians, top bureaucrats, and political appointees. These militias have their roots in the endemic corruption, political intolerance, and social prejudice in Nigerian society. They are also products of repressive governments that have failed to guarantee every citizen the opportunity to obtain the necessary resources to meet his basic needs. Their roles are for a fee or position or promotion to embark on violent protest and resistance against popular demand for accountability by such individuals or disciplinary actions against them for corruption, mismanagement, and oppression.

The development is a great danger to the prospect of democracy, accountability, and good governance. The Police in Nigeria is generally perceived to be very corrupt. Thus, Police corruption has been a major factor undermining the security and rights of the citizens in Nigeria. The extent, pattern, and trend of crime are determined by the political and socio-economic conditions in society. On the other hand, those who are not convinced of the state’s intrinsic perversity or the market’s unquestionable merits stress another aspect. The erosion of public ethics, the loss of state’s legitimate status as the incarnation of the general interest, and the dilution of communal values through the pursuit of profit and the defence of selfish private interest are among issues stressed.

From the foregoing broad consideration of the general concept and sources of corruption, Police Corruption has been defined as the misuse of authority by a Police officer in a manner designed to produce personal gain for him or others. Police corruption may be in the form of improper political influence and acceptance of a bribe in exchange for non-enforcement of laws. In Nigeria, Police Corruption, which invariably has serious consequences for the security of Nigeria, include:

i. Receiving bribe to alter evidence. ii. Receiving gratuities for returning stolen property. iii. Stealing from suspects or accident victims. iv. Receiving bribe in order not to effect the arrest of crime suspects. v. Receiving bribe to arrest an innocent citizen as a form of intimidation or harassment. vi. Supply of police arms and uniforms to armed robbers for a fee. vii. Divulging information about complainants to criminals. viii. Stealing from a crime scene or burglarised premises. ix. Receiving bribe and failing to search vehicles that may be carrying the prohibited item

Police Corruption in Nigeria has been exacerbated by poor working conditions, low pay, poor training, inadequate pre-recruitment screening, non-compliance with merit in promotion, inadequate supervision, weak leadership, inadequate logistic and facilities and institutional tolerance for corruption. Nigeria’s political-economic structures have proved to be fertile grounds for corruption. Thus, in the history of the Nigeria Police Force, for the first time, the National Union of Policemen

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? comprised of the rank and file went on a nationwide strike on the 1st day of the February 2002 (Sowumi, 2006). Considering the problems that the present Nigeria Police Force is facing, the idea of a multiplicity of police forces, for now, can only further exacerbate the problems. Corruption, is therefore, entrenched at all levels of the Nigeria Police with serious implications for police efficiency and public security (Afolabi, Lawanson and Oyinloye, 2017).

Nigeria has experienced serious problems with insecurity over the past decades. If the multiplicity of police forces is neither necessary nor sufficient condition for efficiency or freedom but is associated with a range of problems, such as inefficiency, poor coordination, cooperation and communication, among other forces, the need for a rational and thorough examination of appropriate police structure for Nigeria is desirable.

The argument that the state police forces will be more productive, sensitive, and accountable and less corrupt than the federal police force may not necessarily be valid. Thus, historically, local police existed in Nigeria throughout colonial rule and up to 1966. Records and research evidence show that those local police forces exhibited the same vices attributed to the Nigeria Police Force, in many cases on a larger scale. The governors who are campaigning for state police forces are to a large extent doing so for less than noble reason. There are available records to show that local polices in Northern Nigeria, and Western Region, were employed principally to manipulate elections and for the repression of opposition to the government and party in power. What is therefore needed in the area of police transformation, for now, is popular control, a system of each of community policing whereby the Law Enforcement is closer to the people who will generate a more comprehensive check on the crime tendencies in the community, that is, participation in community policing rather than State Governors’ Police.

Conclusion

On a conclusive note, therefore, Nigeria and the Nigerian Citizen should understand that although there is a need felt to reorder the Police System, which has accounted for the clamour for the State Police, there should be an evaluation of the system and an understanding of what works and what does not before a proposition for a reorganization. There is also a need for us to understand why the State Policing system has worked in first world countries like the United States, and with a counter balancing comparison of whether Nigeria has the wherewithal and internal system that can manage the introduction of such a revolutionary structure of Policing in the country. Until all of these have been put into perspective and consideration, State Police will be counterproductive. Consideration, however, should be given to community security monitoring as has been exemplified by the Neighbourhood Safety Corp (NSC), but this time, should be capitalized upon and given prerogative.

Recommendations

The recommendation for the problem of Insecurity in Nigeria stemming from the apparent failure of the Police Force to perform the functions for which they were established, must come from deep understanding of the ailments as highlighted in this work, which are plaguing the system. The propositions are, therefore, as follows:

i. Security or Insecurity both start from the grass-roots, since a State is made up of as an omnibus of different communities and societal groups. Instead of looking to the creation of a State Police system which will only be used as a tool in the hands of the ruthless politicians, why not attempt to create a system that ensures and keeps tabs on the Security of each community, through

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

community policing. This will work based on the fact that society is a more homogenous human organization and almost everyone will be conversant with each other, thereby creating the ability of monitoring each activity that goes on in such a community. For example, in the case of the Boko Haram operation and the creation of a base in the Sambissa Forest, if a system of community policing was being operated, their operations would not have had such a stronghold before it was known and early attempts were made to combat. In fact, if such a community agency existed they may not have secured such an operating base. The regular patrol system of the area by such a police in the community would have checked them. ii. The recruitment system into the Force should be stringent such that only individuals who, like the military, have great commitment and loyal to the Force and whose integrity remains unflinching and cannot be bribed should be recruited into the Force. iii. Only officers who have a sense of commitment to the country and the growth of such communities should be recruited as the lack of this will only allow for indifference within the system. iv. Diligence to the community’s service should be dutifully rewarded, and laxities at the point of duty should be grossly frowned upon and not be tolerated under any circumstance. v. The over – centralized structure of the present police system needs to be reorganised while officers and men of the force should be mandated to serve in their state and community of origin. Finally, the use of modern security gadgets should be prioritized.

References Afolabi, M. B. (2015). “Concept of Security” in Kunle Ajayi [ed] Readings in Intelligence and Security Studies. Ado – Ekiti: Intelligence and Security Studies Programme, ABUAD. Page 1 – 11.

Afolabi, M. B. (2017). “Nigeria’s Major Internal Security Agencies and Their Statutory Roles” in Asiegbu L.N, Afolabi M.B, & Bodunde D.O (Eds) Unending Frontiers in Intelligence and Security Studies. Ado - Ekiti: Intelligence and Security Studies Programme, Afe Babalola University.

Afolabi M. B., Lawanson J. and Oyinloye B. (2017). “Policing in Nigeria: A Performance Appraisal, 2009-2015” Adekunle Ajasin University Journal Financial and Social Issues, Volume 3, No 1. Page 141 – 170. Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba- Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria.

Afolabi, M. B. (2019). Nigeria’s Security Architecture: The Tragedy of a Centralized System in a Federal State. An Unpublished Article.

Bakare, T. (2015). “Nigeria Beyond 2015”. Text of the Speech at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile – Ife, 28 January.

Bayley, D. (1992). “Comparative Organization of the Police in English-Speaking Countries” In Crime and Justice, 15, 509-545. Available at www.jstor.org/stable/1147624 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1963). Lagos: Federal Government Press.

Etaghene, A. (2019). Governors’Forum and the Clamour For State Police. The Pointer News (April 16, 2019). Available at www://thepointernewsonline.com.

Nigeria’s Contemporary Security Challenges: Is the State Police the Answer? Eteng, G. B. (2018). “Projecting Nigeria’s Security Scenario”. African Journal for Security and Development. 2(3), 176 – 189.

Eme, O. I. and Anyadike, N. O. (2012). “Security Challenges and the Imperatives of State Police”. Review of Public Administration and Management. 1(2).

Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999). Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Lagos: Federal Government Press

Gana, A. and Egwu, S. (eds.)(2003). “Federalism in Africa”. The Imperative of Democratic Development, Vol. 2.

Geller, W.A. and Morris, S. (1992). Relation between Federal and Local Police. US: University of Chicago Press, U.S.A.

Goldstein, H. (1975). Police Corruption. U.S.A: Washington Police Foundation Press, p.3 Jason, R. and William, T. (2010). “The Effect of Higher Education in Police Behavior”. Police Quarterly, 13(1) 92 – 120.

Johnson, I. (2013). “Policing in Contemporary Nigeria: Issues and Challenges”. African Journal for the Psychological Studies of Social Issues.16(12 and13),71-77.

Merriam – Webster Dictionary (n.d.) (11th edition). Springfield: MA

McGoldrick, S. and McArdle, A. (2006). Uniform Behavior: Police Localism and National Politics. Available at https://books.google.com.ng/books.

Nwolise, O. B. C. (2015). “An Overview of Nigeria’s Security Architecture and Policies”. Ikelegbe A., Muhammad- Wali A., Adegboyega A.K (Eds.) The Nigerian Economy and National Security, Challenges and Prospects for Sustainable Security and Development. Abuja: Institute for Security Studies ISS.

Nwabueze, B. O. (1993). Federalism in Nigeria. London: Sweet and Maxwell Publishers

Odoshimokhe, M. (2015). State Police: Back on the Front Burner. The Nation, November 2. Retrieved from https://thenationonlineng.net/ on April 16, 2019. Philip, B. H. (1996). Democracy and Corruption. Fordham International Law Journal, 20(1). Available at https:/ir.lawnet.fordham.ed Police Act and Regulations of the Law of Federation (2004) as Amended Cap 41. Lagos: Federal Government Press Sowumi, I. (2006). “Genesis of Police Strike in Nigeria” This Day. 10th February, 2006. United Nations Development Programme Report, 1994.

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Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Matthew Enenche Ogwuche PhD

Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), Abuja, Nigeria Email:[email protected],[email protected]

Abstract Political gladiators and other stakeholders are generally perceived to have viewed the card reader as having played a controversial role in the 2015 general elections. The smart card reader was a critical component in the elections. It was used for the first time in the electoral process in Nigeria and remains one of the greatest technological innovations of the 2015 general elections. The smart card reader is a technological device setup to authenticate and verify on Election Day a Permanent Voter Card (PVC) issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The fundamental basis for the deployment of the technologically-based device by INEC was to ensure credible, transparent, free and fair elections in order to deepen Nigeria’s democracy. However, the use of the card reader generated debate among the election stakeholders before, during and after the elections. Chief among was the legality of the use of the device. This paper examines the debate and the role of the card reader in the 2015 general elections. The paper also looks at the challenges and impact of the card reader on the elections. The paper argues that considering the massive electoral fraud witnessed in most general elections since Nigeria’s independence, the card reader played a key role in legitimizing the 2015 elections. Consequently, the paper recommends that subsequent general elections in Nigeria should gradually continue to be technologically driven, with electronic voting as the end point.

Keywords: democracy, elections, electoral democracy, electoral fraud, smart card reader, permanent voter card, technology.

Introduction The use of voter card readers during the 2015 general elections in Nigeria infused some level of transparency and credibility into Nigeria’s electoral process (Banire, 2015). When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) first announced its plan to introduce the card reader device for the March 28 and April 11 2015 general elections, many Nigerians, especially politicians, vehemently opposed it. They felt the country had not developed to a level where such technology could be employed for elections. Besides, they felt the use of card readers would disrupt the entire electoral process. The public outcry that greeted the planned introduction of card reader machines was enough to discourage INEC from introducing it. However, because INEC had confidence in the efficacy of modern technologies in delivering quick results, coupled with its vision to transform the country’s electoral process from its old undemocratic norms that were characterized by ballot box snatching and multiplicity of ballot thumb-printing, INEC went ahead and introduced the technology against all odds (Vanguard, 2015). The 2015 presidential election appears to be the most keenly contested in the history of elections in Nigeria because it was the first time about four major opposition parties came together to form a very strong opposition party, the All Progressives

Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Congress (APC), in order to challenge the dominance of the ruling party, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in general elections. Indeed, according to Amenaghawon (2015), the elections became the only game in town, shaping and reshaping public discourse and political actions. Prior to the 2015 general elections, a number of technologically based reforms, for instance, biometric Register of Voters and Advanced Fingerprints Identification System were embarked upon by the new leadership headed by Prof. Attahiru Jega of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the election management body empowered by the 1999 Construction (as amended) of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to organize, undertake and supervise all elections in Nigeria. Concerned about the massive electoral fraud witnessed in the previous general elections in Nigeria since independence, INEC’s deployment of the card reader in 2015 general elections was to ensure a credible, transparent, free and fair election in order to deepen Nigeria’s electoral democracy. However, the use of the electronic device created a fierce debate among election stakeholders before, during and after the elections.

Statement of the Problem The 2015 general elections, with the presidential election as the crown was the closest electoral contest since the country’s post-1999 transition to multi-party democracy (International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 2015). The election was the most politically engaged in the history of electoral democracy in Nigeria. Huge resources used for the elections included 120 billion naira expended by INEC, 750,000 ad-hoc election staff with over 360,000 security personnel including the use of card readers to ensure credibility and transparency (Vanguard, 2015). The paper is aimed at examining the effect of card readers on the elections in Nigeria, and some of the controversies generated such as: the card reader rejected thumb-print of voters in many instances (which raises the issue of how many were denied their fundamental right to vote, there was no large scale expertise to handle the card readers in instances where they malfunctioned (which raised the issue of the level of legitimacy of the vote), the card reader was not durable due to power failure in many polling units, the card reader wasted a lot of time during the accreditation of voters in the polling units and did all these have an influence on the final outcome in terms of transparency, legitimacy and acceptability? All these will be interrogated in this paper. Research Questions i. What is the effect of card readers on election credibility in Nigeria? ii. What is the reliability of the card reader during the electoral process? iii. What are the limitations in the use of the card reader for elections in Nigeria? iv. What is the viability of the card reader for future elections, and how could that create the path to electronically driven elections in the country? Objectives of the Study 1. To examine the effect of card readers on the elections’ credibility and legitimacy. 2. To evaluate the reliability of the card reader during the electoral process. 3. To determine the viability of the card reader for future elections in Nigeria. 4. To make recommendations on the way forward to electronically driven elections in Nigeria.

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Theoretical Framework

Role Theory

According to George and Jacob (1980), quoted in Dunne (2006), Role theory is a perspective in sociology and in social psychology that considers most of everyday activity to be the acting out of socially defined categories (i.e. mother, manager, teacher), that each social role is a set of rights, duties, expectations, norms and behaviours that a person has to face and fulfil.

The model is based on the observation that people behave in a predictable way, and that an individual behaviour is context specific, based on social position and other factors. The theatre is a metaphor often used to describe role theory.

Substantial debate exists in the field over the context of the "role" in role theory. A role can be defined as a social position or behaviour associated with a position or a typical behaviour. The theory puts forward the idea that role essentially outlines expectations about how an individual or organization ought to behave in a given situation. Others have suggested that a role is a characteristic behaviour or expected behaviour a part to be played or a script for social conduct.

Elections and Election Credibility

Election is the process of choosing a candidate for public office. Election is a critical component of any democratic society. As such, Nigeria's return to democratic rule and engagement with the democratic process led to the conduct of its general elections in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. General elections are elections conducted in the federation at large for federal and state elective positions (The Electoral Institute, 2015). The 2015 general election appears to be the most keenly contested in the history of elections in Nigeria because it was the first time about four major opposition parties came together to form a very strong opposition party to challenge a ruling party.

Ebhomele (2015) stressed that there are four major variables on which the concept of free and fair elections rests. These are: i. political parties ii. voters iii. voting process iv. elections outcome

Overview of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections

The Card Reader was the most highly contentious issue in the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. It was a critical component in the 2015 general elections which was used for the first time in Nigeria's electoral process. It remains one of the greatest innovative technologies in the electoral process in Nigeria. Past elections in Nigeria had witnessed the desperate bid for political power by some stakeholders with vested interests in the Nigerian electoral process. Some of these stakeholders engaged in all forms of electoral malpractices including multiple voting, impersonation, manipulation and falsification of results which led to legal actions, electoral conflicts and violence.

Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Electoral malpractices make the citizens to lose confidence in the electoral process; and lack of confidence by the citizenry in the democratic process is an impediment in deepening electoral democracy. If the citizenry do not believe in the fairness, accuracy, openness, and integrity of the election process, the very basis of any democratic society might be threatened (Alvarez and Hall, 2008). Electoral fraud, according to Lopez-Pinter (2010), quoted in Peters (2015) has more serious political implications, in that it allows a party or candidate to take over public political offices contrary to the popular will. This undermines the democratic process and usually leads to electoral violence, insecurity and political instability. For instance, the governments of Cote d'Ivoire and Serbia all fell in the year 2000 as a result of popular rebellions against fraudulent elections. Similarly, the so called "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine in 2004 caused presidential elections to be completely re-run after extensive fraud was uncovered (Lopez-Pintor, 2010 quoted in Peters 2015). In view of the negative impacts of electoral malpractices, global attention is now focusing on how to mitigate this undemocratic behaviour and improve the electoral process. One of the strategies to combat electoral malpractices is the introduction of information and communication technology procedures and devices into the electoral process. The use of technology in elections is not an end in itself, but assists in the various aspects of electoral administration (ACE Project, 2019). It is against this background that an electronic based device the Card Reader was introduced into the Nigerian electoral process in 2015 to help improve and deepen democracy. The Card Reader is a technological device setup to authenticate and verify on election day a Permanent Voter Card (PVC) issued by INEC. The device uses a cryptographic technology that has ultra-low power consumption, with a single core frequency of 1.2GHz and an Android 4.2.2. Operating System (INEC, 2015). In other words, the INEC card reader is designed to read information contained in the embedded chip of the permanent voter's card issued by INEC to verify the authenticity of the Permanent Voter's Card (PVC) and also carry out a verification of the intending voter by matching the biometrics obtained from the voter on the spot with the ones stored on the PVC (Engineering Network Team, 2015). The ability of the card reader to perform the above described functions as well as keeping a tally of the total numbers of voters accredited at the polling unit and forwarding the information to a central database server over a Global System for Mobile (GSM) network makes the card reader very useful in validating the authenticity of voters as against the previous syndrome of fake voters (Engineering Network Team, 2015). A major fundamental basis for the deployment of the technologically-based device in the 2015 general elections by INEC was the objective to prevent electoral fraud; to allow the electorate’s votes to count; to reduce litigations arising from elections: to authenticate and verify voters; to protect the integrity and credibility of the election; to audit results from polling units across the federation; and to ensure transparency and accountability. Others are to do a range of statistical analysis of the demographics of voting for the purposes of research and planning; to build public confidence and trust in the election: to reduce electoral conflicts; to ensure a free and fair election and to further deepen Nigeria’s electoral and democratic process (Electoral Institute, 2015). Despite the challenges that confronted the operation of some of the Card Readers during the 2015 general elections, a significant impact of the device usage was observed in the course of the elections. First, the use of the Card Reader led to the increase and reinforcement of public

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 confidence and trust in the electoral process. This public confidence is dependent on the integrity of an election which the 2015 general election appears to possess (Vanguard, 2015). Many Nigerians after the elections believed that their votes counted (which was concurred with by many respondents who filled this research questionnaire), and as such their will could be respected in future elections; and this had reinforced the legitimacy of Nigerians in the democratic process. Secondly, electoral fraud was reduced. Inflation of the number of voters present and multiple voting at polling station were reduced. The device checked the undemocratic practices of politicians in fuelling electoral malpractices. Thirdly, election litigations were minimized. There was a departure from the past where every election outcome is being contested at the election tribunal. Most of the candidates that lost in the 2015 general elections did not challenge the outcome. In fact, some of the major contenders that did not win in the election embraced and congratulated the winners. For instance, the PDP presidential candidate immediately congratulated the APC presidential candidate, the winner of the presidential election. This development was replicated across many states of the federation in the governorship, house of assembly and national assembly elections (Vanguard, 2015). In addition, electoral conflicts and violence was very minimal as the election was seen to be transparent and credible due to the use of the card reader. The usually excessive bickering between the election winners and losers in past electoral contests was significantly reduced. In view of the minimal level of electoral fraud due to the use of the card reader, tensions were reduced among the political gladiators, and as such, electoral conflicts and violence were grossly diminished in the 2015 general elections compared to past elections in Nigeria (Electoral Institute, 2015). Furthermore, Nigeria’s democratic capacity has increased and its democratic institutions strengthened. Nigeria’s democratic institutions have been able to incrementally develop a capacity for organizing free and fair elections, a useful step in deepening the democratic process.

Card Reader, Electronic Technology Devices and Future Elections in Nigeria

The introduction of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) devices, procedures and processes into the electoral process is generating both interest and concern among voters and practitioners across the globe. Today, most electoral management bodies (EMBs) around the world use new technologies with the aim of improving the electoral process (ACE project, 2019). These technological software and devices including the Card Reader should however be deployed in a manner that will lead to their effectiveness, encouraging transparency and acceptability among stakeholders. No doubt, the Card Reader played a very significant role in the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. However, there is the need to ensure that the issues and challenges which confronted the use of the device before, during and after the elections do not reoccur in future elections. Therefore, a number of mechanisms are being suggested by stakeholders to be in place by INEC for the deployment of the card reader in future elections so as to strengthen the democratic process (Electoral, Institute, 2015). INEC is being encouraged to ensure that its conduct and activities in future elections are made more transparent with the use of technology similar to the card reader. This is because transparency is a key principle in the conduct of credible elections; and this will bring about trust and public confidence in the electoral process. Also, INEC according to some of the respondents, needs to carryout effective campaigns on any other technologies to be deployed in future elections before their actual deployment to avoid the kind of controversy that greeted the card reader when the idea was first mooted.

Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Methodology

Sample Size/Sampling Technique

The sample size of this study was 30 respondents which comprised of male and female adults of voting age (18 years and above). This is a random sampling representation of 30 registered voters in the Abuja Municipal Council (AMAC) within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

Data Presentation and Analysis Data presentation and analysis is made in tabular form and frequency of responses calculated in percentages as shown below:

Table 1: Category of Respondents Category Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Male 20 66.7 66.7 66.7 Female 10 33.3 33.3 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.00 Source: Field Survey 2019

Table 1 above shows the gender distribution of the respondents used for this study. Out of the total number of 30 respondents, 20 respondents, which represent 66.7 percent of the population, are male. 10 which represent 33.3 percent of the population are female.

Table 2: Was the card reader a reliable machine during the elections? Opinion Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Strongly agree 8 26.7 26.7 26.7

Agree 15 50.0 50.0 76.7 Disagree 4 13.3 13.3 90.0 Strongly disagree 3 10.0 10.0 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0 Source: Field Survey2019

From the Table, about 8 respondents which represent 26.7 percent of the population strongly agreed. 15 representing 50.0 percent of the population agreed. 4 which represent 13.3 percent of the population disagree. 3 which represent 10.0 percent of the population strongly disagreed.

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Table 3: Were there limitations in the use of the card reader for the elections significant enough to have constituted impediments to the elections’ acceptability and legitimacy?

Opinion Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Strongly 10 33.3 33.3 33.3 Agree Agree 5 16.7 16.7 50.0 Disagree 5 16.7 16.7 66.7 Strongly disagree 10 33.3 33.3 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0 Source: Field Survey 2019

Table 3 curiously shows that half of the respondents believe there were impediments that were unhelpful to the credibility and legitimacy of the elections arising from the use of the card reader. While, the other half do not think there were any significant limitations.

Table 4: Do you think that the 2015 general elections were credible largely due to the card reader? Opinion Frequency Percent Valid Percent CumulativePercent Strongly 5 16.7 16.7 16.7 agree

Agree 15 50.0 50.0 66.7 Strongly disagree 8 26.7 26.7 93.3 Disagree 2 6.7 6.7 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0 Source: Field Survey 2019

Over 80% of respondents affirmed that the 2015 elections were credible on account of the use of the card reader. While, less than 20% do not think so.

Table 5: Is there a significant relationship between the use of card readers and the credibility, acceptability and the peaceful outcome of the 2015 general elections?

Opinion Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Strongly agree 5 16.7 16.7 16.7

Agree 17 56.7 56.7 73.3 Strongly disagree 2 6.7 6.7 80.0 Disagree 4 13.3 13.3 93.3 Undecided 2 6.7 6.7 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0 Source: Field Survey 2019

Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Table 5 indicates that 73.4% of respondents believe that the credibility, acceptability and largely peaceful outcome of the 2015 elections, particularly the presidential elections, are credited to the use of the card reader by the electoral management body.

Table 6: Do you support the view that card readers helped to minimize election rigging in Nigeria? Opinion Frequency Percent Valid Percent CumulativePercent Strongly 5 16.7 16.7 16.7 Agree

Agree 12 40.0 40.0 56.7 Undecided 5 16.7 16.7 73.3 Disagree 4 13.3 13.3 86.7 Strongly disagree 4 13.3 13.3 100.0 Total 30 100.0 100.0 Source: Field Survey 2019 56.7% of the stakeholders affirm that the card reader greatly minimized rigging in that election.

Hypotheses H0: There is no significant relationship between the use of card readers and the credibility of the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. H1: There is a significant relationship between the use of card readers and the credibility of the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. Level of significance: 0.05 Decision Rule: Reject the null hypothesis if the p-value is less than the level of significance, accept the null hypothesis if otherwise.

Table 7: Test of Statistics There is a significant relationship between the use of card readers and credibility of the 2015 general elections Chi-square 26.3330 Df 4 Asymp. Sig. .000 a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum expected cell frequency is 6.0

Conclusion based on the decision rule: Since the p-value (0.000) is less than the level of significance, we reject the null hypothesis and conclude that there is a significant relationship between the use of the card readers and the credibility of the general elections in Nigeria.

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Table 8: Paired Sample Correlations N Correlation Sig. pair 1: the card reader was a reliable electoral device during the elections and the 2015 general .000 elections was credible largely due to the use of 30 .781 the card reader

Table 9: Paired Samples Test Paired Differences 95% Confidence Std. Std. Interval of the Sig. Deviatio Error Difference (2- Mean n Mean Lower Upper T df tailed) pair 1: the card reader was a reliable electoral device during the .44 2015 general elections, and 0.067 .828 .151 -242 .376 29 .000 1 that was credible largely due to the card reader

Table 8 shows that there is a strong positive relationship between the use of card readers and the credibility of the general elections in Nigeria, and this can be obtained from the Pearson correlation coefficient “r” of 0.781. Table 9 reveals that the t test analysis conducted indicated that there is a significant relationship between the card reader as a reliable electoral device and the success of the 2015 general elections owing to the reliability of the card readers. This can be seen because the p-value being 0.000 is less than the level of significance.

Conclusion INEC’s insistence on the use of the card reader and PVC passed the integrity test and must be commended. On the basis of the test and assurances which made the Commission to overcome the limitations and some of the hiccups which occurred during the elections, the subsequent elections went on fairly well. There were issues of non-recognition of the thumb print of some voters, the delay in the activation, and absence of alternative power supply to power the batteries, and to make the devices active where they were reported to have malfunctioned. It should be noted that the exercise was fairly successful. INEC officials performed their duties and functions in a professional manner in collaboration with security personnel. Only minimal friction was recorded between INEC officials and the voters, they were aggrieved over the hiccups generated by the device, and clearly, the voters fully embraced the card reader technology and cooperated with INEC officials. In order to secure Nigeria’s democratic process and future in free and fair elections, registered voters, political parties, faith based organizations, other civic groups, and indeed, all stakeholders are enjoined to relentlessly continue in the implementation of programmes aimed at sensitizing their supporters and the public on the need to embrace an electronic technology driven electoral process as vital for safeguarding Nigeria’s return to civil rule and democratic growth. INEC should endeavour to manage information about the technology and changes so that stakeholders do not have unrealistic expectations and do not impose impossible deadlines. These

Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria stakeholders can be engaged to make rules and regulations on the electoral process. The need to strengthen the electoral law in conformity to the technology deployed for future elections is germane. Without pre-empting the recommendations, the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) could be amended to make the use of the card reader for biometric verification of voters compulsory for the purpose of accreditation in future elections. Therefore, the new National Assembly could quickly be approached by INEC to amend the electoral legal frameworks on the use of card reader (to be reflected in an amended Electoral Act) in order to address the issue of legality which the card reader had generated. It is a new term and very early in the day for the law to be tinkered with as the 2023 elections are still a few years ahead. Furthermore, adequate training of election officials (both temporary and permanent staff) of INEC could be spread incrementally and in phases ahead of time before the 2023 elections so as to give room for practical demonstration of how to manage an electronically driven electoral process. INEC should regularly update and re-examine the relevance of the card reader and other electronic devices to be deployed in future elections in Nigeria, because technology is not static and the level of technological change is so rapid such that every device needs to be constantly updated for it to remain relevant always. Therefore, to conduct a credible, transparent, free and fair election in the future with the use of the card reader or any other electronic electoral device, INEC as an electoral management body, could be advised to invest in regular staff training and development in order to be in tune with the constantly changing dynamic in technological changes as every election cycle approaches. Consequently, future general elections in Nigeria should gradually continue to be technologically driven.

Recommendations: 1. INEC should intensify its efforts on voter education and other civic education strategies that would fully educate the citizens about any electronic voter device that may be put in use in any general elections, do a test run with voter participation, with a view to addressing all concerns by stakeholders ahead of their deployment. 2. To address the issue of malfunction and unavailability of card readers on Election Day, INEC is advised to provide back-up via alternative power supply, additional card readers and batteries. Card Readers readily available and accessible on Election Day will definitely help to avoid unnecessary delay in the accreditation process. 3. A seamless accreditation process that ensures every eligible voter does not lose his/her fundamental human right to vote because of technical hitches will greatly raise the level of acceptability and legitimacy of the elections. 4. INEC should develop a process of dealing with the issue of discrepancies of details on the PVC and the Card Reader in a way that the Card Reader can be reconfigured in a timely manner so as to avoid disenfranchisement of any voter. 5. INEC should work on processes and options that will facilitate and fine-tune the biometric authentication process. 6. Adequate provision for transportation must be made for INEC staff especially in the rural areas as delay in deployment of staff and materials on Election Day have caused delay in the conduct of elections with implications for the final outcome- legitimacy and acceptability.

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

References

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Alvarez, R.M. and Hall, T.E. (2008). Electronic Elections: The Perils and Promises of Digital Democracy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Amenaghawon, J. (2015). Nigeria Elections: The Gains, the Challenges and the Lessons. Available at http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/?p=167419.Accessed 20, June, 2019.

Banire, M. (2015). Card Reader and the Electoral Act – Any Conflict? Available at http://thenationonlineng.net/new/card-reader-and-the-electoral-act-any- conflict/.Accessed 14, June, 2019.

Dunne, S. (2006). Elections and Security Available at aceproject.org/ace-en/focus/elections-and- security/about-this-focus-on-/mobile-browsing.Accessed, 5 June, 2019.

Ebhomele, E. (2015). Jega: The Real Nigerian Hero. Available at http://thenewsnigeria.com.ng/2015/04/13/jega-the-real-nigerian-hero/.Accessed 9, June, 2019.

Engineering Network Team (2015). Gains of the INEC Card Reader in the 2015 Elections. Available at go.engineering.net/m/blogpost?id=6404812%ABlogPost%3A103341.Accessed 7, June, 2019.

Independent National Electoral Commission (2015). Frequently Asked Questions. Available at http://www.inecnigeria.org/?page_id=28.Accessed 10, June, 2019.

International Foundation for Electoral Systems (2015). Protecting the Vote: Election Security Worldwide. Available at http://www.ifes.com/content/galleries/p/protecting-the-vote- election-security-worldwide.aspx.Accessed 18, June, 2019.

Peters, S.C. (2015). Opinion: Illegality or otherwise of Card Readers in Nigerian Electoral Jurisprudence. Available at http://thewillngeria.com/news/opinion0illegality-or- otherwise-of-card-readers-in-nigerian-electoral-jurisprudence/.Accessed 18, June, 2019.

Piccolino, G. (2015). What other African Elections tell us about Nigeria’s Bet on Biometrics. Available at www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/03/10/what-other- african-elections-tell-us-about-nigerias-bet-on-biometrics/.Accessed 18, June, 2019.

Policy and Legal advocacy Centre (2015). Concerns over Postponement of General Elections. Available at http://placing.org/legist/concerns-over-postponement-of-the-general- elections/.Accessed 20, June,2019.

Impact of Voter Electronic Device on Electoral Credibility: Role of the Card Reader in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Policy and Advocacy Centre (2015). The Constitutionality or not of the Use of Card Readers in the 2015 Elections in Nigeria. Available at placing.org/legist/the-constitutionality-or- not-of-the-use-of-card-readers-in-the-2015-elections-in-nigeria/.Accessed10 June.2019.

Maslow, A.H. (1968). Towards a Psychology of being (2nded.) Princeton: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

The Electoral Institute (2014). Frequently Asked Questions. Available at tei.portal.crockerandwestride.com/faq/.Accessed 18, June 2019.

Vanguard (2015). “After Initial Card Reader Failure: Nigerians Persevere, Vote in Peaceful Elections”. Available at: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/03/after-initial-card-reader- failure-nigerians-persevere-vote-in-peaeful-elections/. Accessed 21, June, 2019. Shaffer, J.B.P (1978). Humanistic Psychology. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall.

Severin, F.T (1974). What Humanistic Psychology is about? Newsletter Feature Supplement, San Francisco.

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Emerging Paradigms

1Franc Ter Abagen, PhD and 2Selumun Tyona

1Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria 2Department of Organizing, Benue State Sports Council, Makurdi, Nigeria Email: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

This paper interrogates international terrorism and Nigeria’s foreign policy: the emerging paradigms. It took a historical journey into the evolution of international terrorism. The power approach was used as an explanatory model. It is one of the approaches to the study of foreign policy objectives. It sees separatist or ethnic consideration and religious extremism as some of the causes of terrorism. For conveniences, the paper reveals only the Boko Haram terrorist acts in Nigeria. Peace and security, and economic diplomacy are very fundamental objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy. It observes that these foreign policy objectives were not well pursued by the previous governments, especially that of President Goodluck Jonathan between 2010-2015 when the terrorist activities perpetrated by the Boko Haram sects became rampant, especially in the North-Eastern part of Nigeria and Nigeria was seen as a terrorist nation by other nations of the world. This gradually weakened Nigeria foreign relations. But with the emergence of the current President Buhari led government, there has been an emerging paradigm on international terrorism and Nigeria’s foreign policy. His administration has vigorously pursued the peace and security, and economic diplomacy objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy to a much more better level than ever before. It calls on Nigeria to seek international cooperation with all nations to aid her in the fight against Boko Haram terrorists.

Keywords: Terrorism, Foreign Policy, International, Military, Sect.

Introduction

International terrorism is a very important subject matter and one that must form a major focus of Nigeria’s foreign policy operations now and in the foreseeable future. The world of the 21st century, in which we are today, is more precarious, unpredictable and more dangerous than any time in the history of mankind. There is a spectre haunting the world, the spectre of terrorism. The times have changed throughout the whole world as a result of the activities of people who willingly destroy, maim and kill in order to score political or social points. Indeed, terrorism has become such a world-wide phenomenon that, a respected and highly placed Vatican official, Cardinal Renato Martino, described terrorism as the 4th world war, the 3rd world war being the Cold War, which ended with the demise of the former Soviet Union. Cardinal Martino further said: “we have entered the fourth world war… I believe we are in the midst of another world war… and it involves absolutely everyone because we don’t know what will happen when we leave a hotel, when we get on a bus, when we go into a coffee bar, war itself is sitting down right next to each and every one of us” (Okeke, 2005, pp. 91-92).

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Emerging Paradigms

Thus, that is how pervasive terrorism has become and it affects the world, with no nation being immune from acts of terrorism. Terrorism also challenges the assumption that any nation could guarantee absolute security to its citizens without collaboration with the larger international community. The bombing of vacationing youth in Bali in Indonesia, the bombing of train stations in Madrid, Spain and the hostage taking, which led to death of over 300 people among them several school children, in Baslam, Russia are clear demonstration of this fact. However, more than any other terrorist incident before it, either in terms of casualty or weapons used, the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United State of America (USA) will remain a turning point in the history of terrorism. For, it was after the attacks that the issue of terrorism acquired greater attention and created necessary awareness among the populace and governments all over the world (Okeke, 2005). Equally some terrorist attacks were carried out in some parts on the globe. On Saturday, January 27, 2018 at least 103 people were killed, 235 wounded in Afghanistan’s suicide bombing, Afghan Taliban claimed responsibility for the suicide attack in Kabul. Eight (8) were killed in a clashes between Iran’s security forces and Islamic State (ISIL) militants. Twenty-three (23) people were wounded in a blast at a Police station in Ecuadorian border town, San Lorenzo. Again, gunmen killed at least 14 Malian soldiers in attack on Army camp (CGTN, 2018).

Before going further, it will be proper for us to have a brief history of international terrorism. According to Okeke (2005), various terrorist activities were carried out by the Irish Republic Army (IRA), ETA, acronym for Euskadi Ta Askatasunna, that is Basque Fatherland and Liberty, as well as HAMAS and various Palestinian groups, such as the popular P9.4 Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The IRA was first established in 1790s while ETA was formed in 1958. HAMAS was established in 1978 by late Sheikh Ahmed Yassin while the PFLP and Al Fatah, which came off the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), were known to carry out widespread terrorist attacks in the 1960s and 1970s not confined only to the Middle East, but in Europe which was perceived along with the USA, as supporting the State of Israel. The Latter itself was known to have carried out widespread acts of terrorism from the 1940s in order to ensure the creation of the State and its survival thereafter. Israel continues to practice state terrorism till today, allegedly to ensure its survival and safety. The IRA, ETA, the PFLP and Al Fatah were fighting for self-determination but employed terrorism in the struggle.

However, there were groups which carried out serious acts of terrorism without clear objectives of the groups referred to above. The best illustration of this type of terrorist organization is the Baader-Meinhof gang whose activities plagued Germany from the late 1960s to the mid- 1970s. As far as one could determine, this group was made up of misguided young and affluent Germans who had no genuine left-wing policies other than the disruption of capitalism. The activities of the leftist groups in Italy one of which kidnapped and killed the Italian Prime Minister, Aldo Moro, and those of some Japanese groups, which used sarin, a lethal nerve gas, to disrupt public transportation in Tokyo are also well known. Indeed, acts of terrorism by these leftist groups and the self-determination groups have been on the increase since the 1970s. For example, in 1971, it was recorded that Two hundred and seventy-nine (279) separate terrorists acts, including bombings, murders, hostage-taking and kidnapping took place. By 1980, the figure had grown to one thousand seven hundred and nine (1,709). On the whole between 1981 and 2000, a total of Nine Thousand, One Hundred and Seventy Nine (9, 179) international terrorist attacks were recorded with the average of 459 attacks per year. There now seems to be an upsurge in terrorist attacks again as current estimates by intelligence organizations indicate that, in recent years,

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 terrorist attack of all kinds worldwide have averaged almost 60 a month, that is, a total of 720 in a year (Okeke, 2005).

In Nigeria, the Boko Haram is well known for carrying out terrorist acts. And over the years the Boko Haram sects have been changing their mode of operations. It is pertinent to recall that Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria’s first Prime Minister acknowledged that peace and security are very vital to Nigeria’s foreign policy. For academic purposes, the paper is divided into six sections, the introduction which is currently running, clarification of concepts, theoretical framework, causes of terrorism, international terrorism and Nigeria’s foreign policy: the emerging paradigms as well as draws a conclusion and recommends the way forward.

Clarification of Concepts

Terrorism

Terrorism is the systematic use of violence to create a general climate of fear in a population and thereby to bring about a particular political objective. Terrorism has been practiced by political organizations with both rightist and leftist objectives, by nationalistic and religious groups, by revolutionaries, and even by state institutions such as armies, intelligence services, and police (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2019). Again, terrorism is, in the broadest sense, the use of intentionally indiscriminate violence as a means to create terror among masses of people; or fear to achieve a religious or political aim. It is used in this regard primarily to refer to violence during peacetime or in war against non-combatants [mostly civilians and neutral military personnel] (Wikipedia, 2019a). From the above explanations, therefore, terrorism can be defined as the unlawful use of violence, especially, against civilians in pursuit of religious or political, social or ideological, ethnic or racial and philosophical objectives or aims.

International Terrorism

There is no universal agreement on the definition of terrorism. Various legal systems and governments have been reluctant to formulate an agreed-upon and legally binding definition. Difficulties arise from the fact that the term has become politically and emotionally charged (Schmid, 2011; Hoffan, 1998 cited in Wikipedia, 2019b). In the United States, the term international terrorism means activities that involve violent acts or acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of the criminal laws of the United States or of any State, or that would be a criminal violation if committed within the jurisdiction of the United States or of any State (Wikipedia, 2019b).

Equally, the European Union sees as terrorism acts those that aim at: seriously intimidating a population; unduly compelling a government or international organization to perform or abstain from performing any act; seriously destabilizing or destroying the fundamental political, constitutional, economic or social structures of a country or an international organization. These objectives can be achieved through various illegal activities. They range from attacks on a person’s life to cutting vital services to society, and respective threats; they include hijackings, kidnappings and other forms of criminal activity. According to the European Union definition, terrorism is not a particular ideology or movement, but rather a method or tactic for achieving various goals (Council Framework Decision of June 13, 2002 on Combating Terrorism, Official Journal of the

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Emerging Paradigms

European Communities, 2002; EU Terrorism Situation and Trend Report, 2007) cited in (Mannik, n.d). From the foregoing assertions, therefore, international terrorism can be defined as the use of any violent method or tactic by a sub national group or organization to cause harm to the lives and property of a given society or nation-state, international organization in order to achieve a purpose. For example, the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in New York, United States of America.

Nigeria Foreign Policy Perspective

Abagen and Tyona (2019) conceptualize foreign policy as the promotion and protection of a country’s national interest in the international arena. Also, Chapter 2, Section 19 of the 1999 Constitution, which is the fundamental objectives and directive principles as provided in Section 19 (a-e) encapsulates the Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives to include; (a) promotion and protection of the national interest; (b) promotion of African integration and support for African unity; (c) promotion of international cooperation for the consolidation of universal peace and mutual respect among all nations and eliminations of discrimination in all its manifestation; (d) respect for international law and treaty obligations as well as the seeking of settlement of international disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and adjudication; and (e) promotion of a just world economic order (1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria).

Theoretical Framework

Theoretical framework are ideologies that describe, analyze and explain why things happen or exist in the society. Attempting to explain socio-political issues that affects the society, especially in academic research without a theoretical support can be quite frustrating (Abagen and Tyona, 2018). Therefore, this study is anchored on power approach.

The power approach has been stated, elaborated upon and refined considerably by Hans Morganthau, who perceives power itself as “man’s control over the minds and actions of others”. For Joseph Frankel (cited in Mbachu, 2011), it is the ability to get one’s wishes carried out despite opposition, the ability to influence the actions of others in accordance to the study of foreign policy, this approach of analysis emphasis:

(i) actor capacities to alter or influence the policies, priorities and choices of other actors; (ii) actor capacity to wage war or withstand external attack (iii) actor capacity to realize its interest (Mbachu, 2011, pp. 13-14).

Power is, therefore, ever present in the analysis of foreign policy. It may/or may not be exercised or demonstrated, but the fact of its existence and its possession, or its non-existence and its deficiency, influences attitudes, roles and policies remains. Thus, the role of power as a framework of analysis rages from the mere existence of deficiency of physical power, through diplomatic and economic pressures, to the unlimited use of violence. The power approach involves discussions of the general world and regional environments; the issues in conflict among actors; the perception of and will of actors, and the rational character and mood of actors. It also involves detailed examination, of elements of actor power positions such as their location, and geography, national orientation and outlook, industrial and economic capacity, their system of politics and government and, of course, their physical power position (Mbachu, 2011). From the above

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 assertion, therefore, a typical example of this power situation is the current Nigerian show of military force by the President Muhammadu Buhari led government against the Boko Haram sects in the North-East Part of the country.

Causes of Terrorism

Factors that create, nurture terrorism and motivates terrorist groups or organizations are varied. Okeke (2005, pp 99-101) categorized motivations of terrorist groups as follows:

Religious Extremism

Although other faiths have their own fundamentalists and extremists, international terrorism is perceived to be closely linked to Islamic fundamentalism. The political desire by fundamentalist groups in the Islamic world to overthrow their secular governments and replace them with theocratic ones is responsible for the violence in countries such as Algeria, Egypt, Indonesia, and Philippines. A similar group, but with Christian background, is the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda which uses kidnapping and violence as a means of replacing the Ugandan government with one that is based on the Ten Commandments.

Perceived Oppression

Groups which use oppression as excuse for terrorism believe they are not getting a fair share of the resources available to the state, or consider themselves as being inadequately represented in the central government. Some many also claim inability to practice one’s faith or express one’s view as excuses. Typical examples of this phenomenon can be found in the Israeli/Palestinian crisis over land use, agitation for resource control in Niger-Delta or the clamour for freedom of religion in China.

Nationalist, Separatist or Ethnic Considerations

These groups have clearly defined political objectives, which include self-determination and independence for their territory. Examples include, ETA in Spain, IRA of Britain and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka.

State-Sponsored

In this category are the activities of state-run terrorist operations, which in the past included, terrorists act allegedly perpetrated by Libya and Iraq. They also include activities carried out at the behest of some governments by terrorist organizations for example, the US, Iran and Syria. Such activities have been directed against dissidents at home and abroad and foreign nations whose political opposition has caused substantial irritation to a dictatorial regime.

Ideological

These could be left or right wing or anarchist. It is recalled that during the Cold War era, a number of terrorist groups emerged, which were motivated by ideological beliefs to pursue unlawful aims and objectives. Such groups include, the Baader-Meinhof in Germany.

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Emerging Paradigms

Poverty and Ignorance

These factors also precipitate terrorism as the perpetrators easily capitalize on the deprived economic conditions of the masses to manipulate and instigate them against the state. Monetary incentives and religious indoctrination are used by terrorist as veritable tools where poverty and ignorance have taken root.

Absence of Central Authority

The total breakdown of law and order in failed states such as Somalia and Sierra Leone and Liberia at some point in time, give rise to the emergence of warlords which engage in taking hostages, extortion and attacks on civilian targets.

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: The Emerging Paradigms

There are various terrorist groups in West Africa. For the purpose of this paper, we shall restrict our discourse on the activities of the Boko Haram sects. Boko Haram operates mostly in the Northern part of Nigeria, Northern Cameroon, Niger, Chad and Northern Tip of Central African Republic (Falowo, Ogunniyi, and AKpu, 2018). It is difficult to say precisely the day Boko Haram was born. However, there is a consensus among analyst and scholars that Boko Haram was founded in 2002 in Maiduguri by one Ustaz Mohammed Yusuf as its leader. In the year 2004, the group headed by Yusuf moved to Kanamma, Yobe State where it set up a base called “Afghanistan” where they use to attack near by Police outposts killing Police officers (Kertyo, 2015).

In July, 2009 the Boko Haram sect clashed with security agencies in Bauchi state after an all-night attack on Dutsen-Tanshi Police station in which 31 members, 2 policemen and one soldier died, more than 3,600 people have officially been declared dead by government security agencies. An analyst on Aljazeera even argued that, the 3,600 people are the one that officially have been declared dead by government security agencies. To him, considering the way and manner the group operates, more than 6000 lives have been lost to the heinous activities of Boko Haram. Between January and February, 2014 more than 700 people died during the sects attack in Gwazo, Kontuga, Kawuri areas and Buri Yadi area of Borno and Yobe States respectively, a development that attracted wide spread criticism from the international community especially the killings of 59 students of the Federal Government College Buri Yadi and of course which led to the closure of Nigeria’s border with the Republic of Cameroon (Kertyo, 2015).

Equally, in April, 2014 the Boko Haram Sect abducted more than 200 school girls in Chibok, Borno State. On the same day at least 88 people were killed in a bomb attack in Abuja. Again, the Boko Haram sect on evening of June 1, 2014 set of a bomb at a football field in Mubi, Adamawa State, killing at least 40 people in the attack, while 19 others were injured (Wikipedia, 2014).

In another development, the attempted bombing of a USA bound Delta Airliner in 2011 by Abdul Mutalab, a Nigerian made the Homeland Security to specially target Nigerians entering the US as potential bomb carriers and were subjected to embarrassing screening methods by airport security officials upon their entry into the country. This scenario had a trickledown effect as most countries also applied same derogatory searching methods on any person carrying green passport.

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

It was observed that the Abdul Mutalab’s incidence was too much a tag to be placed on Nigerians traveling abroad, but the incidence lends credence to the fears that Nigeria is a fertile ground for Al-Qaeda recruitment (Agan, 2018).

Equally, the United Nations (UN) building suicide bomb blast in August, 2011 in Abuja, the declaration of state of emergency by the then President Goodluck Jonathan in May, 2013, the December, 2013 attempted bombing of Maiduguri International Airport in Borno State, the relocation of big time foreign investors from the far North to other parts of Nigeria or completely leaving the shores of Nigeria implies a breakdown of law and order in some States in the far North among other developments made other nations around the globe to tag Nigeria as a terrorist State. Records have it that during the Boko Haram heinous activities in Borno State and, the Nigerian military were deployed to the State to curtail the crisis, but were unable to, due to lack of military equipment and logistics. Then, there was a controversy between Alhaji M. Shettima, the Borno State Governor and Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, then President of Nigeria, when the former questioned the ability of the Nigerian military to quell the Boko Haram insurgency.

Indeed, to the best of his abilities, Goodluck Jonathan renewed diplomatic and bilateral relationship with many countries. He also addressed international gathering to help Nigeria in fighting Boko Haram terrorist activities and corruption. He also urged Europe and Asian giants to invest in Nigeria’s private sector, especially in key areas of energy, downstream and agriculture (Boma Lysa, Terfa and Tsegyu, 2015). Equally, President Jonathan stressed that, “therefore, there is urgent need for a holistic effort by the government, corporate bodies and individuals to stamp out evils of insecurity, crime and corruption so that the country is relatively safe for both Nigerians and foreigners” (Ajaebili, 2011) cited in (Boma Lysa, Terfa and Tsegyu, 2015).

In their contributions, Chukwuemeka, Bartholomew, and Ugwu (2012) wrote that:

Internationally, the pervasive corruption in Nigeria had tarnished the image of the country and has resulted in foreign nationals exercising extreme caution in entering into business transactions with Nigerians, thereby weakening the economic sector.

Therefore, it was reported that during the era of President Jonathan, Nigerian’s government money running into millions of US dollars which was meant to purchase military equipment to fight the Boko Haram Sects terrorizing Nigeria was seized by the government of South Africa, and that the government of the United States of America refusing to sale military equipment to Nigeria proved that the Jonathan’s Presidency failed in implementing Nigeria’s foreign policy thrust.

It was also reported that, Col. Sambo Dasuki, the then National Security Adviser to former President Goodluck Jonathan diverted and shared the sum of 2.1 billion US dollars Arms Money meant to prosecute the war against insurgency. The table below shows the names of the beneficiaries of the Arms Money and the amount they got respectively.

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Emerging Paradigms

Table 1. Beneficiaries of Dasuki Arms Deal

S/N Name Nomenclature Amount 001 Dr. Peter Odili Former Governor Rivers State N 100 million 002 Attahiru Bafarawa Former Governor Sokoto State N 4.5 billion 003 Aliyu Shinkafi N 100 million 004 Jim Nwobodo Former Information Minister N 500 million 005 Tony Anenih Former BOT (PDP) Chairman N 260 million 006 Ahmadu Ali Former PDP Chairman N 100 million 007 Bode George Former PDP Deputy Chairman N 100 million & $30, 000.00 008 Olisa Metuh Former PDP Publicity Secretary N 400 million 009 Gen. Bello Sarkin Yaki N 200 million 010 Dr. Raymond Dokpesi Chairman DAAR Communication Plc N 2.1 billion 011 Dr. Iyorchia Ayu Former Nigeria’s President of Senate N 345 million 012 Dalhatu Investment Ltd N 1.5 billion 013 Bello Haliru and Son Former PDP Chairman N 300 million 014 Bello Mutawalle N 300 million 015 ACACIA Holding N 600 million 016 Bashir Yuguda Former Minister of State Finance N 1.9 billion 017 Rashidi Ladoja Former Governor Oyo State N 100 million 018 Olu Falae Former Secretary to the Federal Government of N 100 million Nigeria 019 Tanko Yakasai Former Presidential Adviser N 63 million Source: Daily Trust, January 17, 2016 culled from Niworu (2018)

Again, reports have it that even the huge sums of money earmarked for the purchase of military equipment by the Jonathan administration were mostly misappropriated or diverted by the various security units. In fact, it was reported that one of the Service Chiefs’ in the administration purchased a military helicopter that was of low-standard or non-functional, despite the fact that, adequate funds were allocated for the purchase of a new and standard one. The above assertions show that the President Jonathan’s administration failed in achieving peace and security as well as economic diplomacy which are among the fundamental objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy.

Similarly, as enshrined in the foreign policy objective of Nigeria, economic diplomacy is one of the pillars of transformation. Economic diplomacy is aimed at wooing investors from other countries to invest in Nigeria. The present security problem in the country has frustrated this goal, because instability and violence has led to balance of trade deficits, especially in Northern Nigeria. Terrorism has a large effect on economic and social activity of a country. Nigeria has been caught in the web as terrorist acts are now recurrent attribute which has affected its image abroad. Incidences of abduction and bombing in Nigeria have made the country lose its 6th position as a leading oil exporting country to Angola (Nwanko, 2012; Ojukwu, 2011 cited in Agan, 2018).

The economic, social and psychological costs of the Boko Haram insurgency cannot be quantified. Commercial activities in the Northeast have been reduced because of the unprecedented attacks by the sect. Banks, markets, and shops did not open regularly due to the fear of the coordinated attacks from Boko Haram. Human capital and investors drain is hampering economic development in the Northeast, this is due to the attacks on banks, markets, parks and government departments. The attacks on these commercial areas have led to the migration of people to other parts of the country. Even the Maiduguri Monday Market said to be the biggest market in the city

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 was reported to have been seriously affected as hundreds of shop owners, especially Southerners were said to have closed their business and left the troubled city. About half of the 10,000 shops and stalls in the market were said to have been abandoned by traders who have fled the city (Okereocha, 2012; Shiklam, 2012) cited in (Awojobi, 2014).

Furthermore, apart from the migration of people who have business in the Northeast to other parts of Nigeria, foreign nationals of Chad, Cameroon, and Niger were being repatriated to their home countries for what the government of Nigeria said they constituted the members of Boko Haram. Evidence has shown that not all the repatriated nationals of the above countries were members of Boko Haram. Definitely, those who have business in cities like Maiduguri, Damaturu and Yola will form part of those that are sent home which will actually affect the economic activities in these cities. Therefore, under this situation, the economy of the North-East will seriously be affected, if foreign citizens who contribute large quota to the development of the North-East vis a vis their economic activities are sent back to their countries of origin (Ovaga, n.d cited in Awojobi, 2014).

The never-ending attacks by Boko Haram in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States have a severe impact on the economic lives of people living in these areas. A case in point is that the working duration of most commercial banks in the affected areas hit by Boko Haram bombing has been reduced from eight hours to three hours (Mohammed, 2012 cited in Awojobi, 2014). Therefore, the frequent attacks by the Boko Harm sects in the North-Eastern part of Nigeria increased the poverty rate in the affected States in particular and the Northern Region in general.

In addition, evidence also exist that there is a link between Boko Haram and Al-Shahab in the Arabian Peninsula and Somalia. In March, 2010, AL-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) confessed helping Nigerian extremist Boko Haram with training and weapons to confront the Nigerian State. The group was reputed to have said that “we are ready to train our people in men, arms and munitions to enable them defend our people in Nigeria. This was corroborated when about one hundred foreigners in custody in Nigeria were linked with Boko Haram activities in Nigeria. Most of these people were from Niger Republic, Chad, Mali and some Northern African countries (Kertyo, 2015).

Boko Haram now uses guerrilla tactics with resemblance to those used by Al-Qaeda as suicide bombing against government facilities, assassinations and violence against Christians and Muslims who do not agree with their brand of Islam has become rampant. Terrorist attacks in Nigeria have much impact on the foreign policies of countries that have been affected by the activities of terrorism in Nigeria and its people. Bilateral and multilateral relations of these countries with Nigeria have continue to wane amidst issue of terrorism (Okereke, 2010, cited in Agan, 2018).

It is imperative to note that, in contemporary Nigeria, there has been an emerging paradigm shift in respect to international terrorism and Nigeria’s foreign policy. In upholding Nigeria’s foreign policy of peace and security, the President Muhammadu Buhari led government has tackled the Boko Haram menace to the bareless minimal level in the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria than the previous administrations. President Buhari liberated the chibok girls held captive by the Boko Haram terrorist during President Jonathan’s era. Equally, President Buhari ordered the Nigerian Chief of Army Staff to relocate his Command to Borno State to effectively tackle the

International Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Emerging Paradigms

Boko Haram menace. Borno State is the most targeted State in Nigeria by the Boko Haram terrorists.

Following the devastation from the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East part of Nigeria and in order to rebuild and address the developmental challenges in the zone, the Nigerian Senate in October, 2016, passed the Bill for the establishment of the North-East Development Commission (NEDC) and President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the Bill in October, 2017. Umoru (2017) notes that, “the Act establishes the NEDC with the mandate to receive and manage funds allocated by the Federal Government and international donor agencies for the resettlement, rehabilitation, integration and reconstruction of roads, houses and business premises of victims of insurgency as well as tackling the menace of poverty and environmental challenges of the area”.

The sum of N10 billion was earmarked for the take-off, of the NEDC, while N45 billion is the Commission’s budgetary allocation for the year 2019 (Saharareporters, 2019). The NEDC is domiciled in Borno State, and on Tuesday, April 9, 2019 the Nigerian Senate confirmed the nominations of the Chairman, MD/CEO, Executive Directors and Board Members representing each Geo-Political zone in Nigeria. The NEDC Board was inaugurated on May 8, 2019 by President Muhammadu Buhari.

Conclusion and Recommendations.

This paper takes a look at international terrorism and Nigeria’s foreign policy: the emerging paradigms. It observes that the issue of terrorism in Nigeria, especially in the North-Eastern part became alarming during President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan era. The latter’s administration failed to pursue Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives of peace and security, and economic diplomacy. This led to the destruction of thousands of lives and property by the Boko Haram sects. The terrorist activities deteriorated Nigeria’s foreign relations. At home, economic, health care services and academic activities came to a standstill in States affected by the Boko Haram insurgency. These gave a bad impression on Nigeria’s international image. Then, Nigeria was seen as a terrorist State.

The coming into being of President Muhammadu Buhari government on May 29, 2015 brought a changed revolution on issues of international terrorism and Nigeria’s foreign policy. To promote the central tenets of Nigeria’s foreign policy objective of peace and security, President Buhari took zero tolerance regarding terrorism. The Nigerian military forces were now well equipped with military equipment to crush the Boko Haram terrorist. There is now also cooperation among security and intelligence agencies in Nigeria. And in fact, the Buhari administration need to be applauded for taking effective measures to deal with the Boko Haram extremist terrorizing, especially the North-Eastern part of Nigeria.

Notwithstanding, the Nigerian State is still faced with some challenges of combating terrorism in the country and since it is evident that international terrorism is not a one nation fight, and cannot be successfully tackled without the cooperation of other nation-States, therefore, the paper recommends the Nigerian State to seek for international cooperation among all nations of the world and other public multilateral institutions or organizations like the UN , AU and ECOWAS to share information regarding the terrorists profiles, movements, plans and methods. If this is done, then it will greatly facilitate to neutralize the Boko Haram terrorists aims. Again

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 the paper recommends enhancing capacity building for security and intelligence operatives and agencies in Nigeria.

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Abagen, F.T., and Tyona, S. (2019).’Determinants of Nigeria’s foreign policy during the first republic and impact on external relations’, in Athens Journal of Social Sciences (Forthcoming). Agan, A. (2018), ‘Terrorism and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy’, in B. Anger, S. Zhema and O.E. Ochoga (Eds.) Readings in International Relations (A Peer Reviewed Book of Wukari International Studies Series (WISS), Ibadan, Dove Publishing House, PP. 99-111.

Awojobi, O. N. (2014). ‘The Socio-Economic implications of Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East of Nigeria’, in International Journal of Innovation and Scientific Research, 11(1), 144-150. Retrieved on June 8, 2019 from http://www.ijiris.issr- journalism.org/ISSN: 2351-8014

Boma Lysa, D.A., Terfa, T.A., and Tsegyu, S. (2015). ‘Nigerian Foreign policy and Global Image: A Critical Assessment of Goodluck Jonathans Administration’, Journal of Mass Communication and Journalism. Retrieved on November 1, 2017 CGTN. (2018), China Global Television Network News. Broadcast on Sunday, January 28, 2018 at 16:00 GMT. Encyclopedia Britannica. (2019). Terrorism Definition, History and Facts. Retrieved on June 8, 2019 from https://www.britannica.com>topic>terr.

Falowo, A.S., Ogunnyi, O.J and Akpu, J.O. (2018). ‘Challenges of Combating Terrorism and Conflicts in West Africa: A Discourse, 2001-2015’, in B.Anger, S. Zhema and O.E Ochoga (Eds.) Readings in International Relations (A Peer Review Book of Wukari International Studies Series (WISS), Ibadan, Dove Publishing House, PP. 329-344. Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN)(1999). The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Abuja, Federal Government Printer. Kertyo, P.M. (2015).’The Boko Haram Menace: Implications on Nigeria’s External Relations’, in C.S Orngu, L.E. Odeh and G.A. Vaaseh (Eds.) Multilateralism, The United Nations and Nigeria in the 20th and 21st Centuries, Makurdi, Gwatex Publishers, PP.67-96.

Mannik, E. (n.d). Terrorism: Its Past, Present and Future Prospects. Retrieved on June 8, 2019 from https://www.ksk.edu.ee>2011/03>KV. Mbachu, O. (2011). Foreign Policy Analysis: The Nigerian Perspective, Kaduna, Medusa Academic Publishing Ltd.

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Niworu, S.M. (2018). ‘The Dasukigate and Peace Building: Hangover of Military Professionalism or Corruption Incarnate’, in Euginia M. George-Genyi and John Tor Tsuwa (Eds.) Post- Election Building and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria, Abuja, Don Afrique Publishers, PP. 217 - 236 Okeke, U. (2005). ‘Terrorism and Global Security’, in Foreign Policy in Nigeria’s Democratic Transition. A Publication of the Presidential Advisory Council on International Relations (PAC), PP. 90-116 Saharareporters. (2019). SGF Mustapha Confirms North-East Development Commission to Take- offwith N55bn. March 4. Retrieved on April 20, 2019 from saharareporters.com>2019/03/01>04>sgt. Umoru, H. (2017). ‘Buhari Assents to North-East Development Commission Act 2017’, in Vanguard News, October 25. Retrieved on April 20, 2019 from https://www.vanguardngr.com

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Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded?

1Bem Caleb Apinean and 2Gabriel Yina Iornumbe

1Department of Political Science, Federal University of Lafia, Lafia, Nigeria. 2Department of Political Science and International Relations, Taraba State University, Jalingo Email:[email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

Globalization is the process of intensification of economic, political, social and cultural relations across international boundaries aimed at the transcendental homogenization of political and socio- economic relationships. It represents the reality that we live in a time when the walls of sovereignty are no protection against the movements of capital, labor, information and ideas nor can they provide effective protection against harm and damage across the globe. This impacts significantly on developing states through systematic restructuring of interactive phases among nations, by breaking down barriers in the areas of culture, commerce, communication and several other fields of endeavor. These processes have impelled series of cumulative and conjectural crisis in the global distribution of economic and political power. This paper uses the world systems theory to examine the negative impacts of globalization on the sovereignty of states, and suggests that to translate the potential opportunities into actual capabilities, a country would need to adopt an appropriate set of policies. Thus, even though this interaction continues, countries must select what to accept and what to reject, by adopting appropriate policies that would be to their best benefit. This is a reflection of the sovereignty of such a state.

Keywords: Culture, Dependency, Economy, Globalization, States, Sovereignty, Technology

Introduction

It is very difficult to argue that the state and sovereignty have been unaffected by the forces of globalization. This particularly applies in the case of the territorial jurisdiction of the state. Being the essential building blocks of world politics, meaning that world affairs boil down, essentially, to the relations between states. This suggests that once you understand the factors that influence how states interact with one another, you understand how the world works.

Since the 1980s, globalization paradigm has become fashionable. This reflects the belief that world affairs have been transformed in recent decades by the growth of global interconnectedness and interdependence. In this view, the world no longer operates as a disaggregated collection of states, or ‘units’, but rather as an integrated whole, as ‘one world’. It accepts that it is equally absurd to dismiss states and national government as irrelevant in world affairs as it is to deny that, over a significant range of issues, states now operate in a context of global interdependence. But how, and to what extent, has globalization reconfigured state sovereignty?

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The idea of sovereignty is centered on exclusiveness of state powers and control while globalization on the other hand is concerned with weakening state control by establishing inclusive global governance that reduces the extent of state control over their own subjects. Governments and activists alike complain that multilateral institutions such as the United Nations (UN), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) overstep their authority by promoting universal standards for everything which in turn alters the scope of state authority. It is the intention of this paper to consider just how much globalization has affected state authority. The paper sets to achieve this through qualitative research.

Conceptualization

Sovereignty

Sovereignty is the central attribute of the state as a form of political organization. Sovereignty and statehood have become so closely interlinked that a non-sovereign state tends to be regarded as only a quasi-state. It does not signify merely a certain degree or quantity of power, as if the extent to which a state is sovereign can be measured simply by calculating its relative military and economic power. Sovereignty signifies simultaneously a right to act and a power to act. There are cases where the power of a state to act is so confined and limited that its sovereign right to act is rendered largely meaningless (Ganaie and Mohiuddin, 2016). Equally, there are times when the actual power of a state is so great that, although its sovereign right to use this power has not been formally acknowledged by others, it is tacitly recognized. These are extreme cases, however.

Normally, sovereignty means the possession of a right and power, and disputes about sovereignty are disputes about right and power. It manifests itself in different forms, and this largely accounts for the varying definitions that are given of it. Seen from one angle, the right and power of sovereignty is exercised over territory, and is akin to the right and power of possession or ownership of a portion of the earth's surface. This ownership of territory includes, in turn, a right and power over all that exists, whether static or mobile, human or non-human, within the territory concerned and extends to so-called territorial waters and airspace.

Sovereignty can be defined more narrowly as the right and power to make the ultimate or final decision about the terms of existence of a whole territorially-based body polity (Oji and Ozioko, nd). It denotes a central core of right and power which may be called the right and power of self-determination, that is, a right and power to determine for and by oneself—and not at the command of others—the fundamental issues relating to one's existence. No external body has the right to command or order a sovereign state to act in a given way about matters of fundamental concern to it.

Sovereignty is the principle of supreme and unquestionable authority, reflected in the claim by the state to be the sole author of laws within its territory. External sovereignty (sometimes called ‘state sovereignty’ or ‘national sovereignty’) refers to the capacity of the state to act independently and autonomously on the world stage. This implies that states are legally equal and that the territorial integrity and political independence of a state are inviolable (Oji and Ozioko, nd ).

Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded?

Globalization

Globalization is the process through which national economies have, to a greater or lesser extent, been absorbed into a single global economy. It is the process whereby information, commodities and images that have been produced in one part of the world enter into a global flow that tends to ‘flatten out’ cultural differences between nations, regions and individuals. Globalization, according to Akindele (1990), refers to the process of the intensification of economic, political, social and cultural relations across international boundaries.

Globalization is principally aimed at the transcendental homogenization of political and socio-economic theory across the globe. It is equally aimed at making global being present worldwide at the world stage or global arena. In other words, as Ohuabunwa (1999) once opined, globalization can be seen as an evolution which is systematically restructuring interactive phases among nations by breaking down barriers in the areas of culture, commerce, communication and several other fields of endeavor.

Globalization is the term used to describe the changes in societies and the world economy that result from dramatically increased international trade and cultural exchange. Cerry (1994) states that, globalization describes the increase of trade and investment due to the falling of barriers and the interdependence of countries. In specific economic contexts, the term refers almost exclusively to the effects of trade, particularly trade liberalization or “free trade.” Banjo (2000) insists that the process of globalization is impelled by the series of cumulative and conjectural crisis in the international division of labour and global distribution of economic and political power, in global finance and the functioning of national states.

The paper concedes to the suggestion of Kudrle (2012) that in defining globalization, it should be considered with regard to the specific intent of those using the term. Since we are considering the political effects of globalization, we shall define globalization as the expansion and intensification of international political and economic intercourse. There is no gainsaying the fact that economic and political independence and interdependence are interrelated. Political globalization is the process through which policymaking responsibilities have been passed from national governments to international organizations. No development has challenged the conventional state-centric image of world politics more radically than the emergence of globalization.

Theoretical framework: World Systems Theory

World Systems Theory argues that international trade specialization and transfer of resources from less developed countries to developed countries (known as a “core” countries) prevents development in less developed countries by making them rely on core countries and by encouraging peripheralization (Szymanski, 1982). World Systems Theory, therefore, views the world economy as an international hierarchy of unequal relations. A country can change its position in the global hierarchy with changes controlled by the “World System”. Relations between countries are similar to what developing theorists described (Szymanski 1982). In other words, wealth is taken from semi-periphery or periphery zones to economies in the core countries.

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World Systems Theory is a theory of development that deals with different forms of capitalism world-wide (Reyes, 2001). It thus takes a world-centric view and focuses on the relationship between countries. This relationship is directed by culture through social change. World Systems Theory explains inequality by identifying different cultures and the role of the state in international connections. Reyes (2001, p. 6) identifies the origin of World Systems Theory “as capitalism in its various forms in different parts of the world, specifically since the 1960s”. From this date onward, Third World Countries (TWCs) tried to raise their levels of life-style and develop their overall situation. Such development started when international trade interactions played an important and influential role compared to the national government roles and activities, which became less significant. Such international economic interrelations caused radical researchers to conclude that new practices in the economy of the world in capitalistic theory are very difficult to define, considering the limitations of the Dependency Theory point of view.

Still, Reyes (2001) concludes, most theorists of World Systems Theory consider that, as a whole, this is the only theory that unites the socialist countries in the twentieth century. For Wallerstein (1979, p. 5), World Systems is a “multiple cultural system with a single division of labour”. He argues that the basic feature of this system is having a pool of labour in which different divisions and areas are dependent upon each other in exchanging the provisions of those areas (Wallerstein, 1974; Wallerstein, 1979). As Szymanski (1982, p. 57) pointed out, most theorists of the World Systems school argue that “there is only one World System, the capitalist world- economy, and specifically that this single system incorporates the socialist countries”. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries especially, there was one only world system, namely, the capitalist trade economy.

Onyemelukwe (2005) traces the source of World Systems Theory in the early 1970s to a reaction against Structuralist theories. This viewpoint does not accept the idea that the wrong model of social structure would lead to countries becoming impoverished. According to this idea, it is the foreign capitalistic countries that are responsible for the underdevelopment of such poor countries. Paradoxically, the way ahead for underdeveloped countries is to adopt the practices and systems, including accounting, of developed nations. These changes inevitably have a negative cultural impact. Reyes (2001, p. 1) observes that the methods of international relations with “the focal point of geopolitics, the neoclassical theories of the economy that apply comparative progress as a base, and the World Systems viewpoint with the emphatic point of unequal exchange, all illustrate various patterns of international systems”. Rather than a two phase system, three types of country classifications “can be identified: core, semi periphery and periphery countries” (Reyes, 2001, p. 1).

Information and communication technology and sovereignty

Media as large scale business corporations are employed to guarantee the cultural dominance and economic dependency; and maintain the difficulty in free exchange, equality and balance in international communications and free flow of information. The industrialized North retains absolute monopoly of the invention, ownership and control of the new communication media and new technologies. Modern technologies have made the world increasingly more interdependent than ever. But the new technologies have the dysfunctional role of aggravating the situation of unequal partnership in North-South relations. As Dizard (2000, p.5) remarks;

Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded?

…in today’s world, communication has all too frequently become an exchange between unequal partners allowing the predominance of the more powerful, the richer and the better equipped. Discrepancy in power and wealth … has an impact and influence on communication structures and communication flows.

The emerging global information and communication order is being facilitated by the internet and other technologies that offer an expanded range of domination of information and entertainment services. Such control of advanced technology makes it impossible to correct the imbalance in world information flow. For instance, the declining African states are today under the electronic siege struggling to maintain sovereignties and right to existence. The very fabric of our societies are rewoven or ripped apart as a result of new technologies in information. Multinational corporations employ satellites to bombard our villages and towns. We receive what they want us to receive but they refuse to report what we want the world to know about our plight. The new gospel of electronic elitism in theory, promises freedom for all but in practice is under developing Africa faster, faster than direct colonialism (Ciboh, 2003). This imposes greater foreign domination and control of economic, social, political and cultural thinking and orientation, especially in the developing nations.

Globalization and Economic Sovereignty

The interrelationships of markets, finance, goods and services, and the networks created by transnational corporations are the most important manifestations of economic globalization. Though the capitalist world-system has been international in essence for centuries, the extent and degree of trade and investment globalization has increased greatly in recent decades. Economic globalization has been accelerated by what information technology has done to the movement of money. It is commonly claimed that the market’s ability to shift money from one part of the globe to another by the push of a button has changed the rules of policy-making, putting economic decisions much more at the mercy of market forces than before.

According to Karky (2009), economic globalization is a historical process; the result of human innovation and technological progress. It refers to the increasing integration of economies around the world, particularly through trade and financial flows. Now, shifts in economic activity in say, Japan or the United States, are felt in countries all over the globe. The internationalization of financial markets, technologies and services bring with it a new set of limitations upon the freedom of action of nation states. In addition, the emergence of institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF involve new constraints and imperatives.

The globe is in a period of unembeded liberalism as can be seen in the Uruguay GATT agreements concluded in 1994 relating to the so-called Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIMs) and Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) that circumscribed severely the sovereign rights of all states to regulate foreign investment and external trade in the pursuit of perceived developmental needs. Equally corrosive of the independent sovereign states’ actions is the agreement on TRIPS that strengthens the international property rights of foreign investments and extends international patent protection to a whole range of products and processes previously not subject to patent. For instance, generic material collected by agribusiness or pharmaceutical companies which are harnessed to fabricate a particular industrial process or product. These processes or products may now be patented by the corporations and sold back to the country in

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 which the genetic material originated under international property rights protection. By the WTO provision, the recipient country has to allow a free competitive entry for such processes and products and, furthermore, it must prohibit the development and use by local companies of identical processes and products which amount to an act of unbridled piracy by transnational capital.

Related to this is in the area of debt where Africa’s foreign debt gives the international community enormous leverage over the political and economic trajectories of the inflicted countries. They are forced to agree on eligibility criteria for more loan or debt cancellation. These are focused on re-engagement with the global economy through trade related measures and the development of civil society rather than poverty reduction and human development thus, giving a sovereign state a new direction or form of political governance against its will.

In recent years, much attention has been given to prioritizing Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) even though they generally tend to follow rather than lead domestic investment. This explains why there has been limited FDI mainly restricted to the exploitation of mineral and natural resources with limited employments and other benefits. This only enhances the profitability and protection of FDI without necessary enhancing the trickledown benefits to national economies as such enclave investments (Banjo, 2000).

Sovereignty and the Rise of International Organizations

In addition to cross-border trade and capital movements, globalization has prompted the increase in international organizations (IOs) as new key actors in international relations. International organizations are legal entities established by more than one nation-state pursuant to an international agreement. They have a legal personality, which enables them to exercise rights and fulfil duties on the international plane independently. Recognition of this special status in the years after World War II represents a significant shift from Westphalian sovereignty (Oji and Ozioko, nd).

Political Impact of Globalization on the Nation-States

Conditions are set in a straight forward manner in order for the nation-states to sit at the globalization table. Firstly, there is need to liberalize democracy (in a sense they have to subscribe to the capitalist philosophy of governance), which, in turn, would ascertain that the liberalization of the markets becomes a smooth transitional process. Simply put, global changes dictate terms under which the national government should function. As earlier hinted, the formulation of the local administrative policies should be so that they are in line with the prescriptions of globalization. The nation-states have limited powers to challenge the hegemonic, unjust and plethoric economic injustices pursued by institutions such as the IMF, World Bank as well as the WTO.

Under globalization, the nation-states’ sovereignty remains in limbo as power steadily shifts to the most powerful financial and corporate institutions. Ganaie and Mohiuddin (2016) argue that globalization has subjected the national governments to an atmosphere where they have seen their sovereignty and control over domestic political and economic affairs rapidly diminish,

Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded? whatever sovereignty governments in the developing world managed to obtain with decolonization are now rapidly eroding.

Neoliberalism has smashed and snatched the nation-states’ models of development and replaced them with models, which embrace the needs and demands of the supranational organizations. Although, on paper, some of these development models and theories were supposed to reduce dependency, reality has it that those in the Global South have no economic spine to stand on their own, lest they crumble to the ground like an atomic bomb. Ganaie and Mohiuddin (2016) observes that the international environment was imposing some compelling pressure on the Global South to carry out free market reforms and these very reforms often produce social resistance and political turmoil within the nation-states’ boundaries. The dilemma here is, how do the nation- states devise strategic economic reform policies at the same time maintain political stability so that democracy and peace are not jeopardized?

Ganaie and Mohiuddin (2016) make a case that developing countries have sometimes deployed military and police force to deactivate popular sectors and eliminate all forms of autonomous political activity. This generally means suspending the constitution and replacing the rule of law with arbitrary political authority. Authoritarian leaders also move to eliminate other bases of political power: the legislature is shut down, civilian courts disbanded and elections cancelled. Political opponents are typically imprisoned, tortured, executed or forced into exile. To maintain high levels of economic growth and inflows of foreign capital, the state actively intervenes to break up demonstrations, strikes and land seizures. Repression is generally linked to the emergence of a coalition of governmental, industrial and military elites whose preeminent objectives are political stability and rapid economic growth. Popular movements are considered a serious threat to these twin objectives.

The above assertion carries a lot of weight, especially if one looks at the socio-economic and political upheavals which are prevalent in the African continent even in this era of globalization. Globalization is supposed to cushion the socio-economic and political environment and yet it is apparent that the ground for operation is uneven. The political havoc that comes to the fore within the nation-states end up compelling the elites to move their money out of the country - a condition that leads to the germination of appalling economic conditions, as the currency begins to lose value which ultimately leads to economic recession. The responsibilities of the nation-states at the birth of globalization have proved to be oozing into a world of complexity as divided attention on whether to address the liberties and the welfare of the citizens or satisfy the demands of the global village persistently creates an evolving dilemma.

According to Panic (2003), globalization has deprived the nation-states’ power and sovereignty in that constitutional where changes are made in lieu of the fear of breaking ranks with the powerful economies. This state of affairs has also created gigantic problems in that the nation- states cannot find convincing reasons to woo their citizens to the reasoning that they can survive independently without reliance on the supranational and political union. The painful truth, though, is that under capitalism, the business of the day is focused on amassing wealth through private initiatives, rather than attaching value to accumulation for the aspirations of all the citizens within the nation-states. Globalization leads to the evolution of weak states which consequently cripples democracy, and in the absence of a strong democracy, we can be rest assured that the civil society will remain in shambles and doomed.

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Globalization and Cultural Sovereignty

Culture refers to the patterns of behaviour and thinking that people living in social groups learn, create, and share. Culture distinguishes one human group from others. A people’s culture includes their beliefs, rules of behaviour, language, rituals, art, technology, styles of dress, ways of producing and cooking food, religion, political and economic systems. The dialectical relationships that exist between the globalization parameters do not only affect the global economies, but also have immense impact on the ethnic, national and religious identities of the various diverse world cultures.

To argue that globalization has not had profound impact on the nation-states’ cultures will definitely be grossly inaccurate, because the world is persistently witnessing the demise of the nation-states’ socio-economic and political fiber. Thus, it becomes absolutely rational to contend that in the era of globalization, we are witnessing a clash of cultures. Mazaar (1999, p. 175) warns that looking at globalization in social and political terms, it is a time of renewed search for identity in the ethnic, national and cultural affinities that magnify the differences among people and groups rather than, as in the case of globalism, emphasizing their similarities. The proliferation of groups with which people identify has an effect on their social organization, education, technology and religious beliefs.

Although globalization is supposed to promote the emergence of pluralistic societies, the contrary is the reality on the ground where there is more of cultural assimilation than cultural pluralism. To some degree, one should not be taken aback by these phases of cultural development in that as skewed as they are, it is apparent that the most powerful societies and or cultures set a pace under which other cultures will have to operate. The less powerful become absorbed by the most powerful, thus resulting in advanced cultural homogeneity based on power. The result is a dizzying array of “competing and dying” cultures, which breeds complex problems regarding whose culture should shape the global socialization map.

Cultural fragmentation under the auspices of social transformation perpetuates the problem of lost identities and complex issues of eroding moral codes. The “paradox of globalization” is that apart from creating one big economy or one big polity, it equally divides, fragments and polarizes. Convergence and divergence are two sides of a coin (Mazaar, 1999, p. 187). Finding harmony within this clash of cultures is on its own a giant challenge which ultimately results in sparking explosive socio-economic and political adventures.

This is the process of cultural synchronization which, according to (Ciboh, 2003), implies that a particular type of cultural development in the metropolitan country is persuasively communicated to the receiving countries. It implies that the traffic of cultural products goes massively in one direction and has basically a synchronic mode. The metropolis offers the model with which the receiving parties synchronize. The whole process of local inventiveness and cultural creativity is thrown into confusion or is definitely destroyed. However, the concept of cultural sovereignty is the product of cultural conflicts, especially emphasized by a nation that is comparatively weak in information communication capacity against more powerful countries. The information sovereignty is so important that a third world leader warned that “a nation whose mass media are dominated from the outside is not a nation” (Nordenstreng and Schiller, 1979, p. 128).

Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded?

War on Terror and the State Sovereignty

The US government declared a war against terrorism in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon. The terrorists simultaneously attacked the twin towers, the symbols of US economic strength and the Pentagon, the symbol of its military strength on September 11, 2001. Although the responsibility of the attacks was fixed on Al-Qaeda, the war against terrorism was not to remain limited to this organization given its presence across national boundaries and continents. The US president declared that, “Our war on terror begins with the Al- Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of the global reach has been found, stopped and defeated” (Bush 2001, p.2). Since then, the US has launched a global campaign against terrorism. The US-led alliance is fighting to do away with terrorism with full strength. They have affirmed that “We will direct every resource at our command- every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence and every necessary weapon of the war- to disrupt and defeat the global terror network” (Bush 2000, p.2).

The US Government formed a coalition according to the provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution that was passed on September 28, 2001 (1373, 2001).However, it has been observed that the US government in its war against terrorism has gone to such an extreme that it has forgotten the established rules and norms that command the mutual relations of the nations and states in the civilized world (Yusuf, 2003). It has been reported that following the doctrine of “might is right”, the US government has demoralized the nations and has challenged the states’ sovereignty across the globe.

The state sovereignty based on the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 suggests non-intervention of the nation-states in the internal matters of the others (Benoist, 1999). However, the multilateral treaties in the aftermath of the World War II and the growing role of United Nations in the world politics have made a great impact on the concept of sovereignty. From the outset, it seems that the international obligations have taken the central position and the state sovereignty has lost its primacy. But, the evidence suggests that the state sovereignty was respected to a great extent during the cold war period. However, in the post-cold war era, the concept of sovereignty puts much emphasis on the human security. Unfortunately, the state sovereignty has been challenged in the name of safeguarding human security in several cases. Quite often, the counterterrorism campaigns have dishonored the territorial boundaries of the sovereign states. This is a violation of the international law and the concept of state sovereignty (Tendon, 2005).

Sovereignty and Aid dependency

Another source of external influence on public policy was, and still is, official aid which increasingly has been linked to ‘conditionalities’. Aid is used as a lever to determine domestic government policy. Donors can withdraw vital aid if the neo-colonial governments fail to adopt policies favouring the interests of the donor government or firms based in the donor economy. In this way the donor government secures strategic and diplomatic advantages, as in 1983 when the United States Congress made economic assistance to developing countries conditional upon support for American foreign policy. Economic interests whom the donor represents secure a profitable policy environment.

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Special loans from multilateral agencies such as the IMF or the World Bank come with conditions attached, such as a requirement to cut public expenditure programmes, particularly food subsidies and social services. Implementing them can lead to political unrest. Multilateral agencies such as the World Bank enforce ideological objectives in return for development assistance. Other conditions on which bilateral aid is given have included the purchase of arms and the award of contracts to firms in the donor country.

Assessing Globalization and Sovereignty of States

Technological changes over the years have increased the flow of people, goods, capital, and ideas. Monetary policy is an area where state control has contracted. With the exception of Great Britain, the major European states have established a single monetary authority. Along with the erosion of national currencies, we now see the erosion of national citizenship – the notion that an individual should be a citizen of one and only one country, and that the state has exclusive claims to that person’s loyalty. For many states, there is no longer a sharp distinction between citizens and non-citizens. Permanent residents, guest workers, refugees, and undocumented immigrants are entitled to some bundle of rights even if they cannot vote (Karky, 2009). The ease of travel and the desire of many countries to attract either capital or skilled workers have increased incentives to make citizenship more flexible.

Treaty is one of the sources of international obligation. There is a basic norm of law that one cannot derive rights and liabilities from a treaty to which he is not party. However, contemporary international law now envisages situations where rights and liabilities are created for states without their being party to such transaction. There are treaties that are assaimilable to international executive acts and treaties assaimilable to international legislative acts, such as treaties that create objective legal situations like neutralization, demilitarization, internationalization of human rights and conventions codifying existing norms of customary international law (Kudrle, 1999).

Membership to an international organization has tremendous impact on the sovereignty of states. This can be appreciated from four sides. The activities of international organizations can have quasi- legislative, administrative and supervisory, as well as jurisdictional effects. This hinders the freedom of member states to act as they please. The UN Charter, Article 2 (6), states that the organization shall ensure that states that are not members of the UN shall act in accordance with the UN Charter.

Transnational Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have much influence over state activities. Throughout the 19th century, there were transnational movements to abolish slavery, promote the rights of women, and improve conditions for workers. The number of transnational NGOs, however, has grown tremendously today. The availability of inexpensive and very fast communications technology has made it easier for such groups to organize and make an impact on public policy and international law. Such groups prompt questions about sovereignty because they appear to threaten the integrity of domestic decision-making. Activists who lose on their home territory can pressure foreign governments, which may in turn influence decision makers in the activists’ own nation.

Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded?

Belonging to international institutions like the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU) or the Organization of American States (OAS) is inconsistent with conventional sovereignty rules. Member states have created supranational institutions that can make decisions opposed by some member states. For instance, the ruling of The European Court of Justice has direct effect and supremacy within national judicial systems, even though these doctrines were never explicitly endorsed in any treaty. The European Monetary Union created a central bank that now controls monetary affairs for three of the union’s four largest states. The Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty provide for majority or qualified majority, but not unanimous voting in some issue areas (Giddens, 1990).

In a sense, these institutions are products of state sovereignty because they were created through voluntary agreements among its member states. But, in another sense, it fundamentally contradicts conventional understandings of sovereignty because these same agreements have undermined the juridical autonomy of its individual members. Thus, the question that must be addressed is; which is superior: sovereignty or political and economic integration? Which should be subject to the other? (Woodley,2015). Human rights have made a significant impact on international law. It has particularly affected the sovereignty of states and the assumption that international law is solely a state-based system and that states are free to treat their nationals the way they please. In Article 56 of the United Nations Charter, all members “pledge themselves to take a joint and separate actions in cooperation with the organization for the achievement of these and related ends”. The notion of human rights is not only individualistic in nature but also protects certain group rights. The idea of peoples’ rights is based on the premise that there are certain rights, which are enjoyed commonly by all.

On the economic sphere, there have been allegations that underlying the economic sovereignty debate is a hidden power struggle on the world stage, contested by a number of prominent countries who use the language of globalization in the pursuit of very national agendas. Karky (2009) warns any country opening their economy to the outside world that it is by no means a free lunch. The policy will inevitably come at a cost. The cost can be perceived to be a weakening of the nation’s “economic sovereignty”, namely the erosion of permanent and exclusive privileges over its economic activities, wealth, and natural resources. A review of the world’s history will find that it is common that the economic sovereignty of an individual member is from time to time influenced by global economic trends. The increase in the number of international organizations and the expansion of their functions has undeniably restricted an individual country’s sovereignty to certain extent.

As national barriers to cross-border economic activity have fallen, nation-states have become more vulnerable to global market forces. As international trade becomes a larger and more important part of domestic economic output, nation states that impose significant tariffs or provide large domestic subsidies face the danger of painful retaliation (Dunn, 1999). Anti- globalists suggest that international capital markets prevent nation states from pursuing independent macroeconomic policies. Nation-states, for example, cannot fully control the value of their currencies. Private traders have forced the United Kingdom to allow movement in the pound, though more authoritarian nations like China have maintained a tighter grip (Dunn, 1999). Currency fluctuation, in turn, has limited the ability of nation-states to pursue macroeconomic policies that fuel growth by expanding the money supply. International markets may impose similar constraints on fiscal policy. Because national governments issue bonds on the international

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 capital markets, they find their ability to set domestic policy constrained by the value of their securities.

The escalation of Ebola virus disease needs global collaboration to prevent them from spreading as well as the inability of a single country to tackle them alone. WHO has led the international community in developing the health strategies and approaches required to control and end this Ebola outbreak. WHO is still engaged on the front line, implementing many of the major health interventions. As of 5th May, 2019, a total of 1,572 EVD cases, including 1,506 confirmed and 66 probable cases were reported in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. A total of 1045 deaths were reported (overall case fatality ratio 66%), including 979 deaths among confirmed cases. Of the 1572 confirmed and probable cases with known age and sex, 55% (870) were female, and 28% (445) were children aged less than 18 years. The number of healthcare workers affected has risen to 95 (6% of total cases), including 34 deaths.

Conclusion

Globalization represents the reality that we live in a time when the walls of sovereignty are no protection against the movements of capital, labour, information and ideas nor can they provide effective protection against harm and damage.' The typical account points to at least three ways that globalization has affected sovereignty. First, the rise of international trade and capital markets has interfered with the ability of nation-states to control their domestic economies. Second, nation- states have responded by delegating authority to international organizations. Third, a ‘new’ global law, generated in part by these organizations, has placed limitations on the independent conduct of domestic policies. These developments place sovereignty under serious pressure. The above are aided by information and communication technology.

The fundamental policy of globalization that undermines the sovereignty of states is the promotion of universal standard for everything, which, in turn, alters the scope of the state authority. To this end, economic, cultural and information which are the purview of a sovereign state have been eroded.

Recommendations

Globalization in principle expands the opportunities to enjoy goods and services beyond what a country can produce just as participating in an expanding market does for an individual, thus potentially enhancing the capabilities for enjoying the right to development. It must be noted that in practice, for most of the developing countries, globalization has not done so. To translate the potential opportunities into actual capabilities, a country would need to adopt an appropriate set of policies. Thus, even though this interaction continues, countries must select what to accept and what to reject, by adopting appropriate policies that would be to their best benefit. This is a reflection of the sovereignty of such a state.

The decline of national sovereignty is neither inevitable nor obviously desirable. Nation- states maintain the current world order. Sovereignty allows nations to protect democratic decision- making and individual liberties. Nor does robust respect for sovereignty demand the rejection of globalization or international cooperation. Rather than reject international law, or conjure forth the demise of the nation-state, the paper recommends a middle way. Popular sovereignty establishes

Globalization and State Sovereignty: Transformed or Eroded? the constitution as the authoritative mechanism for the generation and enforcement of national law. The constitution's structural provisions, such as the separation of powers, set the stage for making international law and institutions compatible with sovereignty and democratic government, and thereby allow the states to reconcile their position on sovereignty and globalization.

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Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward

Patrick Babatunde Oroborome Oromareghake, PhD.

Department of Political Science and International Relations, Taraba State University, Jalingo Email: [email protected]

Abstract

The Nigerian society is characterized by dependence on the core countries, especially the Western World, which is the main cause of economic dependency and perpetual underdevelopment. The role of the Nigerian elites is very negative, thereby aggravating Nigerian dependency, while contributing to the development of the core capitalist countries. It is against this background that this paper raises various issues in the Nigerian society that perpetuate dependency and underdevelopment. The study work is carried out with data obtained from secondary sources. Findings revealed that Post-colonial Nigerian economy is characterized by dependence irrespective of her political independence in 1960. The implication of this is that since the nation is economically dependent, every other sector is also dependent. This is contrary to the advocate for self-reliance and separation from the exploiters and exploited. The paper is, therefore, of the opinion that Nigeria cannot achieve successful self-reliance and true independence with the present approach of the misguided policies of the capitalist exploitation. The socialist transformation strategy is, therefore, recommended as the way out of dependency in Nigeria.

Keywords: Economy Dependency, Nigeria Society, Post-Colonial, Strategic Issues and Under- development

Introduction

It is not arguable that even with the granting of political independence of Nigeria in 1960, economic control still persists. In other words, even though Nigeria achieved political independence, she is not economically independent. Her inability to achieve economic independence has intensified her dependency which is the main cause of her persistent underdevelopment. The comprador bourgeoisie who took over political power from the colonists opened the door to foreign investments in order to satisfy their hunt for economic power. With the open door policies came investment galore, what the Europeans took away as profits during the colonial period came back now as capital to enhance the further accumulation of profits, this time with the national bourgeoisie. State policy protected and subsidized industrial investment by protective tariffs, tariff rebates on imported machinery, tax holidays and the provision of services and industrial estates. The states control the allocation of profitable opportunities which would be used to create protected riches for its clients and enable the Nigerian bourgeoisie to share in the spoils of the economy, and accumulate capital. These investors came as banks, insurance, construction, oil and communication companies. These and the host of others swum into the country in the guise of favoring the Nigerian economy while in

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 the real sense, they only create images which stimulate production mostly in metropolitan rather than underdeveloped economies. The monopoly of the comprador bourgeoisies creates through their multinational companies ends up serving as an avenue of exploitation of the masses, that is, impoverishing them instead of empowering them. In the process of attracting investors, government functionaries are having a field - day conferences and ceremonies marking the launch of one new industry or the other and sermonizing on the great profits that await foreign and indigenous entrepreneurs who are willing to avail themselves of the Nigerians traditional hospitality and her economic open door policy. This has attracted industries from countries in Europe, Asia, and the America, which have been stampeded to win some sizeable part of the Nigerian market.

To encourage the growth of a broadly based private sector, both the military and civilian regimes in Nigeria enacted a lot of legislations which favor the fostering of foreign private investment. Amidst urban squalor and rural poverty, successive Nigerian governments have continued to either reclaim marshy lands or acquire new ones from the natives for urban developments and for redistribution to foreign firms and their local agents. Unfortunately, most of these so-called development projects such as rural and urban utilities like health centers and educational institutions, roads, among others, rarely function or serve the people. In other words, the projects usually cease to function immediately after they were commissioned.

The post-colonial Nigeria economy and society is characterized by trading with the metropolitan countries whereby the bulk of exports goes to the former colonizing power and the western allies. This trade boom was enhanced by the discovery of oil in Nigeria during which many citizens, including retired civil servants, intellectuals all took to the import and export business. Foreign companies like SCOA, CFAO, Lever Brothers, PZ, etc. all indulge in import business; they import manufactured goods from the metropolitan countries and export nothing in return except their profits. Their imports include electrical appliances, automobile spare parts, wearing apparels, food items, etc. The foregoing development has made Nigeria to become a center for depositing consumer goods and for collecting raw materials paying less and to become a place where public funds are used to establish import substitution industries for the private interest bourgeoisie. The multinationals (MNCS) and their agents, the compradors, invest in the businesses that would yield only quick returns; they do not invest in the production of goods that will boost the economy. Rather the unproductive industries that are detrimental to the economy, such as beer breweries are promoted. There are so many of these industries in Nigeria, especially the import substitution industries which contribute nothing except draining the economy of Nigeria, these only satisfy the interest of the comprador bourgeoisies and their partners.

Theoretical Framework

Dependency theory originates with two papers published in 1949 – one by Hans Singer, and the other by Raúl Prebisch – in which the authors observe that the terms of trade for underdeveloped countries relative to the developed countries had deteriorated over time: the underdeveloped countries were able to purchase fewer and fewer manufactured goods from the developed countries in exchange for a given quantity of their raw materials exports. This idea is known as the Singer-Prebisch thesis. Prebisch, an Argentinean economist at the United Nations Commission for Latin America (UNCLA), went on to conclude that the underdeveloped nations

Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward must employ some degree of protectionism in trade if they were to enter a self-sustaining development path. He argued that import-substitution industrialization (ISI), not a trade-and- export orientation, was the best strategy for underdeveloped countries. The theory was popular in the 1960s and 1970s as a criticism of modernization theory, which was falling increasingly out of favor due to continued widespread poverty in much of the world.

Many dependency theorists advocate social revolution as an effective means to the reduction of economic disparities in the world system. Poor nations are at a disadvantage in their market interactions with wealthy nations. There are several aspects to this. One is that a high proportion of the developing nations' economic activity consists of exports and imports from the developed nations in many cases with only one or a few developed nations. By contrast, only a small proportion of the economic activity of the developed nations consists of trade with the developing nations; a developed nation's trade consists mostly of internal trade and trade with other developed nations. This asymmetry puts a poor nation in a weak bargaining position vis a vis a developed nation. There are also historical aspects: the poor nations are almost all former colonies of the developed nations; their economies were built to serve the developed nations in a twofold capacity: as sources of cheap raw materials and as highly populous markets for the absorption of the developed nations' manufactured output.

The inflow of capital from the developed countries is the prerequisite for the establishment of economic dependence. This inflow takes various forms: loans granted on onerous terms; investments that place a given country in the power of the investors; almost total technological subordination of the dependent country to the developed country; control of a country's foreign trade by the big international monopolies; and in extreme cases, the use of force as an economic weapon in support of the other forms of exploitation.

Economic exploitation remains the crucial element. The most useful concept of dependency focuses precisely on the creation and maintenance of that sort of exploitation, that is, on the existence of a state of structural mechanism which obstructs the growth of the economy and presents its filtering down to the masses in the dependent economies, considering the opposite conditions in dominant economies.

Santos (1979) state that dependency relates to a situation in which the economy of certain countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of another economy to which the former is subjected. The relation of interdependence between two or more economies, and between these and the world trade, assumes the form of dependence when some countries, the dominant ones which are the capitalist nations like America can expand and can be self- sustaining while other countries, the dependent ones, like Nigeria can do this only as a reflection of that expansion which can have either a negative or positive effect on this immediate development.

Global interdependence, for example, further International specialization along the lines of an international division of labor, will lead to increased dominance/dependence relationship, if the increased trade between the western countries like United States of America and developing country like Nigeria worsen the terms of trade for Nigeria. Most free trade and the new international division of labor proponents strongly deny that this could happen. One can, however demonstrate formally and within a basic neo-classical framework, that increased trade

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 between the United States and Nigeria will lead to worse terms of trade when the export supply curve to the south has a negative slope the latter depends primarily on so called income effect due to abundant labor supply and a production structure.

Issues

The postcolonial Nigerian society and economy are plagued with myriad of issues that results in the dependency situation of the nation. Below are some of the issues that manifest as the precursor to dependency in Nigeria.

Lack of Self Reliance

Lack of self-reliance involves a nation depending on the external factor for aid and assistance of any sort, and a society that lacks this self- reliance does not have an effective control of its policy process. This can be seen in Nigeria whereby some economic policies were made such as a Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1986 which favored only the interest of the foreigners and the external world and with a resultant lack of a greater share of international trade. This is because lack of self-reliance of a nation places the production possibilities of that nation at disadvantage as opposed to self-reliance society that places it at an advantage over others in international trade. According to Krusher (1988), trade is like a barometer which points to the direction of policy, a greater share of international trade would easily place a country in an advantageous position in diplomatic relation with other countries.

The experience in Nigeria shows that those who wield power in government and political parties and those who pilot the affairs of the state are fractions of the ruling class. Those who control the means of production do so with the support and collaboration of the governing class and their external collaborators. This point tends to distinguish between the governing class and the ruling class together with their external collaborators in Nigeria in an interwoven relationship.

A self-independent country or the economy of a country should be controlled by nationals and not foreigners and their representative multinationals. Even though multinationals operate in every society, these operations in less developed countries like Nigeria are usually exploitative. The ability of a nation to solve its economic problem without the country inviting others has shown and proved such a country is self-reliance. Dependence on import should be minimized for a country to be self-reliant; the society must be able to generate its needs within so as to be able to operate with other societies on equal footing. This implies that the industries (agricultural, manufacturing and construction) must have a multiplier effect on one another. A linkage, a beneficial relationship must exist, and in that case the product of agriculture and saving there from could be used beneficially in other industries and vice versa.

Foreign Oriented Policies in Nigeria

The inability of Nigeria industrialist to conceive, design and implement manufacturing activities according to the dictate of their economy has led to the new type of economic domination of the economy by foreign companies who subtly dictate terms and types. Unfortunately, the indigenous elites play key role in importing economic policies from former colonialists or from Western Europe which enhance the further accumulation of profit,

Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward but to the disadvantage of their home economy in favor of such foreign economies. This they do through importing machineries, tax holiday, protected subsidies, and protected tariffs etc. The state controlled the allocation of profitable opportunities, which could be used to create protected riches for its clients and enable the Nigerian economic elites to share in the spoil of the Nigerian economy and accumulate capital. Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) served as a good example of foreign oriented economic policies.

The Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)

Before the 1970s, agriculture use to be the mainstay of Nigerian economy and its chief foreign exchange earner. This situation changed dramatically with the increasing economic fortunes occasioned by the oil boom of the early 1970. The sale of crude oil in the world market brought massive revenue which the Nigerian leadership could not manage efficiently. Successive governments both at the federal and state has embarked on gigantic and expensive projects, many which were of doubtful utility and viability. There was also an unprecedented proliferation of public and private business establishments largely dependent on import of raw materials into the country. This transformed the country from dependency on agriculture to depending on oil, while fiscal and external deficits prevailed. This heavy dependence on oil and on imports rendered the economy vulnerable to external shocks. Consequently, Nigeria experienced a gross misallocation of resources, stagnation of non - oil export and increased reliance on imports.

Following the crash of oil prices in the early 1986, the Nigerian government reached the crossroads and the urgency of a radical reform became necessary. It was 'within the context that the Structural Adjustment Programme after several other options including IMF loan was considered and rejected by Nigerian. The SAP was essentially and economically a stabilization programme aimed at controlling inflation and correcting temporary imbalances in the balance of payment position through expenditure reducing policies. Its basic element includes deregulation, trade liberalization, reforming the public sector and strengthening institution, enhancing agricultural prices and removing obstacle to saving and investments.

Having been introduced at the time in our national history when Nigeria was experiencing the climax of an economic nightmare, an envisaged aftermath of the oil boom, the SAP was easily the most ambiguous, most radical and most comprehensive economic reform programme ever introduced in Nigeria.

Objectives of SAP i. To restructure and diversify the productive bare of the economy so as to reduce dependence on the oil sector and imports. ii. The achievement of fiscal and balance of payment viability over the short and medium. iii. Laying the barn for sustainable non - inflationary or minimal inflationary growth in the economy; and iv. To lessen the dominance of unproductive investment in the public sector, improve the sectors; efficiency and intensify the growth potential of the private sector. The attainment of the objectives required further strengthening of supply and demand management policies which necessitated the adoption of a certain operational strategies, including; i. The establishment of a second tier foreign exchange market (SFGM) as a

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

mechanism for actualizing a realistic exchange rate for the naira and ensuring a more efficient allocation of scarce foreign exchange resources. ii. The adoption of tight fiscal and monetary policies iii. Rationalization of customs tariff and excise duty regime. iv. The dismantling of price, trade, and centralized exchange controls that is trade and exchange liberalization v. Overhauling of the administration structure. vi. Rationalization and selective commercialization and privatization of public enterprise

The objectives were aimed at injecting private sector efficiency on the management of government business attracting foreign investment into the economy and promoting non - oil export so as to reduce over dependence on the oil sector as the principal foreign exchange earner. The Babangida regime, which introduced the SAP, obviously had a clear vision of Nigeria in these direction especially in the effort to improve non-oil export as an alternative foreign earner for it had, in its 1986 budget, introduced several incentives to import trade including: i. Refund of import duty and raw materials used for the production of export items. ii. Refund of excise duties on export items iii. Exemption of raw materials imported for export production from the new 30% import duty. iv. Granting of generous import licenses for raw material needed for export products v. Retention by exporters of 25% of export proceeds vi. Extending the facility of rediscounting short term bills.

Deception of Making Room for Investors

The indigenous elites in the country do anything to make profit for themselves through the guise of making room for foreign investors. Federal and state elites are having a field day in conferences and ceremonies marking the launching of one new industry or the other, and sermonizing on the great profits that awaits foreign and indigenous entrepreneurs who are willing to avail themselves of Nigeria's traditional hospitality and her economic open door policy. Nigeria looking forward to bring in foreign investors into her economy to explore her minerals brings about exploitation.

Mismanagement of the Economy

The indigenous elites who took over political power and by implication economic power after the colonialist are gone have not engage in venture that will suit or help in the development of the economy; instead they invest in unproductive ventures and quick money yielding businesses. Nwosu (1980) sees the "Nigerian bourgeoisies as responsible for the domination of Nigerian economy by foreign investments". He also said “in Nigeria, trading and the so called contracting activities are regarded as the quickest way of increasing income. These economic indigenous elites for the fact that they have positions in Nigeria, it serves as a way of looking the economy, some of these positions comprise: i. Leadership member of political parties (directorate) ii. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie - that segment of the higher civic servants and state parastatals

Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward

indigenous bureaucratic managers Some of these funds are used in buying cars, houses and other ventures that do not carter for the interest of the country.

High Rate of Importation in Nigeria

High rate of importation is seen as the engine of underdevelopment. The over dependence on the western capitalist for their products can be traced back to the period of the trans- Atlantic slave trade during which human beings were exchanged for rum, gunpowder or guns. The intrusion of the British into the country paved way for exploitations marked by the creation of channels for the importation of European products in exchange for raw materials which were acquired at very low prices. Among the raw materials exported include mostly food products such as cocoa, palm oil for soap and other food items. This was industrially counter-productive since it was the major cause of the collapse of indigenous industries with unemployment as it major consequence, including the importation of even counterfeit or inferior products into the country. The importation of products has been a problematic to the people of Nigeria and this can be viewed as a one man bandit terrorizing the economic factor of the country. Nigeria is seen as a dumping ground to industrialised countries. Nigerians high rate of importation has affected the country in different ways such as resulting to high unemployment rate and the lack of growth of local industries

Problem of corruption Corruption is one of the major problems Nigeria is facing. One of the devastating effects of political corruption by the corrupt leaders is the practice of investing the misappropriated money abroad. In this light Offiong (1980, p.120) observes that "it is a fact that corruption exits in both the industrialized and non-industrialized societies, and as the water gate revelation made it very clear, a society like the US is rite with corruption. However, the marked difference is that while the moneys stolen from the American people are reinvested in America, those of Africa are reinvested abroad and fact amount find their way into Swiss banks"

We may not rule out that some of the possibilities that some of the moneys misappropriated by Nigerian leaders have been reinvested in Nigeria to expand their private capital. However, the truth remains that they remit a large portion of the ill-gotten moneys to foreign banks through their expatriate collaborators. In this respect, Offiong (1980, p.120) asserts “this alliance between domestic and international explorer is serious problem in African development”.

Many expatriates have hidden under the shadow of doing business with Nigerians to twinned money out of the country. Corruption is one of the practices of the Nigerian economic elite. Since these elite come in contact with the governing class who relies on state power as means of enriching themselves, loans obtained from abroad offer them more opportunities to enrich themselves because of the use of this state power. State power has been used in Nigeria to crumble major industries in Nigeria such as the Ajakuta iron and steel industry, Nigerian cement Nkalagu, etc. In spite of all the huge amounts already committed into these obvious white elephant projects; they still constitute a drain on the nation’s

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 economy because of politics and inbuilt corruption in Nigeria.

Development Strategy

According to the National Economic Empowerment Development Strategy (NEEDS) document (March 2004), Nigeria's home grown Poverty-Reduction Strategy Programme (PRSP), NEEDS is not just a plan on paper, it is a plan on the ground and founded on a clear vision, sound values and enduring principles. It is a medium term strategy (2003 - 07) but which derives from the country's long-term goals of poverty reduction, wealth creation,' employment generation and value re-orientation.

NEEDS is a nationally coordinated framework of action in close collaboration with the state and local governments, (With their State - Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy- SEEDS) and other stakeholders to consolidate on the achievements of the last four years (1999 - 2003) and build a solid foundation for the attainment of Nigeria's long term vision of becoming one of the largest and strongest African Economy and a key player in the world economy. NEEDS goals of poverty reduction, wealth creation, employment generation and values reorientation rests on four key strategies, namely: a. Reforming government and institutions; b. Growing the private sector; c. Implementing a social character; and d. Values re-orientation.

Reforming Government and Institutions

This means, according to the NEEDS document, "to restructure, right-size, professionalize and strengthen government and public institutions to deliver effective services to the people". It also aims to "eliminate waste and inefficiency", and "free up resources for investment in infrastructure and social services by government". A key aspect of this reform is the fight against corruption to ensure "greater transparency, promote rule of law and stricter enforcement of contracts".

NEEDS should be commended for bringing once more to the fore a checklist of woes that has long conspired to obstruct governance, reminiscent of the weak state thesis of Susan, Ackerman (in Obianyo, 2004) and other World Bank reform programme apologist. Amadi (2004, p. 16) thus notes "the discourse of institutional reform is capable of great mystification and obscurantism". It tends to elevate symptoms to the realm of causes, and thus suffers the limitation of wrong diagnosis. The diagnosis overlooks the political content of malfunctioning of the public service or even the historical specificity of public services in Nigeria, as rooted in the colonial and neo-colonial processes of capital accumulation. Thus the 'right-sizing' formula of this reform compliments the banks thesis of the 'effective state' as against the 'minimalist state' considered to be less generally acceptable because of its neo-liberal ideological bent. Thus the effective state should bring about reforms, which could establish a foundation of law, maintain micro-economic stability as well as the capacity to invest in basic social services and infrastructure. The effective state could also protect the vulnerable groups in society and protect the environment'. In this wise, states should establish 'effective roles and restraints, foster competition and increase the citizens’ role and partnership with the private sector.

Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward

Growing the Private Sectors

NEEDS is a development strategy anchored on the private sector as the engine of development ...for "wealth- creation", "employment-generation" and "poverty-reduction". The government is "the enabler, the facilitator and the regulator". "The private sector is the executor, the direct investor and manager of businesses". Key elements of this strategy include, renewed privatization, deregulation and liberalization programme (to shrink the domain of the public sector and buoy up the private sector), (NEEDS, 2004).

The foregoing shows that NEEDS and SAP share the same logic - the logic of the 'minimal' state espoused by the World Bank. This logic is expressed in the privatization, liberalization and de-regulation policies of market reform. This strategy, usually referred to as "adjustment', is needed to create favorable conditions for new invasion of foreign capital to take over former state enterprises (Nabudere, 2000, p.35). It helps to open up the state to new areas of investment hitherto monopolized by the state. For this to happen the state has to be portrayed as ineffective, and inefficient in the delivery of services, and so can best operate as a 'facilitator', 'regulator' and 'enabler' for private capital. But Amadi (2004:30) contends that "there is nothing unusual about giving the private sector the prominent role in economic development". However, "even where the state intends a greater role for the private sector, the state must be able and willing to make enormous public investment in social services apart from investment infrastructure, if real and sustained growth is to be possible.

Implementing a Social Charter

The Social Charter, according to NEEDS document, refers "to that contract between the individual and his governments, which recognizes his rights and responsibilities and promises to deliver to him the basic necessities for a decent human existence. These include portable water, food, clothing, shelter and access to adequate nutrition, basic education, primary health care, productive assets, security and protection from shocks and risks.

The Social Charter is premised on provisions of chapter 1 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria - Fundamental Objectives and Directive principles of State Policy; of which section 14 (1) states: "The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government" and Section 16(1) states: "The state shall within the context of the ideals and objectives for which provisions are made in this constitution":

i. Harness the resources of the nation and promote national prosperity and an efficient dynamic and self-reliant economy;

ii. Control the national economy in such manner as to secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen on the basis of social justice and equality of status and opportunity;

iii. Without prejudice to its right to operate or participate in areas of the economy, other than the major sectors of the economy manage and operate the major sectors of the economy.

Section 2 (a) (b) and (c) states that the state shall direct its policy towards ensuring:

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i. The promotion of planned and balanced economic development;

ii. That the material resources of the nation are harnessed and distributed as best as possible to serve the common good;

iii. That the economic system is not operated in such a manner as to permit the concentration of wealth or the means of promotion and exchange in the hands of few individuals or a group; and

iv. That suitable and adequate shelter, suitable and adequate food, reasonable national minimum living wage, old age care and pensions and unemployment, sick benefits and welfare of the disabled are provided for all citizens.

Value- re-orientation

The aim of NEEDS in this regard is to re-instill in the people the virtues of honesty, hard work, selfless service, moral rectitude and patriotism. This may be easy or difficult depending on the leadership commitment and exemplary conduct. Nigerians have 'gotten' tired of government rhetoric in this vein. We shall recall that former president Obananjo in his inaugural speech as civilian president in 1999 stated that "it is not going to be businesses as usual', "there shall be no sacred cows" Ironically, not only were there 'businesses as usual,' there were several 'sacred cows'. This explains the cynicism and skepticism that attend his present effort to combat corruption. In addition, his tacit support to the destabilization' of government of Anambra State in aid of rent seeking parasitic politicians leaves room for suspicion that he is not serious with his crusade for moral re-armament.

The foreign economic policies' discussed above have proved that they help in the underdevelopment of third world country like Nigeria since they involve human resource and funded with loan from other countries and also other international financial institution.

Foreign Loans in Nigeria

Nigeria has involved herself over the years in series of loans and grants. Very often, the advanced capitalist countries describe these loans as aid to the developing countries. However, empirical surveys have made it explicit that such loans do not give much benefit to the recipient. Thus, Nkrumah (1973, p.319) has this to say, "Aid to neo- colonial state is merely revolving credit, paid by the neo - colonial master, passing through the neo colonial state and returning to the neo - colonial master in for of increased profits."

What tends to emerge from the foreign loans question is that the dependency of Nigeria on foreign capital for the execution of major projects in the country has created more avenues for the use of state power for private enrichment. The more foreign loans are received, the more contracts are awarded, the more expatriate businessmen penetrate and influence the domestic economy of Nigeria, they defraud the country, take the moneys back to their country abroad, saved into foreign banks together with Nigerian collaborators.

The nature of the relationship between dependency and political corruption is actually determined by the character of the governing class. There is nothing intrinsically wrong with receiving

Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward loans from external sources or inviting foreign experts to assist in the execution of certain projects. Unfortunately, the fundamental problem in the Nigeria context is that the governing class relies on state power as means of enriching themselves. Thus loans obtained from international bodies like International Monetary Fund (IMF) and its twin sister World Bank offer them more opportunities to enrich themselves. Moreover, foreign collaborators and companies encouraged to operate in the country exploit the economic technological dependence of Nigeria and the character of Nigerian governing class to plunder public wealth, since some of the custodians of the Nigerian economy, aid the Nigerian leaders and businessmen to loot public treasury and then deposit their loot in foreign banks.

Singer (1978) notes that, the agencies conditionalities are means to ensure the efficiency of the international adjustment process to the benefit of all the agencies’ membership. It also constitutes an external aspect of the contribution the agencies make towards the balance of payment (BOP) difficulties of the member countries.

At the same time, taking corrective measures without financing would render the problem of adjustment more difficult and necessary disruptive. The less developed countries on the other hand, advocate for the modernization of the conditionalities. They argue that the IMF/world bank do not appreciate the domestic, social and political objectives, the economic priorities and structural inflexibilities of members including the causes of the balance of payment deficit before subjecting them to the conditionalities. The loan offered by World Bank and IMF are therefore based on the country meeting certain conditionalities, each country that tends to borrow has its specific conditionalities spelt out for her by the creditors, the conditionalities include devaluation of the currency of the nation and privatization of public enterprises.

Conclusion

Strategy for development and attitudes of Nigerians towards production are unfavorable for progress and development. There is need to channel our energies to producing for internal needs and consumptions but this calls for a change in the values of principle of the citizens. Unfortunately, there are far too many acts of indiscipline and self-indulgence on the part of the generality of our people in all the strata of our society. This act of indiscipline and self-indulgence have had and continue to have among other things, disastrous effect on our finances, and in order for Nigeria to attain her natural birth right and destiny she must be remade and recreated (rebranding). Every aspect of our existence must be revolutionalised; agriculture, industry, trade, tertiary services, the attitude of citizens to life as well as education and upbringing.

Way Forward

The remaking of Nigeria is a task caused probity, dedication and courage of a very high order, in addition to the rigorous planning, Spartan self discipline and exceeding industry. In other words, the remaking of Nigeria is feasible only if we first and foremost remake and recreate ourselves, that is to say those who offer to lead the country aright must strive constantly to lead themselves out of the unruly promptings of the instincts and liberate themselves from the 'tyranny of the flesh' in all its octopods dimensions. Nigeria is naturally good and great, it only remains for us as sons and daughters to strive for all we are worth and match our goodness and

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 greatness for the welfare and happiness for every one of us.

There must be certain basic norms and values governing the society which will help everybody. There must be a way from which these norms could be transferred from primordial to the state level. Any programme of action which is devoid of discipline will not work.

The building of a state requires more than the preparation of programmes, the design of plans and the issuance of instructions and implementations. It requires the wholehearted support and self-identification of the people and the widest possible response to the call for revolutionary service.

Rapid development on national scale and the attainment of economic independence demand a more intensive and wider application of ability and intensiveness, the speedy acquisition of technical knowledge and skill, a vast acceleration of productivity as a pre - requisite to accumulation of saving for reinvestment in industrial expansion.

There must be mass participation in productive activities. This helps to eliminate alienation, the masses should be entirely mobilized. All the countries that achieved self-sufficiency in production, succeeded through the effective mobilization of the masses. Seasons are the raw materials for achieving the desired objectives. No country will develop Nigeria for Nigerians, but a Nigerians are the ones who will develop the country by themselves. So the question of inviting foreigners for any development activities should be discouraged. Rather, the masses should be aroused to a meaningful participation in all areas of economic activities. The rural areas should be adequately developed because it is the nerve center for the productive activities.

The growth of the national economy and its inherent strength, including the factor of political stability, are bound to be dependent to a very large extent on government, and the rural sector remains it very core. It is also necessary that rural development programmes be conceived and structured as the core of a continuous dynamic process of national development rather than its ancillary. It is therefore facial to talk of national development if the transformation of the rural economy and life is not taking its true place. The living standard of the rural population should be improved in order to mobilize and allocate resources for progressive development. Mass participation requires that resources be allocated to low income classes and that the productive and social services actually reach them thereby making the process self-sustaining. This requires development of the appropriate skills and implementing capacities and the presence of institutions and local state and national level to ensure the effective use of existing resources and to foster the mobilization of additional and financial and human resources for the continued development of rural sector. Self- sustenance thus means involving and reaching the rural population through development programmes.

Local factors should be adequately deployed. Resources known and unknown should be adequately deployed. Innovation and creativity should be practical rather than theoretical; this should be achieved through setting up of research and development institute. Through the institute, local technologies may emerge which are compatible with local conditions and culture. Technologies have to be compatible with structures and culture one wants to main train. This involves indigenes trusting their institutions more than relying on foreigners. The issue of research and development was practiced successfully by the Biafrans during the Nigerian

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Post-Colonial Nigeria Society/Economy and Dependency: Issues, Strategy and the Way Forward civil war. Being encircled and cut off from the outside world because of the federal government blockade, Biafran engineers and technologists had to go to work there, what resulted was high rate of consumer and non- consumer goods, for instance petrol and diesel, toilet and washing soap, engine oil. Patriotic of the Nigerian home made goods can also reduce dependency of Nigeria by Nigerians. This home made goods can help in the eradication of unemployment and then the developing of the economy.

References Adimola, E (October 27 2009). Federal Government to Load N100 Billion on Aba Textile Mill. Daily Champion. Ake, C. (1981). A Political Economy of Africa. Enugu: Longman. Ake, C. (1996). Democracy and Development in Africa. Ibadan: Spectrum book. Asobie, A (1984). Globalization and National Development in Nigeria. Kaduna: Johnson Press. Awolowo. O (1981). ‘Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria,’ London. Macmillan press. Central Bank, (2006). ‘Economic Report for the First Quarter of 2006’ Abuja: Department of Research and Statistics. Donimode, A. (1983). ‘Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria’, London. Macmillan press. Fanon, F. (1961). The Wretched of the Earth. England: Penguin Books. Federal Ministry of Finance. Federal Government to Reimburse the Aba Textile Mill. Retrieved (July 28 2010), From www.Van.guardngr.com. Gurder, A. F. (1967). Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin. New York: Morthly Press. Hopkim, A.G. (1975). An Economic History of West Africa. London: Longman Publications. Iroegbu, J. (June 5 2010). Federal Government can Generate N 80 Billion Annually from Textile Industry, P B23 Michael, P. (2003). Economic Development. New Delhi: Person Education Plc. Nnoli, O. (1981). ‘Path to Nigeria Underdevelopment’, Darker: Codesia Publishers. Nwankwo, G. (2001). ‘Africa and International Monetary Corporation’, Lagos: Evergreen Associates. Offiong, D. A. (1980). Imperialism and Dependence. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Rodney, W. (1972). ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ Bogle: L' Ouleture Publications and Tanzania Publishing. Vanguard National Newspaper. Why NEEDS may not Succeed by Nigeria. Retrieved (July 28 2010). From: www.fmf.gov.ng

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development

1Tumba Peter Vandi and 2Isaac Iorhen Akuva PhD

Department of Political Science, Federal University Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract

The study examines the status of African continent on the world stage as it relates to Kwame Nkrumah’s philosophy on African Personality. The study uses secondary and descriptive method to generate and analyze the data acquired. The theoretical framework is hinged on the assumptions of the modernization theory. The study focuses on issues related to political instability and issues that are regarded as consequence of political instability such as bad governance, corruption, poverty, intra and inter-state conflict and terrorism. The findings of the study show that these factors are to a large extent responsible for the underdevelopment of Africa and its inability to influence and contribute to world peace generally. It was also found that the tenets provided by Nkrumah have not been adhered to by the present African leaders and people. The current challenges faced by Africa can be resolved if the leadership personality of Nkrumah is imbibed and adhered to by African leaders.

Keywords: Kwame Nkrumah, African Personality, Political Instability, and Political Philosophy.

Introduction

Ajom (2006) notes that classes of intellectual thinkers also emerged in Africa, unlike the claim by the West that it was only in Europe that political classical thinkers like Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, St, Augustine, Nicolo Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, David Hume, Burke, Bentham, Rousseau, Montesquieu, Kant, Hegel, and Marx emerged. Just like in other fields of study and other parts of the world, sources of African political thought are historical, sociological and nationalistic.

African political thinkers considered race and colonial imperialism as common problems that required coordinated strategy on a continental wide-scale to surmount. The philosophical thought sought to generate moral, political and material assistance to the freedom fighters. All the thinkers (Pan-Africanists) had at least one thing in common, that Africa should be free and for Nkrumah her personality be known for good in the World (Ajom, 2006, Mutiso and Rohio, 1975). Nkrumah, in his book, Freedom (1961) cited in Mutiso and Rohio (1975, p.57) stated that:

For the first time, I think in the history of this great continent, leaders of all purely African states which can play the independent role in international affairs will meet to discuss the problems of our countries and take the first steps towards working out an African contribution to international peace and goodwill. For too long in our

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history, Africa has spoken through the voices of others. Now, what I have called an African Personality in international affairs will have a chance of making its proper impact and will let the world know it through the voices of Africa’s own sons.

It is in consonance with the aforementioned, that the study concentrates on the thought of Nkrumah on African Personality and the present status of African continent on the world stage today. That is to objectively assess the socio-economic and political status of Africa as to what is the position of Africa in terms of global influence on political and economic issues, and to what extent is Africa able to be rigid and conservative in the area of achieving her foreign policy objectives as a continent in the world? What are the factors responsible for the African present status in the international system? And finally, to what extent could Nkrumah’s philosophy on African Personality help in advancing Africa’s capacity for good in the world?

In terms of methods, the study adopts exclusively secondary sources of data, and as a qualitative research. The study uses descriptive method of analysis to arrive at its conclusion.

Kwame Nkrumah’s Background

Kwame Nkrumah is one among the notable African Nationalists of the 20th century. He was born on the 21st of September 1909 in Nkroful western region of the then Gold Coast now Ghana. Between 1927 and 1930, he attended Achimota School which was the prestigious High School under the colonial rule. He eventually became a teacher in the Achimota School. At the age of 26, Nkrumah left the Gold Coast to study at the Lincoln University in the United States of America. He read widely from the literature of Karl Marx, Marcus Gavey, George Padmore and W.E.B. Dubois. From then on, the ideals of socialism became appealing to him. Eventually, Kwame Nkrumah linked up with Pan Africanists in 1945 in Manchester, United Kingdom. Where they organized the fifth Pan African Congress during which the delegates strategized to accelerate the struggle for the liberation of Africa (Anthony, 2013, Ocquaye, 2014, and Pratt, 2014).

After twelve (12) years of being away from the Gold Coast, Nkrumah was invited to become the Secretary General of the first ever political party in the Gold Coast popularly known as the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC).1948 was the year the Gold Coast went through perineum unrest that resulted to boycott and mass action. It was noted that there was boycott of British goods because people felt that the Association of West African Merchants, which included all the British expatriate firms, had raised prices far beyond the capacity of Ghanaians (Asente, 2014, Ocquaye, 2014 and Pratt, 2014).

The colonial government blamed the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention UGCC for string up trouble. This led to the arrest of Dr. Nkrumah and the UGCC party leaders. They were charged with looting and rioting therefore and were imprisoned in the James Fort Prison. The arrest of Nkrumah did not in way dampen enthusiasm within the party that he had founded. This was largely because many other activists remained outside the prison. Before the inauguration of a new constitution that gave Gold Coast chance to vote for self-rule in 1951, Nkrumah was released from prison. He split from the UGCC and formed the Convention Peoples Party CPP. His party won a landslide victory in the elections and Sir. Clark recognized him as the Prime Minister (Pratt, 2014).

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development After independence in 1957, Nkrumah declared Ghana a one party state. Therefore, he was perceived as a dictator. It was conceived as a total misunderstanding of African history that almost all of the African states, which broke away from the colonial yoke, established one party states; although others assert that one party state is completely not good for democracy (Pratt, 2014; Yeremia, 2014).

The Concept of African Personality

The concept of African personality generally refers to the manifestations of cultural uniqueness among Africans as reflected in their behavior, social norms, customs, values, beliefs, religious zeal, attitudes, explanations of the cosmos and the supernatural social and political systems historically or in the contemporary (Tembo, 1980).

In his writings, Blyden covered many aspects of African nationalism (personality) such as the common destiny of the Negro peoples, the distinctive mentality of the Africa, the place held by religion in his life, the immanently socialist, nature of African society, and the concept of Africa for Africans (Frenkel, 1974).

The argument about the African Personality arises mainly from two schools of thought. One, the Western and Western oriented scholars who express the view that the African does not exhibit Western traits of thought and culture because he is not yet civilized. Therefore, it believes that what is needed is to provide him with Western knowledge and culture so that eventually he will become like the Westerner. The other school of thought maintains that African behaves, thinks, and lives as he does because he is unique. It holds that western education and culture should be used to enhance further his uniqueness. Therefore, the former is termed as anti-African personality and the latter the pro-African personality (Tembo, 1980).

The Pro-African personality school of thought is sympathetic towards the African and seeks to analyze the issue as a genuine and authentic subject of social inquiry. The proponents of this school of thought generally maintain that the African social consciousness owes its origins to the rapid and mostly destructive effects of slavery, colonialism and, in contemporary times, neo- colonialism. The African social consciousness has been described as a unique and genuine system of social thought and character arising from social environmental conditions and historical experiences which are predominantly different from those of Asia, Europe and the United States. Among the proponents of more abstract theories of African personality are Senghor, Mbiti and Cesaire (Tembo, 1980).

Negritude is a philosophy of African being. It seeks to define the African’s personality in terms of his total response to the environment; his emotions, responses to nature, speech, communal existence, explanations of the cosmos and beliefs in the supernatural. Quite simply, negritude is the sum total of the values of the civilization of the African world (Tembo, 1980).

Senghor (1965) explains the characteristics and virtues of the African culture and the significance of articulating and defining them. He establishes the uniqueness of the African culture by discussing in detail African metaphysics, emotions, religion, conception and apprehension of reality and democracy.

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Potter (1970) explains the African social consciousness and its uniqueness in the modern world in terms of the traditional concept of time in Africa and how this has changed radically under modernconditions. This change did not occur under normal and usual circumstances where creativity, assimilation and accommodation were possible. On the contrary, colonialism and racial myths that Africa had essentially neither a culture nor a history because of technological backwardness made the African society’s adoption of modern or Western concept of time in such a way that it has produced perverted features in Africans.

Mbiti (1970) submits that the conception of time in African society was in terms of “sasa” which meant now; “zamani” meant the past. Events receded into zamani when they were over and this included human beings after death, except that man joined his ancestors after death. African society did not have the concept of future in the Western mathematical sense. Mbiti (1970) again asserts that the rapid changes brought by modernization have hardly been harmonious or creative for most Africans. He says: “Modern change has imported into Africa a future dimension of time. This is perhaps the most dynamic and dangerous discovery of the African peoples in the Twentieth Century.

Many African writers wrote extensively on African personality. These among others are L.S. Senghor, Alex Quaison-Sackey, AliouneDiop, Joseph Ki-Zerbo, NabarirngiSithole, S.M. Molema, Jomo Kenyatta and Edward W. Blyden (Mutiso and Rohio, 1975).

The Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality

Shortly after the independence of Ghana in 1957, Nkrumah invited all the independent states in Africa to attend a conference in Accra early in 1958 to discuss the questions of mutual interest. That was the first time in history of African continent that leaders of purely independent African states to strategize how to play their own role in international affairs as well as to discuss the problems of African continent. To Nkrumah, what he called African personality in international affairs was capable of correcting impact in the world through the voices of Africans. At the conference, political, economic, social and cultural matters of common concern to all participating countries were discussed with the objective of identifying and establishing the readiness and ability of all Africans to manage their own domestic and international affairs (Nkrumah, 1961, Biney, 2011).

In this light, Nkrumah said;

As we look back into the history of our continent, we cannot escape the fact that we have for too long been the victims of foreign domination. For too long we have had no say in the management of our own affairs or in deciding our own destinies. Now times have changed, and today we are the masters of our own fate. This fact is evidenced in our meeting together here as independent sovereign states out of our own free will to speak our minds openly, to argue and discuss, our dreams and our hopes in the interest of Mother Africa (Mutiso and Rohio, 1975 p. 59).

Nkrumah further points out that the purpose for the conference was for the African leaders to know themselves as brothers, and to exchange views on matters of common interest; to explore ways and means of consolidating and safe-guarding the Africa’s hard-won independence, and to

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development strengthen the economic and cultural ties between and among African countries. He further stated that it was also to examine the cultural problems which dominate the world, which is the problem of how to secure peace. Finally, it was to send out an appeal to the great powers of the world to do whatever they can do to save the world from destruction, and humanity from annihilation.

On African Personality, Nkrumah outlined two major dangers threatening African continent. These are colonialism and racism. In Nkrumah’s submission, Africa should not only be determined towards abolishing the old forms of colonialism, but also to ensure that that the new forms of colonialism are abolished. Similarly, Nkrumah declared that Africans must rise to reject the claim by the Europeans that of racial superiority over Africans as well as their colonizing mission over others. Africa must repudiate and condemn all forms of racialism, for it did not only injure those against whom it is used but warped and perverted the very people who preached and protect it. He concludes that when it becomes a guiding principle in the life of any nation, then such a nation digs its own grave. According to him, it is inconceivable that a racial minority will be able for ever to maintain its totalitarian domination over an awakened majority (Nkrumah, 1961, Biney, 2011).

It is important that Africa seeks to eliminate racialism by itself showing example of tolerant, multi-racial community reflecting the freely expressed will of the people based upon universal adult suffrage. Within its own territories, Africans must try to practice goodwill towards individuals and minorities, and Africans must also endeavor to demonstrate the same attitude among individuals and nations. Therefore, resurgent African leaders must be alert and vigilant (Nkrumah, 1961).

In promoting foreign relations, Africans must endeavor to seek the friendship of all and the enmity of none. Africa stands for international peace and security in conformity with the United Nations Charter. This will enable her to assert her own African personality and to develop according to her own ways of life, customs, traditions and cultures. In asserting African personality, Africa shall be free to act in her own individual and collective interest at any particular time. Africa shall also be able to exert her influence on the side of peace and to uphold the rights of all people to decide for themselves their own forms of government as well as the rights of all people regardless of race, color, or creed to lead their own lives in freedom and without fear (Nkrumah, 1961, Biney, 2011).

During colonialism, the economic patterns of African countries were linked with metropolitan powers of Europe and were accustomed to look to them for the maintenance of African markets and sources of supply. As independent African states, it is in their own mutual interest to explore trade possibilities between African countries, while at the same time enlarging their trade with the rest of the world. In this vein, Africans should exchange missions among themselves. While all these, they can in their own effort develop their own economies and strengthen their political independence. All forms of economic assistance should be welcomed provided they do not compromise African independence.

African countries must cooperate to improve the standard of living of their peoples. Education and health are of major important. There is also a need for cultural cooperation and foreign policy. In addressing the issue of cultural relationships, Africans must examine ways and means to broaden and strengthen their association with one another through means such as

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 exchange of students, visits of cultural, scientific and technical missions, both governmental and non-governmental, and establishment of libraries specializing in various aspects of African history and culture which may become centers of research. There are no limits in which Africans on theseAfrican continent can enrich the knowledge of their past civilizations and cultural heritage through its cooperative efforts and the pooling of its scientific and technical resources (Nkrumah, 1961 and Biney, 2011).

The goals set before Africans require a world order and security in which Africa can live and work in tranquility towards their realization. That is why Africa has a vested interest in world peace. African foreign policies should, therefore, be such as to contribute towards realization of that fundamental objective. As free and independent nation-states, Africa must also endeavor to follow the policy of positive non-alignment so as to enable her at any time to adopt measures which will best suit her national interest and promote the cause of peace. This is because, it is only by avoiding entanglement in the quarrels of the great powers that Africa shall be able to assert her own personality on the side of peace in conformity with the United Nations Chatter (Nkrumah, 1961).

The great powers of the world are spending astronomical sums of money on pilling up stocks of the most destructive weapons that have ever been contrived, weapons which if employed, will wipe out mankind and leave this earth barren and desolate. If this great powers can be persuaded to divert a small fraction of this precious capital, which are used for destructive ends to finance the economic and social programmes of the under-developed countries of the world, it will not only raise the standard of living of these countries, but it will also contribute greatly to the general cause humanity and the attainment of world peace. Like hundreds of millions of people all over the world, Africans also appeals to all the powers concerned to cease the testing of nuclear weapons. Radioactive winds know no international frontier and can do more than anything else to threaten human very existence (Nkrumah, 1961 and Biney, 2011).

Nkrumah urged that, Africa should demonstrate her ability to settle her own problems. Africa must leave no stone unturned in her endeavors to lessen tensions within her territories noless than elsewhere, as every success achieved in resolving issues such as frontier disputes, tribal quarrels, racial and religious antagonisms, will be a step forward in bringing about world peace. To the extent that Africa is able to by her own exertion and example, to maintain peace and friendship within her own states and on her own continent, will Africa be in a position to exert moral pressures elsewhere and help to quench the flames of war which could destroy the whole world. Nkrumah submit particularly to African leaders that, irrespective of color, creed, race or tribe, a great responsibility lies on you all. That you can only succeed in shouldering this great and honorable responsibility by closing you ranks and uniting your efforts in the service of the motherland.

Theoretical Framework

Theoretically, whenever a discourse about African political, economic, social and cultural status is opened, issues relating to underdevelopment, dependency, corruption, bad leadership, exploitation among others come to mind. However, there are scores of theories that can be used to theorize issues associated with Africa’s underdevelopment. Among others are the modernization theory, dependency theory, Neo-Marxist school etc. The study therefore, adopts the modernization

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development theory. Modernization school of thought is also known as the development school of thought. The leading exponents of this school are Gabriel Almond, David Apter and Aristide Zolberg among others. The central concerns of this school are issues relating to national integration, democracy, institutional stability among others (Ogundiya and Baba, 2012).

The major arguments of modernization theory as argued by W.W. Rostow include;

1. Crisis is inevitable in Africa because the society is experiencing, like the western society did, some transition from traditionalism to modernity. This process of state transition is characterized by the replication of the social, economic and political systems of the developed western democracies. 2. That the process of transition from the pre-colonial form of political organization is characterized by the weakening of Africa’s traditional institution and the subsequent emergence of modern, democratic and highly specialized structures with wide political participation. 3. That in process of modernization, the developing countries will confront certain inescapable challenges identified by Lucian Pye as the crisis of identity, crisis of political penetration, crisis of political participation, crisis of political integration, crisis of political legitimacy and crisis of economic distribution.

The first argument is that, crisis is inevitable because that is the normal pace for development. In Africa, one of the major problems is insecurity. The crises are sometimes religiously, tribal, and politically motivated all over the continent. Nkrumah suggested that Africa should promote its personality to increase its capacity on the world stage and pursue world peace as the ultimate objective.

Second, is the weakening of the traditional institutions. This is seen as one of the major tenet of democratization process in Africa. African traditional institutions have been relegated to mere institutions that do not take part in the governing process as they are replaced by modern democratic institutions. Nkrumah’s position on this is that, irrespective of religion, creed, and color, among others, African leaders should consider the honorable responsibilities of promoting African Personality and to be for good in the world being a product of unity. Therefore, irrespective of the structures and institutions in Africa, Africans should be first in their dealings and with objectivity.

Finally, challenges of crisis of identity, crisis of political penetration, crisis of political participation, crisis of political integration, crisis of political legitimacy and crises of economic distribution. For instance, in Nigerian politics, it is so obvious that Nigerians mostly support and vote candidates into political offices based on their identity. Elections are being rigged by the influence of power of incumbency, which is a struggle for political legitimacy, among others. All these crises are seen clearly in African politics. It was on this ground, that Nkrumah preached unity by urging African states to seek friendship of all and enmity of none. That collectively Africa should improve the standard of living of their people.

Scholars across African literatures assert that African politics is characterized by bad leadership, lack of hygiene in African politics, corruption, underdevelopment, and economic dependency, among others. Culturally, it has also submitted that, to an extent, there is cultural

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 decay in Africa. Therefore, this analysis concentrates on the question of development in Africa as to African status in relation to Nkrumah’s ideas of African Personality.

It is well known that Africa is falling behind the rest of the world in terms of economic wellbeing. Even though global poverty is declining due to rapid economic growth in India, China, _ and other parts of the world, Africa’s contribution to this decline is disappointing. Absolute_poverty in many of the African nations is in fact rising (Sachs, 2005). Indigenous Africans are still underdeveloped and impoverished. In this paper, underdevelopment is characterized by dictatorship, powerlessness, joblessness, illiteracy, violence, hunger, famine, absolute poverty, disease, and untimely death (Asafa, 2015). Escobar (1995) exposes the failure of the West’s models of development that have resulted in further exploitation, underdevelopment and poverty. At the same time, a few Africans who control or have access to the state are getting richer and richer by serving as the intermediaries to the external powers and by looting the resources of the people.

For almost five centuries, European empire builders employed different strategies and tactics in Africa to make money through the ownership of human beings, exploration, evangelization, colonization, commercialization, terrorism, banditry, robbery, and theft. The processes of merchandizing some young Africans, dominating and controlling trade, destroying African institutions, cultures and religions, imposing Christianity, destroying African leadership and sovereignties through establishing colonial governments, dispossessing lands and other economic resources, and transforming Africans into slaves or coerced laborers for the purpose of advancing private profit caused public disasters for Africans and peoples of African origins (Atoubi, 2007).

For over fifty years, the Africanquest for development had only marginal success. MostAfrican countries are worse off than they were, health and nutrition problems are wide spread, infrastructure is eroding, coups, ethno-religious conflict, and corruption, poverty, and unemployment and diseases are the basic features that dominated the third world nations (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013). The study focusses on political instability and other related crises such as poverty, corruption, conflicts, poor democratic governance, and terrorism among others as the major causes of Africa’s underdevelopment.

Political Instability in African Countries

It is not a deniable fact that, in terms of political instability and its attendant’s consequences, the African countries had some difficult moments during the last fifty years or so. In this context most of the third world countries have seen its freedom heroes turn into dictators, while plunder of natural resources, politics of exclusion and deprivation to run the balance of power continues to dominate the public sphere. Political instability and crisis in the African countries may be as a result of both internal and external factors. However, the penetration of both internal and external factors especially the geo-political and economic interests of the international community constantly plays a significant role in undermining the very process and institutions that are expected to nurture democracy and to instil a sense of stability for societal development in the African_countries (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development The African political instability and other related crisis is a consequence of its leadership problems. Internally most of the African countries are governed in ways that have been regarded as far from the modern western state systems upon which they are modeled (Tutu, 2004 and Otieno, 2008). Leadership is not a new concept in the African traditions or cultural practices. Though, the forms and context could be different but these nations have their own efficient ways of governance, even before the advent of the so called colonialism. During the onset of multi-party democracy in the so called third wave of democratization, most regimes in the African nations did not embrace the changes that accompanied the transition. For instance, most nations accepted multi-party democracy out of western pressure and agitation for change (Huntington, 1991).

As a result of the forgoing, the constitutional framework and state institutions in Africa have been tempered with in order to create a non-level playing ground for the oppositions. Some of these practices have witnessed serious violence during electioneering periods, which inevitably cause political instability. The forms and contextvary from country to country, as evident in the elections in Uganda, Nigeria (2003, 2007 and 2011), Kenya (1999), Zimbabwe, Sudan, (2010), Rwanda, DR_Congo, among others (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

In respect to crises, the African nations suffer alot of setback particularly, the situation where both political and social crises thwart the developmental path of the nations. Instances of skirmishes and full blown wars abound in the continents, prominent among which are the crises in Sudan (Darfur, Janjawid and Sudan Liberation Army), Rwanda (Tutsi and Hutu), Ivory Coast, Chad, Niger (coup by the military), Madagascar, Nigeria (Religious and ethnic crises in Jos, Kaduna, Borno and Yobestates), Somalia (Al-Shabbaband the fragile government backed by the AU), etc (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

According to Ake (1990), the persistence of underdevelopment is related to lack of democracy in Africa. While democracy is desirable in itself, Africa needs democracy because it would greatly enhance the prospects for development. He attributes the failure of the development project in Africa to political authoritarianism. By engaging in political oppression African leaders have turned politics into warfare. Consequently, they found themselves besieged by a host of hostile forces which they were unleashed by their coercion. This resultant state of siege has distracted African leaders from paying attention to development which they relegated to a very low priority.

Secondly, African governments have become disconnected from their people and govern without accountability. As a result of this, public policy is completely dissociated from social needs and even from developmental relevance (Ake, 1990).

Furthermore, the trauma of repeated subjection to arbitrary and coercive rule has turned African societies into hostile force to be feared, evaded, cheated and defeated as circumstances permit. They turn their loyalty from the all-embracing level of the state and localize it in community groups, kinship groups, ethnic associations, or even religious organizations.

However, it is argued that, where there has been more respect for democratic practices (however minimal), higher rates of growth and more successful models of accumulation have been ensured along with better terms of the peasant producers (Bates, 1981, and Ake, 1990). In a relatively wider view, Sachs (2005) observes that, ‘‘challenges to the African nations are multi-

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 dimensional. The challenges in the region include wide spread and increasing poverty, globalization and the marginalization of the region.” Other identified issues are the prevalence of HIV/AIDS and other diseases as well as the eruption of conflicts that create theimage of political instability in the region.

Poor Democratic Governance

Peaceful power succession has been described as the highest index of human development and civilization. Whereas it takes a simple process to institute, elect or replace a leader in the developed nations of the world, such processes require guns and tanks in many underdeveloped countries. This may partly explain the inability of peaceful power succession in the sub region, which has always led to political crises which manifest in dictatorship, lack of accountability and poor governance (Igezundia, 1990).

Political leadership in the sub region is characterized by disregard for the yearnings of the people and a violation of the constitution they swear to protect. In the quest to remain in power at all cost, all forms of manipulations are employed. This may include manipulation of ethnic differences, religious and political yearnings. In pursuance of selfish agenda nothing is spared as long as the aim is achieved. The art of self-succession is the name of the game in the sub region except for some isolated cases (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

Corruption

Since their interception, African states have been facing corruption as a major problem. In some cases, it has attained levels of egregious theft, for which no possible or moral historical justification can be advanced, and which has played a major role in the alienation of its people from their rulers. The existence of widespread corruption, especially in the societies beset by mass poverty and very high level of unemployment has a deeply corrosive effect on trust in government and contributes to crime and political disorder (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

In the political realm, corruption undermines democracy and good governance by flouting or even subverting formal processes. Corruption in legislative bodies reduces accountability and distorts representation in policy making; corruption in the judiciary compromises the rule of law; and corruption in public administration results in the unequal distribution of services. More generally, corruption erodes the institutional capacity of government as procedures are disregarded, resources are siphoned off, and public offices are bought and sold. At the extreme, unbridled corruption can lead to state fragility and destructive conflict, and plunge a state into remitting cycle of institutional anarchy and violence. For example, Nigeria, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Bakassi Peninsula etc (Theobald, 1990, Atuobi, 2007).

Conflicts (Intra and Inter State)

Intra and inter-state conflicts have been Africa’s most common source of insecurity and loss of lives for several decades. The pattern of intra-state boundaries, ethno linguistic difference, religious intolerance and a winner-take-all political culture are responsible for various conflicts in the sub region.

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development Notable conflicts in the sub region are the Liberian civil war (1989-1997) and the Sierra Leonean crises (1990-2001) and at present Boko Haram and herders’ banditry in Nigeria. In Africa, there are varying degrees of disturbances in parts of Senegal, Nigeria and Niger. These conflicts have led to death, wanton destruction of property, displacement of entire population and dislocation of social groups thereby hampering sustainable peace in the sub region (Escobar, 1995).

Poverty

One of the serious hindrances of effective development in Africa is poverty. The assessment of poverty is based on human indicators of longevity and good health, learning, economic means and participation in social life. According to the world human development report, poverty range from 3.9 percent level of Uruguayan population to the 64.7 percent of the population of Niger. The states of Mali, Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso, Niger and Sierra Leone are the world’s poorest countries. More than half of the African population lives in abject poverty. In the 1980’-s many Ghanaians migrated to Nigeria in search of jobs but were forced to return home by the Nigerian government. That act affected bilateral relations between the two nations and hindered cooperation in the community. This poverty situation needs to be redressed for integration and development to be effective (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

Terrorism

The use of violent and intimidating methods to influence the government or community for criminal or political reasons is another hindrance that makes terrorism one of the security concerns in Africa. Terrorism takes political, criminal and religious dimensions in the sub region. For instance, Nigeria has recorded two aircraft hijacks since independence (1967 and 1993). Other threats at the airports in the sub region include illegal immigrants, drug trafficking touting, stealing, pilfering of fuel and sabotage. The Niger Delta region of Nigeria is an unstable area where inter- ethnic clashes are common-often access to oil revenue is the trigger of the violence. Pipelines are regularly vandalized by impoverished residents who risk their life to siphon_fuel. The ongoing insurgency in the north eastern part of Nigeria is also a cause of serious concern. The clashes have claim hundreds of lives and destroyed property worth billions of naira (Ibrahim and Cheri, 2013).

Going by the available data above, the content of Nkrumah’s philosophy on African Personality and development strategies are, to a large extent, not being adhered to by African leaders and citizens. Nkrumah clearly outlined that the purpose for the conference where he discussed on African Personality-, was for the African leaders to know themselves as brothers, and to exchange view on matters of common interest; to explore ways and means of consolidating and safe-guarding the Africa’s hard-won independence, and to strengthen the economic and cultural ties between and among African countries. And also to examine the cultural problems which dominate the world, that is the problem of how to secure peace. Finally, to send out an appeal to the great powers of the world to do whatever they can do to save the world from destruction, and humanity from annihilation. Using Nkrumah’s assertion to look at the present African challenges, it could simply be noted that the raised objectives are relatively ignored by Africans and African leaders.

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Secondly, Nkrumah emphasized that Africans and their leaders must make sure that all forms of colonialism, being it old or new, must be abolished. Similarly, racialism-, with this in place, African Personality would have been more visible in terms of influencing positive issues on the world stage today.

Thirdly, in the quest to promote peace within and outside Africa, Nkrumah urges Africans to seek friendship of all and enmity of none. That Africa should cooperate to collectively improve the standard of living of their people. The cases of extreme poverty, hunger, and diseases, among others, that bedevil the continent today would not have been to the extent it is if such cooperation has been adequately in place to collectively promote African personality on the world stage.

Nkrumah emphasizes on advancement of cultural relationships among African countries. As it is today, Africans appear to willingly drop their own cultural values and norms, to embrace that of the west and have termed it civilization and exposure. This, in turn has made Africa to become among the morally decayed societies of the world, thereby making opening for issues like corruption, among others to be everywhere thereby causing underdevelopment and subverting the personality of African continent on the world stage.

Nkrumah in his view of making African Personality relevant in international affairs-, clearly stated that, Africa should demonstrate its willingness and ability to settle her problems internally and that African leaders should be very committed and vigilant in shouldering the honorable responsibilities given to them to ensure African development. Issues of terrorism, tribal, regional and religious antagonisms are perpetual in Africa today because African leaders have failed to an extent in making Nkrumah’s assertion part of them.

Conclusion

In conclusion, political instability, and other related issues like corruption, terrorism, intra and inter states conflict, poverty, unemployment, religious, regional, tribal, and ethnic antagonisms, among others, have remained serious issues of concern not only to scholars, within and outside Africa, but to any person of goodwill across the world. Therefore, researches were made, and are still on, to ascertain why the status of Africa remained as it is. This study, just as others, therefore, established that the reason is simply because, the ideas and thoughts of African leaders and scholars such as Kwame Nkrumah, L.S. Senghor, Diop, Ki-Zerbo, Sithol, Molema, Kenyatta, and Blyde on the concept of African Personality and its importance to Africans across the world have not been adequately adhered to by the present African leaders and peoples.

Recommendations

The study therefore, recommends the following.

1. As once said by Professor Patrice Lumumba, the task of moving Africa forward is a relay race. That the class of Kwame Nkrumah and his colleagues have done their own part. Therefore, both present and upcoming leaders should be committed and work in that path. 2. There is need of more eloquent visionary leaders to take over Africa. Therefore, African youths should objectively involve themselves in the quest for political power without which there may not be such a development of making Africa a peaceful and advanced continent.

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The Political Philosophy of Kwame Nkrumah on African Personality, the Current Status of Africa and Challenges of Development 3. African value system that the right thing is or can only be done by the white man or people from the west should be changed. That Africa should learn from the Asian countries that have distinguished themselves by a significant level of advancement in economic, political, social and cultural ramifications. Therefore, Africans should note that doing the right thing at all time is not a choice but mandatory if Africa has to develop.

References Ajom, S. B. (2006). Political thought: A Comparative analysis from the ancient Greek City. Heinemann Educational Books. Anthony, I.K. (2013). Nkrumah and the quest for African unity. American Contemporary Journal. 3(12) p. 34-47. Asafa, J. (2015). The triple causes of African underdevelopment: Colonial capitalism, state terrorism and racism. International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology. 7(3) p.75- 91. Asante, K.B. (2014). Faces of Africa: Kwame Nkrumah. In CGTN Africa CCTV News- faces of Africa. December 9. Ake, C. (1990). The Case for Democracy. In African Governance in The 1990s: Objectives, Resources, and Constraints. Working Papers from the Second Annual Seminar of the African Governance Program. Atlanta, Georgia: The Carter Center of Emory University (March 23-25): 2-6 Atoubi, S.M. (2007). Corruption and Instability in West Africa; An Examination of Policy options KAITC occasion paper. Bates, H.R. (1981). Markets and states in tropical Africa: the political basis of agricultural Educational books (Nigeria) Ltd. Biney, A. (2011). The political and social thought of Kwame Nkrumah. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Cabral, A. (1972). Nkrumah’s funeral speech. In Faces of Africa: Kwame Nkrumah. In CGTN Africa CCTV News- faces of Africa. December 9. Escobar, A. (1995). Encountering development: the making and unmaking of the third world. Frenkel, M.Y. (1974). Edward Blyden and the concept of African Personality. African Affairs Heinemann Educational Books. London. Huntington, P.S. (1991). The Third Wave: democratization in the late twentieth century. University of Oklahoma Press. Ibrahim, A.A. and Cheri, L. (2013). Democracy, Political Instability and the African crisis of implications. Technical and Industrial Research Unit. University of Zambia. Limited. Igezundia, A. (1990). Regime change, political instability and economic integration in West

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Africa: the experience of ECOWAS. Nigerian Journal of International Affairs. 16(1), p. 90-107. Mbiti, S.J. (1970. African Religion and Philosophy. Anchor Books. New York. Mutiso, G. M. and Rohio S. W. (Eds.), (1975). Readings of Political Thought. Heinemann

Nkrumah, K. (1961). I speak of freedom. In G. M. Mutiso, and S. W. Rohio (Eds.), of Contemporary Research. 3(6) p. 111-114. of Oklahoma press. Oklahoma.

Ocquaye, M. (2014). Faces of Africa: Kwame Nkrumah. In CGTN Africa CCTV News- faces of Africa. December 9. Ogundiya, I.S., Baba, Y.T. (2012). Understanding African Politics. In Ogundiya, I.S., Amzat, J. (eds). The Basics of Social Sciences.Malthouse Press Limited. Lagos, Benin, Ibadan, Jos, Port-Harcourt, Zaria. Otieno, O.A. (2008). Improving Kenya’s response to internal displacement. Forced Migration policies. University of California press. California. Pratt, K. Jnr. (2014). Faces of Africa: Kwame Nkrumah. In CGTN Africa CCTV News- faces of Africa. December 9. Potter, B. (1970). The fault, black man. Howard Timmins, Capetown. Princeton University Press. Readings of Political Thought (pp. 57-65). Heinemann Educational books (Nigeria) Ltd. Review. 30, p. 55. Sachs, J. (2005). The end of poverty: how can we make it happen in our lifetime. Penguin Books. Samia, N. (2014). Faces of Africa: Kwame Nkrumah. In CGTN Africa CCTV News- faces of Africa. December 9. Senghor, L. (1965). Prose and Poetry, selected and translated John reeds and Chie Wake. States, the Nation States of Europe and Modern States of Africa. Jamel Publishers. Tembo, S.M. (1980). Concept of African Personality among Zanbians Students; Sociological terrorism and racism. International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology. 7(3) p. 75- 101. Theobald, R. (1990). Corruption, development and underdevelopment. Bulletin of science, technology and society. Duke University Press. Durham. Tutu, D. (2004). God has a dream: a vision of hope for our time. Doubleday, New York. Underdevelopment. Journal of Power, Politics and Governance. 1(1) p. 59-73. Yeremia, S. (2014). Faces of Africa: Kwame Nkrumah. In CGTN Africa CCTV News- faces of Africa. December 9.

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa

1Chidi Ukomadu, 2Charity Owoicho and 3Victoria Obera

1Department of Public Administration, Dorben Polytechnic Garam, Niger State 2Doctoral Candidate, Department of Public Administration, University of Abuja 3Department of Office Technology and Management, Kogi State Polytechnic Lokoja E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

The civil services of both the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa were partly created to serve as a unifying factor and play a pivotal role in national integration, in view of the multiplicity of the ethnicity that made up the two societies. This paper undertakes a critical appraisal of the role of the civil service in national integration in the two nations. It employed documentary analysis to review existing data on the subject matter. The paper concluded that the civil service has the potential of serving as a vehicle for integration in both countries but the approaches adopted by both nations- Federal character in Nigeria and affirmative in South Africa were major snags in the realization of this objective. Some of the findings include: the civil service is well positioned as a veritable tool for national integration, the adoption of Federal Character and Affirmative Principle in Nigeria and South Africa respectively has not achieved the objectives of national integration. Some of the recommendations include: both Nigeria and South Africa should adopt the postulations of Max Weber Bureaucratic theory as regards recruitment, use of quota system and Affirmative Principle in promotion of Senior staff in Nigeria and South Africa should be jettisoned.

Keywords: Civil Service, Comparative Study, Federal Republic of Nigeria, National Integration and Republic of South Africa.

Introduction

The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 arranged by the German ‘Iron Chancellor’, Otto Von Bismark of Germany among the major European powers - Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Spain and Portugal, presided over the balkanization of Africa without recourse to the ethnic and cultural affinities. This led to the lumping together of some ethnic nationalities who were mutually hostile to one another into the same geo political areas, leading to suspicions and mutual distrust. In order to effectively administer the newly acquired geo political entities, the colonial powers established civil services.

Ogunna (1999), posits that civil service is a large scale organization of permanent government paid officials, who are recruited in a civil capacity by the Civil Service Commission, charged with the responsibility of exercising the executive authority of government and whose

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 activities by certain rules of procedure and operating in a systematically, inter-related pattern to achieve the complex objectives of its government. Similarly, Abba and Anozodo (2006), sees Civil Service “as all government departments, except the Navy and Air force whose salaries and allowances are paid from money voted by the legislature.

The civil service is not a recent phenomenon, its history dates back to ancient times. History recorded that Pericles, a renowned leader in ancient Greece in 462 BC, introduced a scheme for the compensation of officials, thereby facilitating the continued participation in public administration by citizens who had to work daily for their living (Bury, 1945).

The ancient Chinese empire too during the Han Dynasty, 202 BC, recognized the need to have a permanent body of officials to implement government decisions. Around the year 120 BC, the Chinese Prime Minister, Kung-sun Hung, in a letter addressed to the king, observed that the edicts and laws which were written in elegant classical style were often not understood by the officers whose duty it was to explain and interpret them to the people. He therefore recommended that examinations be held for the selection of men and that those who had shown the best knowledge should have the first preference in appointments to office requiring the use of the written language. His recommendation was adopted; this could be seen as the genesis of the civil service examination system.

It is also of interest to note that in AD 219, the ancient Chinese had worked out a system of classifying men into nine grade according to their ability, knowledge, experience and character. This system of nine-grade classification was officially adopted for the selection of men for government service. The official appointed to administer the system was called Chung Cheng, that is impartial judge, a fore-runner of our present day civil service commission (Hu Shih, 1941).

With the emergence of modern states and the development of the parliamentary system of government, the civil service evolved as the bed-rock of the executive arm of government. Its main task came to be the implementation and execution of the policies decided on by the legislature or those appointed by the legislature to carry on the executive work of government. In accomplishing this task, the civil service has found itself involved in the formulation of policies and advising generally on policy matters. The civil service is now also responsible for the management of the machinery of government and carrying out the day-to-day duties that public administration demands. The ultimate decision and therefore policy, rests with the political head of the department, which may be a Minister or a Commissioner.

The task of the civil servant administrator is to assist in the formulation and execution of policy as directed by the Minister or Commissioner. It is therefore the duty of the civil servant to supply his political boss with all the information necessary for coming to a right decision. The civil servant must present before his Minister, all the arguments on both sides of the case fully and fairly. Whatever his own sympathies may be, he must lay aside all his personal prejudices and affections and must faithfully present all facts and information at the disposal of the department, to enable the political head to take his own decisions (Adebayo, 1995).

From the foregoing, it could be seen that the civil service is a linchpin, as well as sine qua non in every society. It is said in some quarters that every country is as good as its civil service. Modern civil service in most advanced and developing countries are patterned after the Max

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa Weber’s bureaucratic model. Some of the cardinal principles of the bureaucratic model are merit and democracy. This implies that every qualified person in the society should be given opportunity to be selected or employed in the country’s civil service. This brings together people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds to work together, thereby fostering national integration. Could this be true of countries like Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa, given the distorted operation of the federal character principle and affirmative principle in Nigeria and South Africa respectively? The objective of this study is to ascertain if the civil service has really led to national integration in multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multi-cultural societies like the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa.

Methodology

This study employed Documentary Analysis as its methodology and therefore relies on the existing literature germane to civil service and national integration in Nigeria and South Africa to arrive at conclusions.

Conceptual Clarification

Civil Service

According to Ekhator (2002), the civil service is the administrative structure employed in civil capacity to fulfil government policies and programmes. This could be seen in terms of structures, such as Ministries, departments, etc or the occupants of public offices, such as permanent secretaries, ministers and higher administrative staff.

The New Encyclopedia Britannica (2002), gave a first precise meaning of the word civil service. It is noted that it is a body of government officials who are employed in civil occupations that are neither political nor judicial. Funk and Wagnalls (2003), defined civil service as “name generally given to paid non-military service in non-elective office in the executive branch of government”. On the other hand, International Encyclopedia of social sciences (2002), argued that civil service is a relative new term used to describe an old government feature that is becoming increasing important in modern political system.

The term ‘service’ connotes a profession, a group of civil servants having acceptable lifetime employment under the government. In most countries, the idea of public service means more than the civil service. This is so because many economic functions performed by most governments make it necessary to distinguish between the civilian corps and the industrial or commercial corps. Besides, these categories of public servants have different rates of pay, different approaches to labour relations and are usually empowered and controlled by different statutory provisions.

According to Olaopa (2012), a semantic distinction is therefore, often made between ‘civil service’ and ‘public service. This is in accordance with the linguistic nuances introduced by Jane Hodges Aeberhard (2012), with reference to the French language. She cited the French ‘function publique’, a common term that covers all permanent state personnel and municipal staff, whereas ‘le service public’ describes public utilities of general benefit to the population, controlled by governments. The current trend in terminologies seems to be towards the general term ‘public

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 employee’ (Aeberhard, 2012). It should be noted however, that the public service has a dominant characteristic, regardless of the terms used to describe it. This according to Aberhard (2012) ‘is that the state is the employer and pays for the service from the tax (and other) revenues in the form of budgeted posts.

Ekhator (2002), identified the characteristics of the civil service which include the following:

i. Professional: The most significant feature of the civil service is that it is a professional class of officials who are trained and skilled. It does not mean that civil service is a single profession like shoe-making or brick laying, rather it is a sum total of multi- profession, ranging from mail delivery to administrating a local government council, all engaged in a single aim-execution of public policy. ii. Hierarchy: This entails the separation between higher and lower offices, each lower office under the control and supervision of a higher one and exists fixed salaries which are paid in accordance with the type of the job and responsibility as well as the social status. Again, there are chances of promotion and career advancement based on seniority and merit.

iii. Legal basis: The civil service system is always provided with a legal basis. This may to a large extent, be customary and uncodified or it could be in the form of ministerial regulations as in the United Kingdom or it could be set forth in considerable detail in a written constitution for the political jurisdiction. Generally, it possesses a statutory base, either in an elaborate civil service code or in a collection of civil service laws.

iv. Personnel Agency: In some countries, there is a provision for a central personnel agency or agencies who are in charge of maintaining the civil service system, to this end, usually, the British model is adopted by a large number of countries, where the responsibility of selection of civil servants is given to the civil service commission.

v. Security of tenure or permanence: This means that changes in government do not bring about changes in public servants. Governments come and go, public servants remain as long as they perform their work properly, the public service is career based, civil servants are only dismissed or retired before time only in cases of gross misconduct.

vi. Political neutrality: Public servants are not expected to be members of political parties and should not participate in partisan politics. They are not expected to vie for political offices or comment publicly on political matters, if they wish to do so, they have to resign their appointment.

vii. Impartiality: The public servants are expected to carry out their functions without fear or favour to any person or group of persons in the society. They are therefore expected to serve all members of the public to the best of their ability devoid of any discrimination.

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa viii. Anonymity: They must remain at the background, whatever blame or praise for any act of omission or commission will directly go to the minister who is the political head of the department.

ix. Meritocracy: In the civil service, recruitment from both within and outside the service is usually based on merit. To be recruited, one had to satisfy certain given standards as educational qualifications, good performance in qualifying examinations and interviews. Again, promotion is based on seniority, efficiency and experience.

x. Established procedures for work: There are usually well established procedure in matters like personnel, recruitment, training, promotion, demotion, dismissal, performance evaluation, compensation etc. these standardized procedures provide objectivity in the choice of recruits into the civil service and also help in offering equal treatment to everybody already in service.

National Integration

Integration is the process of unifying a society which tends to make it a harmonious city, based upon an order its members regard as equitably harmonious. From this presupposition, the success of integration depends on the perception by the federating units of how equitably cordial the binding order is, at least, in terms of harmonious federal-state relations and inter-ethnic relations (Ojo, 2002). Akinbade (2004), sees integration as the process of maintaining the territorial integrity of a state. What it means is that, in a deeply divided polity with cacophony of voices like Nigeria, integration becomes a necessary task that must be executed for the purpose of securing stability and adaptability within the state. National integration is multi-faceted and multi- dimensional within a given territory are united together or cooperate under conditions which do not appear to permit satisfaction of their system needs in any other way (Fatile and Adejuwon, 2012).

According to Elaigwu (1987), national integration is determined by the degree to which members and groups in a multi-ethnic society adapt to the demands of national existence while living together in a harmoniously manner. Practically speaking, national integration is a process, not an end in itself and it is usually affected by contending social forces. National integration is a process leading to political cohesion and sentiments of loyalty toward a central political authority and institutions by individuals belonging to different social groups or political units. National integration is a process whereby political actors in particular national settings are convinced to shift their loyalties, expectations and political activities towards a new centre, whose institution possess or demand jurisdiction over erstwhile nation-state (Ogunojemite, 1987; Oyeleye, 1987). As noted by Mazrui (1972), the five major parts of national integration include; the co-joining of norms and culture; the promotion of social interdependence; the reduction of the gap between the haves and he have nots, the urban and the rural areas, rich or poor etc; the resolution of emergent conflicts and the sharing of mutual experiences together. For there to be national integration, Iboje and Dode (2007), averred that there must be a central authority to serve as a common central authority to serve as a rallying point.

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In the quest for national integration, citizens are expected to respect the overriding supremacy of the national government. This includes subordination of institutions and cultural values to the demands of the national authority. Often, intra and inter-ethnic crisis result in tasking the state’s security apparatus. The ability of the state to resolve or regulate the recurring crises and to create an enabling environment where the people’s respect and love for their nation is improved upon would definitely affect the tempo of the nation’s integration positively. National integration, thus covers a plethora of human relationships and attitudes, the integration of diverse and discrete cultural loyalties and the development of a sense of nationality, the integration of the rulers and the ruled and the integration of the citizens into a common political process. As diverse as these definitions are, they have common link in that they all point to the fact that integration is what joins a society and a political system together.

Empirical Literature Review

The Civil Service and National Integration in Nigeria

Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society with different cleavages- ethnic, religious, cultural, linguistic, as well as geo-political, social and economic challenges but ethnic heterogeneity is inarguably, the most common of them all. The problem ethnicity has is that political competition and access to power is mostly pursued along ethnic lines. Since Nigeria federalism is based on ethnic and not geographical diversities, it has tended to increase centrifugal forces in the country. Therefore, the struggle for acquisition and access to power in Nigeria has been patterned largely in line with ethnic lines (Vande, 2012).

This becomes more problematic because the state is not a neutral force in mediating in political conflict as it can be captured and used to further the interests of the leadership of an ethnic group or a combination of such groups. The problem of disharmonious existence among the different groups and interests in the federation of Nigeria, leading to mutual distrust and inter- community rivalry and conflicts has become perennial and endemic in the nation’s body politic and has militated against the political stability of the country since independence (Agbodike, 2004).

The constant fear of domination of one ethnic or section of the country by another and the national question of who gets what and how the national cake should be shared constitute a major factor of this problem. As a result of mutual suspicion existing among the various social groups, whatever the issue at hand in Nigeria is, the patterns of reaction to it will be determined by ethnic, regional, as well as religious considerations. This situation seriously hinder efforts aimed at national integration and unity as it applies to the building of a united Nigeria out of the diverse ethnic, geographic, social, economic and religious elements or groups in the country (Gambari, 1994; Kurfi, 1988).

The problem of national integration in Nigeria is not remarkably different from that of most of the nations that were colonized in Africa. As a result, the Nigerian state, like many other African states has often been compelled to deal with the issue of national integration. Efforts at achieving national integration in Nigeria, therefore have largely remained a mirage. The integration crisis facing the country is manifested in the minority question, religious conflicts, ethnic politics, resource control, youth restiveness, a call for a sovereign national conference and even secession.

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa As a result, achieving a united and stable political system is still a serious challenge to the Nigerian state. As a divided society with multi-ethnicity and multi-culturalism, the task of nation-building and forging of a system perceived by the varied nationalities as equitable has been difficult (Ifenacho and Nwagwu, 2009; Ajayi, 2006). The principle of federal character was formulated and put into use by the government to take care of and hopefully mitigate this problem so as to ensure a peaceful, stable and integrated Nigeria.

Federal Character Principle in Nigeria: Origin, meaning and Reason for introduction

The phrase, Federal Character was used for the first time by the late General Murtala Ramat Muhammed while inaugurating the constitution Drafting Committee on Saturday, the 18th of October 1975. According to the report of the 1977 Constitution Drafting Committee, Nigeria’s federal character refers to the distinctive desire of the peoples of Nigeria to promote and foster national unity and give every citizen of Nigeria a sense of belonging, despite the diversities of ethnic origin, culture, language or religion which may exist and which it is their desire to nourish and harness to the enrichment of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Anyadike, 2013).

The federal character principle essentially talks about the recognition of the diverse nature of the country in recruitment, distribution of administrative and political offices, citing of projects and power as well as the resources of the country. The essence of federal character principle is to allow the composition and conduct of public institutions and affairs reflect the country’s plurality. It is premised on the ground that when national institutions and affairs are reflective, in composition and conduct of the diversity of the country then, a sense of belonging is likely to be evoked from the citizenry. It is also designed to reduce, if not completely remove the bellicose political struggle that characterized previous Nigeria’s democratic systems (Obiyan and Akindele, 2001). Federal character principle is in part, designed to deal with the problem of imbalance, marginalization and discrimination. The question then arises as to whether the principle can be rightly used to address the problem of discrimination in the composition and conduct of public institutions and affairs and ensure effective integration of various sections of the Nigerian society.

The poor implementation of the Federal Character policy had led to recruitment of some bureaucrats from the northern part of the country without the prerequisite qualifications, experience and skills to prominent positions as Directors and Permanent Secretaries. This was discouraging and disheartening to the bureaucrats from the southern part that moves to their respective positions through competitive examinations and rigorous interviews. This could be seen as one of the many factors that disorganized and confused the Civil Service structure and ethics in Nigeria (Akinwale, 2014).

Gboyega (1989), evaluates the implementation of the Federal Character Principle as characterized by arbitrary appointments and removals especially, during the long period of military rule in Nigeria. Southern bureaucrats saw it as constraint to their proper placement and this demotivated them as their sense of belongingness was affected. Suberu (2001) has similar negative observations on the Federal Character Principle and analyzes the varying degrees of assessment of the principle. He was of the opinion that Northerners preferred the policy as a tool for representative bureaucracy while Southerners saw it as a discriminatory tool for recruitment.

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Similarly, Okpu (1998), expressed that the Federal Character policy tended to favor northerners while southerners were negatively affected in the implementation of the policy. Again, Oyovbaire (1983, p.25) in his appraisal of the federal character policy in recruitment into the federal civil service, sees the policy as affecting efficiency in recruitment and paving the way for mediocrity in positions of authority. A critical analysis of the federal character policy in theory indicates that it was to bring about national unity, however, this resulted in negative implications of implementation of equal representation of states in recruitment into the Civil Service (Akinwale, 2014). Adamolekun et al (1991, p.80), avers that the federal character policy tolerates the rights of groups in a society but results in a group cohesion and elite manipulation. This view is shared by Brass (1991), who sees the federal character principle as meant to showcase individual competence. Chris (2014), poses a very sensitive question or rather an intellectual poser. According to him, “But as it is now should we say, there is Federal Character Principle in Nigeria?” In answering the above question, Chris (2014) presented a data which was a result of the research conducted by him. According to him: 1. About 70% of Nigeria Foot-soldiers are from Hausa-Fulani. Is that Federal Character Principle? 2. About 80% of all Permanent Secretaries in Federal Ministries are from Hausa-Fulani. Is that Federal Character Principle? 3. About 60% of Generals in the Nigerian Military are from Hausa-Fulani. Is that Federal Character Principle? 4. About 60% of the Top Ranks in Nigerian Police Force are from Hausa-Fulani. Is that Federal Character Principle? 5. About 70% of Nigerian State Security Services (SSS) men are from Hausa-Fulani. Is that Federal Character Principle? 6. About 60% Top Posts in each of: Nigerian Prison Services, Nigeria Immigration and Nigerian Ports Authority are from Hausa-Fulani. Is that Federal Character Principle? 7. In the JAMB Office, about 90% of the employees are from both Hausa –Fulani and Yoruba tribes. Is that Federal Character Principle?

8. More than 80% of all the employees in the Federal Secretariat Abuja Central Area Complex are from both Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba tribes combined. Is that Federal Character Principle?

With the above views of renowned scholars in the field of politics and social sciences as a whole, it is more obvious than clear that there is no significant relationship between the Federal Character principle and recruitment in Nigerian Civil Service, based on the general or guiding principles and formulae of the Federal Character. As a matter of fact, the sole aims of the Federal Character Principle in solving the problems of marginalization, equitable representation in public institutions, ineffectiveness, inefficiency and lack of professionalism of the Nigeria Civil Service have been undermined. Hence, meritocratic consideration gives positive direction to the implementation of recruitment policies in the Federal Civil Service of Nigeria (Akinwale, 2014).

Again, recruitments, appointments and promotions in the civil service since the inception of this present administration under President Muhammadu Buhari has only paid lip service to the federal character principle. There have been allegations of lopsided appointments into choice federal government ministries departments and agencies, favouring mostly people from the President’s

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa geo-political zones and religious affiliation, this has led to more bad blood and division in the civil service, instead of being a source of motivation or integration.

Integration in the South African Civil Service

Representatives in the South African Civil service should be seen from the angle of pluralism. The emphasis here will be based on political pluralism. Pluralism according to Degennar (1979), can be defined as political philosophy in which a person is described as acting in society, not as an isolated and sovereign individual but within a plurality of groups.

Apart from the plural nature of South Africa, the concept of representativeness is heavily influenced by the transition which this society is presently experiencing. Thus, according to Cloete et al (1977), “the issue of pluralism and transition puts South African society more or less in line with the American concept of representativeness, where the values of legitimacy and responsiveness are major issues”.

Before 27th April 1994, the South African political structure was based on the apartheid ideology, where the country was ruled by a centralized, sovereign parliament based on Westminster model, which was elected by a minority of voters consisting of the racially classified white, coloured and Asian sections of the population. According to its annual report of June 1996, the Public Service Commission stated that in 1994, as far as managerial positions in the civil service were concerned, 5% were occupied by women, Indian descent 3%, black South Africans 2% and so-called coloured 1%. This means that 88% of all managerial positions were occupied by white (mostly Afrikaans speaking males).

However, the new South Africa constitution guarantees equal opportunities for all South Africans. As a result of the imbalances of the past which created and perpetuated a situation where whites could occupy almost 90% of all managerial positions in the civil service, the government embarked on a programme of affirmative action. The major goal of the Affirmative Action programme is to create a civil service which will, within the shortest possible time, reflect the diversity of South African society. Obviously, it will be possible to reflect the entire multitude of diversities present in South African Society. The immediate objective is to fill as many as possible managerial and other positions within the civil service with black persons and set up the percentage of women occupying those positions.

Compared to the situation in 1994, over 30% of all managerial positions in the civil service were occupied by blacks in 1988, by South African Asians and 3% by coloureds. A total of 20 of the 38 director-generals (the highest managerial position in the civil service) were occupied by blacks. The percentage of women of all roles in the civil service in 1996 was elevated to 10, which in total, women occupied almost 50% of all positions within the civil service (Frederick, 1998).

The statistics seem to indicate that the affirmative programme has produced quick results for black persons and for women but the relative positions of coloured and South African Asians hardly improved in this respect. Given the present policy of affirmative action, the system of merit has not been jettisoned. The merit system, in large measure designed to protect public employees from undue partisan influence and concern, deliberately places obstacles in the way of those trying to exert political discipline over the bureaucracy (Nigro and Nigro, 1984).

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Findings of the Study

Findings from the review of literature above, shows that the civil service is well positioned to serve as a veritable vehicle for national integration, as it brings together people of diverse tribe, culture and religious backgrounds to work together in the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa. The adoption of the Federal Character Principle and the Affirmative principle in the Republic of South Africa, has not achieve the objective of national integration. Federal character, though a good policy on its own, is observed more in the breach with impunity in Nigeria with lopsided appointments and promotions of people of certain ethnic and religious backgrounds to the exclusion of others. This had led to low morale and productivity, bad blood, mutual suspicion and antagonism.

The implementation of Affirmative principle in South Africa has led to the exclusion of certain other people from participating and contributing their quotas to the development of the country by placing embargo on the recruitment of certain people into certain organizations, in order to give other races or ethnic nationalities the opportunity to have their people in such government organizations, thereby negating merit as espoused by Max Weber in his Bureaucratic principle.

What is obtainable in the civil service of both countries could be best described as Patronage system as against meritocracy, little wonder the economies of both countries are on the decline. All hands are not on deck, working towards the actualization of the national goals and aspirations being overseen by the civil service in advanced countries.

Due to the multiplicity of the ethnic nationalities in Nigeria and South Africa, there was need for an institution to serve as a melting point of all cultures and vehicle for national integration, the civil service more than any other institution was positioned to play this role. This is because, it more than any other institution brought people from different parts of both country, together to work in various parts of the countries, leading to understanding of other peoples’ cultures and eventual national integration. Again, it has led to several inter-racial and inter-ethnic marriages, giving birth to children with relations from different ethnic nationalities that will foster closer ties in the future.

In order to achieve this much desired national integration, the principle of federal character was the major way adopted by the Nigerian Federal Civil Service to ensure national integration but this principle is not strictly adhered to in most federal agencies. This has led to accusations of marginalization by certain ethnic nationalities that made up the Nigerian federation, hence the recent clamour across the nation for restructuring of Nigeria’s federal system and even secession.

Again, at times, merit is sacrificed on the altar of mediocrity, in order to follow this federal character principle. This again has been leading to disaffection and low morale among workers, when some of their erstwhile juniors at work are elevated over and above them. This could be one of the reasons the civil service in Nigeria has not been operating optimally and had to undergo a lot of reforms, aimed at repositioning them for efficient service delivery.

In South Africa, as stated earlier, affirmation was adopted as means of achieving integration, in view of its multi-racial environment but this led to lowering of standards, in the bid

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa to ensure that black South Africans are pushed to middle level management. Again, in the bid to achieve affirmative action, merit could be sacrificed on the altar of mediocrity. This has been manifesting in the decline of social services like power supply, which has been experiencing poor performance in South Africa recently.

Conclusion

Here, the researcher summarized his findings, based on the objectives he set out to achieve at the onset. Based on the findings, it could be concluded that the civil service has not really played a role in national integration in both Nigeria and South Africa, this was basically because of the operation of the approaches chosen by the two countries to achieve integration and eventually, nation-building. While Nigeria chose Federal character, South Africa chose affirmation. These two approaches are capable of achieving that purpose but the problem is its operation. In the case of Nigeria, federal character principle brought about inequity and low morale in the civil service, leading to an inefficient civil service that is prone to one form of reform or the other by successive administrations, with a view to repositioning it for efficient service delivery.

Also in South Africa, the operation of affirmation as a vehicle to achieve integration and eventually, nation-building lead to the enthronement of mediocrity and lowering of standards, in the bid to ensure that blacks in South Africa were rapidly pushed into decision-making centres in the country.

Despite these approaches, the two societies are still polarized, though more pronounced in Nigeria than South Africa. Nigeria has not been able to forge into a single nation; it is still a conglomeration of nations in a nation. Ethnicity and religious sentiments are still big issues. With the way quota system is operated, it is used to favour the ethnic group of the people in power and alienating the other ethnic nationalities. This has led to continued competition among ethnic nationalities to control power at the centre and dissipating energy that could have been channeled into national integration and nation-building to unhealthy ethnic rivalry.

Recommendations

Based on the findings of the study, some recommendations were suggested which when implemented, will place the civil service in a better pedestal for national integration in both Nigeria and South Africa. These recommendations include:

1. Both Nigerian and South African civil services should imbibe the recommendations of Marx Weber bureaucratic theory, as regards recruitment and global best practices that place preference on recruitment based on merit, technical competency and qualification. To achieve better employee work attitude in the Nigerian federal civil service and that of South Africa, it is imperative to re-examine the reliability and validity of the implementation of federal character principle. Application of federal character principle in recruitment should be contextualized within grade levels (03 -06) while recruitment into senior officers’ cadre and appointment should be strictly based on merit

2. The use of quota system and federal character in the case of Nigeria and affirmation in South Africa, in the promotion of senior staff in both civil services should be jettisoned. This has been

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3. The Federal Character Commission, which is a body created under the constitution to ensure the enforcement of the federal character principle and national integration, should be strengthened to make it more proactive. This will make it to strictly enforce the provisions of the Federal Character Act, ensuring there is no dominance of one ethnic group in the public service or in the citing of development projects across the nation, to reflect the multi-ethnic and multi-religious nature of the Nigerian society.

4. Equity and fairness should be enthroned in every faucet of national life of both Nigeria as South Africa, this will give all and sundry sense of belonging, the zeal and enthusiasm to contribute to national integration and not seeing the country as belonging to some people and not all. References

Adamolekun, L., Erero, J. and Oshionebo, B. (1991). “Federal character” and the management of the federal civil service and the military, The Journal of Federalism.

Adebayo. A. (ed.)(2002). Public administration in Africa.: Main issues and selected country studies, Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.

Aebehard, J.H. (2000). Comparative study of contents of civil service Statutes, Geneva: ILO Document No. 5.

Ajayi, G. O. (2006). E-Government: Reforming Public Administration to Accelerate Development, Paper presented at the National Information Technology Institute Abuja

Cloete, J. (1982). Central provincial and municipal institutions of South Africa. Pretoria: J.L Van Shaik.

Degennar, J. (1978). “Pluralism and plural society”. In the government and politics of South Africa” (ed) De Crespigny and Co, Cape Town.

Ekhator, V.E. (2002) Rudiments of public administration in Nigeria, Kaduna: Joyce Graphic Printers and Publishers

Elaigwu, E. (1977). “National cohesion, national planning and reconstruction”, in Suleiman, Kumo and Abubakar Aliyu (ed). Issues in Nigerian draft Constitution, Zaria: Baraka press Limited.

Fatile, J.O. and Adigun, O. (2012). Gender issues in human resources management in Nigeria public service” African Journal of Political Science and International Relations

Gambari, I. (2008), The challenges of nation building: A case of Nigeria.

Gboyega, A. (2003). Democracy and Development: The imperative of local good governance. An inaugural lecture, University of Ibadan (Ibadan: The Faculty of Social Science)

Kurfi, D. (1998). The Struggle for National Resources, Kano: KPK Press

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Appraisal of the Civil Service and National Integration in Africa: A Comparative Study of Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa Nigoro, F.A. and Nigoro, L.G. (1996). The new public personnel administration, Itasca III: Peackock

Ogunna, A.C. (1999). Public administration in Nigeria: Theory and practice. Owerri: Versatile Publishers Ltd.

Okopu, U. (1988). Ethnic Minority problems in Nigerian politics, 1966-1965.

Olaopa, T. (2012). Public administration and civil service reforms in Nigeria, Ibadan: Bookcraft

Obiyan, A.S. and Akindele, S.T. (2002). “The federal character principle and gender representation in Nigeria, Journal of Social science.

Oyovbaire, S.E. (1983). “The structural change in political processes in Nigeria”, Journal of African Affairs.

Oyovbaire, S.E. (1983). The tyranny of borrowed paradigm and the responsibility of political science: The Nigerian experience, in Y Barongo (ed), Political Science in Africa: A Critical Review, London: Zed Press

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Geospatial Assessment of the Impact of Topography on Flood Vulnerability in Maiduguri, Nigeria

1Shettima Mohammed Kaka, 1Ikusemoran Mayomi and 2Daura, M.M.

1Department of Geography, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria 2 Center for Disaster Risk Management and Development Studies, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria

Abstract

In this paper, Remotely sensed data and Geographical Information System (GIS) techniques were used to assess the impact of topography on flood vulnerability of the terrain of Maiduguri. ASTER GDEM data were acquired online from which Triangulated Irregular Network (TIN) map of Maiduguri using contour 5 meters was generated. The TIN map was rasterized and classified into five flood liable zones: extremely liable, highly liable, liable, marginally liable and free flood zones. The flood vulnerability zone in each of the seventeen districts in Maiduguri was delineated and quantified. The study revealed that based on the topography of the city alone, eight (8) out of the seventeen districts in Maiduguri comprising Jabbamari, Dusuman, Maimusari, Old Maiduguri, Shehuri North, Tamsu Ngamdu and Yerwa constituting 21.88% of the Maiduguri land area, and holding the major population of the city, have their entire land area fall within either extremely liable or highly liable flood zones. Other districts with a high percentage of their land area within extremely or highly liable to flood zones are Gwange (80.72%), Mairi (68.78%), Bolori (56.55%). The result of the study also revealed that the impact of topography on excessive flooding in the core of Maiduguri (Yerwa, Shehuri North among others) as well as areas around the Jere Bowl is enormous. However, topography was found to play no role in the flooding of Bulumkutu area, which suggests that other factors other than topography are responsible for Bulumkutu floods. It was recommended that flood management and control should be prioritized based on how liable an area is. For instance, all the districts that were found to be highly liable to flooding should be given urgent attention before the ones with low possibility of being flooded. The integration of other factors, including topography for flood vulnerability of Maiduguri city as well as the causes of Bulumkutu floods is recommended for further studies.

Keywords: Digital Elevation Models, Flood Vulnerability, Geospatial, Maiduguri, Topography, Triangulated Irregular Network.

Introduction

In some decades back, Maiduguri urban was not part of the city that was always flooded in Nigeria because of the effect of its geographical location. However, in recent times, Maiduguri has been among the cities that were annually flooded. This sudden case of annual occurrence of the flood was reported by Agbonkhese, Yisa and Daudu (2013). Agbonkhese et al observed that in the early 1970s, Maiduguri used to be known as a place where rain hardly fell, and people were dying, due to dehydration caused by the harsh weather condition. But today, the situation is no longer the issue of inadequate rainfall in the city, but how to manage the excessive rainfall, which is always

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 characterized by flooding, making some residents in the flood prone areas to annually count their losses. Human activities such as rapid industrialization and urbanization, population growth, exploitation of natural resources and location of infrastructures exacerbate the occurrence of floods. Causal factors of flood in Nigeria, which includes indiscriminate dumping of refuse on drainage channels to channel adjustment and poor drainage conditions have been observed. The topography of any place too has been identified as one of the factors resulting to urban floods (Ikusemoran, Dami and Maryah, 2013; Daura and Ikusemoran 2014).

In Nigeria, urban flooding occurs in towns located on flat or low lying terrain, especially where little or no provision has been made for surface drainage, or where existing drainage has been blocked with municipal waste, refuse and eroded soil or sediments. Ologunorisa (2006) observed that the flood may also be caused by the encroachment of hydraulic structures and cities on flood plains and by blocking of water channels and drainage networks. Maigari (2002) on the other hand, opined that these activities in one way or the other render streams or river channels incapable to accommodate fast running water from their catchment areas there by leading to flood. Maigari cited the case of August 1994 flood in Maiduguri, which resulted from the inability of Alau reservoir to accommodate the discharge from the diverted flow of Gombole/Sambisa swamp dyke on River Yedzaram.

The worst flood that has affected Maiduguri urban was the 1994 flood occurrence, and since then, the city has been recording annual flooding (UN DHA 1994). UN DHA (1994) also reported that the 1994 flood occurred between 12th and 13th September, 1994 due to excessive rainfall and the overflow from the Alau dam. Large number of people were displaced and made homeless; the government reported over 400,000 displaced/homeless persons, of which 180,000 were in immediate need for accommodation. The flood also destroyed a large number of mud houses, washing away nearly all personal belongings of stricken residents, paved roads were destroyed, cutting critical communication routes. Poultry and livestock production, farmlands and planted crops were seriously damaged.

Shetima (2018) stated that on September 11, 2007, Umar Abacha - a member of the Borno State House of Assembly representing Maiduguri Metropolis, donated food items worth thousands of naira to the victims of the flood disaster that ravaged no fewer than 96 homes at Gwange- Gangara area of Maiduguri. The items included bags of rice, groundnut oil and other relief materials. Shetima (2018) also reported that on July 6, 2012, torrential rains in Maiduguri displaced many residents from their homes. The report also stated that the heavy rains destroyed property worth millions, and also caused damage to the Jajeri Muslim Cemetery in Maiduguri where some dead bodies were washed up from their grave sites. One of the affected graves was that of a 10- year-old boy who was buried on Wednesday 4th July, 2012. It was also stated that the downpour was the heaviest in Maiduguri in that year. Residents living in the Bulumkutu, Ajillari, Jajeri, London Ciki, Polo, Bolori, Ummarari, Maduganari, Gomari Airport, Gwange and Mairi wards of the city were severely affected by the torrential downpour.

In the work of Shetima (2018), on August 2, 2014, no fewer than 100 persons were displaced in Maiduguri after their homes were flooded by a heavy downpour that started on Thursday 31st July, 2014 till Saturday 2nd Aug, 2014 leading to flooding in the city. Areas mainly affected include Ruwan-Zafi, London-Ciki, Ngomari, Simari, Mashamari, Zannari and Gwange, among others. In 2016, the Internally displaced persons (IDP) camps were not left out from flood

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Geospatial Assessment of the Impact of Topography on Flood Vulnerability in Maiduguri, Nigeria as reported by Shetima (2018) that on July, 20th 2016, flood resulting from a downpour submerged 35 flats at Bakassi Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Maiduguri and IDPs occupying five of the worst affected flats were trapped for several hours. The Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency (NHSA) in early 2016 also warned that there would be flooding in 14 States in the country urging residents living in flood prone areas to relocate. According to NHSA, most cities would experience heavy floods due to the rise in sea levels and tidal surge, adding that some of the States that would have areas that are likely to be submerged include Lagos, Rivers, Benue, Sokoto, Anambra, Imo, Cross River, Yobe, Ogun, Osun, Kaduna, Oyo, Borno and Adamawa. The prediction came to pass as early as July, 2016. For instance, the officials of National Emergency Management Agencies reported that an early morning downpour in Maiduguri on Saturday 9th July 2016, flooded many areas like Jajeri, Ummarari, Ngarnam, Simari, London-Ciki, Customs, Dala, Gomari Airport, as well as Gomari Costain, Damboa road, Ruwan-Zafi (Shetima 2018).

Flood occurrence in Maiduguri has been studied by many authors. For instance, Odihi, (1996) asserted that floods are a seasonal occurrence in parts of Maiduguri and that flood hazard exert a heavy toll on their victims. He used human perceptions to identify Bulumkutu, Gomari, Gamboru, Bulabulin, Ngomari Abuja, Gwange, Mairi, Bolori, Wulari, and London Ciki as the wards or districts that were affected by flood in Maiduguri urban between 1988 and 1995. He concluded that flood problems can be reduced by formulation and enforcement of land use regulations and building codes that reduce flood damages among others. Bwala and Abdulwaheed, (2015) also carried out an assessment of the physical planning strategies and its challenges of combating flooding in Maiduguri Metropolis. They reported that Maiduguri urban flooding is a catastrophe that continued to threaten the inhabitants and inflicting serious damages to a man. Their findings revealed that flood is largely due to lack of drainages, blockages of water channels, depression and subsidence of the terrain, and high encroachment of the floodplain.

Other recent works on Maiduguri flood is that of Jimme, Bashir and Adebayo (2016) which examined the spatial pattern of urban flash floods and inundations, and the terrain characteristics in Maiduguri metropolis. Digital Terrain Model (DTM) was generated from the Shuttle Radar Topography Mission and was used to provide the basis for the terrain analysis to generate hydrological parameters such as elevation, flow accumulation and direction, drainage network and slope angle as well as classified elevation images and terrain wetness index to map out potential flood risk areas. The DTM identified potential areas liable to flash flood and inundation. Their findings revealed that Maiduguri was generally characterized by low lying areas with slope angles of less than 5 degrees covering an area of 144.4 km2 out of 148 km2 making it extremely difficult to drain.

In all the above previous studies, topography was always mentioned as one of the principal causal factors of flooding in Maiduguri city, but no existing study has been carried out to investigate the impact of topography on flood occurrence in Maiduguri. It is therefore based on this premise that the impact of topography on flood vulnerability in Maiduguri city was carried out. Though, Maiduguri consists Maiduguri Metropolitan Council (MMC) and parts of Jere, Mafa, Konduga and Magumeri Local Government Areas of Borno State, covering a total land area of 543km² and located between latitudes 11˚ 46' 03.88"N and 11˚55' 34.66"N and longitudes 13˚03' 41.56"E and 13˚16’01.22"E (Ikusemoran and Jimme, 2014). However, this study was carried out within the Maiduguri city located between latitudes 11˚47' 00"N and 11˚52' 30"N and longitudes 13˚4' 30"E and 13˚13' 00"E covering a total land area of 149.15km2. This means that some parts

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 of the city were not covered in this study. The selected area covered the entire land areas of Gwange, Jabbamari, Maimusari, Shehuri-North and Yerwa Districts as well as major parts of Bolori, Dala, Dala-Alamderi, Dusuman, Galtimari, Maisandari, Mashamari, Mairi, Old Maiduguri, Tamsu Ngamdua and Yelwa Districts (Fig.1). Only a small portion of Alau districts was captured in this study. Moreover, other likely factors of flood vulnerability such as availability and functionality of drainage networks, land use and proximity to the waterbody among others were not considered in this study.

The aim of the study is to identify and quantify areas that are liable to floods based only on the topography of the city. The results are expected to serve as reliable data and information on the flood liable areas due to the topography of Maiduguri using remotely sensed data and Geographic Information System (GIS) techniques. The study, therefore, will no doubt, not only provides accurate and reliable information on the current liable districts/areas to flood in Maiduguri based only on the topography, but will also be used for subsequent flood disaster prone assessments, planning and for mitigation measures. The generated baseline data will serve as a database to the government and all other stakeholders on flood and flood related issues in Maiduguri urban. It will also assist in decision making when it comes to location and allocation of resources within the urban.

Description of the Study Area

Maiduguri is located between latitudes 11º.42ʹN and 12º 00ʹ N and longitudes 12º.54ʹ and 13º 14ʹ E. The city is bounded in the North by Jere LGA, in the West, South and South-West by Konduga LGA, in the North-West by Mafa LGA. Maiduguri city comprised the entire MMC, some parts of Jere, Konduga, and Mafa LGAs.

Source: Modified from UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, (2016)

Fig.1. The Study Area

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Maiduguri is located on a vast open plain which is flat or gently undulating. The surface is covered by thick heterogeneous alluvial sand deposit with occasional alluvial sand deposits of degraded and remnant of sand dunes (Nwaka and Bababe, 1989). Maiduguri is generally drained by seasonally flowing rivers, whose peak flows are recorded during the rainy season in the month of July and August. Maiduguri is drained mainly by River Ngadda with Ngaddabul as its major tributary. The vegetation of Maiduguri is similar to Sahel Savannah surrounded by shrubby vegetation interspersed with tall tree woodland. Annual grasses form the vegetation cover of Maiduguri, especially during the rainy season. The grasses in most areas are thorny (Shetima 2018). The mean monthly maximum temperature is highest (40.2ºC) prior to the onset of the rains in June and the lowest (31.3ºC) during the peak of the rainy period of August. The area has an average mean annual of about 550mm3 (Shetima 2018). According to National Population Commission (NPC, 2006), the population of Maiduguri was 540,016 based on the 2006 census. Most of the people living along the floodplain are peasant farmers. Land use in the area is characterized by permanent rain fed cultivation of grain crops such as sorghum and millet. Dry season Fadama (market gardening) cultivation is practiced at some points, using Shaduf Irrigation System. Also cultivations are usually carried out right to the edge of gullies. Other land use activities include sand mining, grazing, urban house construction, garden and orchards.

Maiduguri urban comprises the entire populace of MMC, most of the inhabitants of Jere, as well as some population in Konduga, Mafa and Magumeri LGAs. The 2006 census and population results show that the population of MMC and Jere LGAs alone was about 18% of the total population of Borno State. This large population coupled with the fact that the city is the capital of Borno State has necessitated a thorough planning and mitigations for whatever hazards that the city encountered. Therefore, the study of this kind of the urban area becomes very necessary.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Materials and Methods Data Requirements and Sources The data and their respective sources that were used for this study is presented in Table 1.

Table 1. Data Requirements and Sources

Types of Data Sources Importance

Aster GDEM2 data (in AsterGDEM2 data. The DEM data was processed to generate the tiles and in 30m Obtained from elevation and the TIN map of the city through resolution). earthexplorer.usgs.gov. which the terrain of the city was analyzed for flood vulnerability

Global Positioning Personal property (i) The coordinates and heights (elevation) of System (GPS) places of interest, especially annual flood areas were obtained by the use of GPS. (II). The obtained elevations were also used for ground- truthing the heights of the Aster GDEM data. (iii) GPS data of some points that are frequently flooded during the raining season were obtained. The data were captured between 9th and 10th of July 2017.

Google Earth map of Google Earth Pro Spatial locations of roads, rivers and other related Maiduguri City features for flood assessment and vulnerability were derived from Google map in kilometer and added to the base maps and images in the ArcGIS environment.

Political map of Obtained online from the The different districts and their distinct boundaries Maiduguri United Nation’s Office were generated from the map for detecting the for the Coordination of specific districts, features and institutions that fall Humanitarian Affairs into each of the categorized flood liable zones.

Methods

The methods employed in this paper involve the following activities:

(i) Generation of features, like profile graphs, 3D view and contour lines from the acquired DEM for assessments of the nature of the topography of the urban in terms of elevations, depressions, shapes, depth, and locations of places of interest such as depressions.

(iii) Creation of elevation map using Triangulated Irregular Network (TIN) (which has the capability of showing the heights, depth, depressions, shapes and the positions of features for the assessments of the impacts of the topography on flooding.

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(iv) Rasterization and classifications of the elevation map into five floods liable classes: extremely liable areas, highly liable areas, liable areas, marginally liable areas and flood free zones

(v) Delineating the boundaries of the existing seventeen districts within Maiduguri by digitizing and overlaying the district boundary lines on the classified images.

(vi) Integration of flood points data, (that is, the points that were captured as samples of flooded areas during the 2017 raining season by the use of GPS) to the classified images in order to examine and compare the relationship between the areas that were mapped as liable to flooding and the actual areas that were captured (in-situ) as flooded areas during the raining season.

Presentation of Results

The topography of Maiduguri was geospatially generated with the use of a TIN map of the area as presented in Figures 2.

Legend Main River DISTRICT Elevation 337.2 - 341.1 329.4 - 333.3 321.7 - 325.6 313.9 - 317.8 Main Roads Maiduguri TIN 341.1 - 345 333.3 - 337.2 325.6 - 329.4 317.8 - 321.7 310 - 313.9 Railway

Fig. 2. Triangulated Irregular Network (TIN) of Maiduguri

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 A west-east longitudinal profile of the city was also generated to examine the nature of the topography of the city as shown in Fig. 3.

Meters

River Ngaddabum

a d d a g

r e v i

Fig. 3. West-East Longitudinal Profile of Maiduguri

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Contour interval of 5 meters was used to generate the contour of Maiduguri, the low contour interval was chosen taking into consideration the relatively small and undulating nature of the area. The 3-dimensional view of the city was also mapped so as to ensure that areas or heights that are not discernable from the DEM are conspicuously seen on the 3D map. Both the contour and the 3D maps are shown in Figures. 4 and 5 respectively.

Fig. 4. Contour of Maiduguri

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River Ngaddabul

River Ngadda

Fig. 5. 3D-View of Maiduguri (From South)

Discussion of Results

Analysis of the topography of Maiduguri

The occurrence and intensity of floods largely depend on the topography of the area (Ikusemoran et al, 2013; Daura and Ikusemoran, 2014). The effect of topography on flood occurrence cannot be overemphasized. The slope, the terrain, the plains, the heights and the general landuse determine how liable a place is to flooding. Therefore, the analysis of the topography of a place is essential for its assessments for flood prone or vulnerability.

The almost flat areas, the depressions, the slopes, and the nature of the valleys of Maiduguri were all clearly represented as shown in Figures 2 and 3. For instance, the wide and shallow valleys of River Ngaddabul and the narrow but deep valley of River Ngadda were visually visible, while the almost flat areas in the city were also delineated. The lower altitudes in the eastern part of the city and that of the highest elevation in the western region were conspicuously visible. The highest elevation in the east was 325m above the sea level while the western region has its highest heights at 340m above the sea level. The longitudinal profile in Figure 4 also revealed that based on the topography, water is bound to flow from the high western region in the lower terrain areas in the east, with possible accumulation in the two river channels.

Figure 5. shows the 3-D view of Maiduguri urban from the southern part of the city. An elongated upland between Bama road and River Ngadda was also conspicuously visible from the map. It was also revealed that the valley of River Ngaddabul is wider than that of River Ngadda, while River Ngadda is steeper and deeper than River Ngaddabul. The contour in Fig. 4 shows the elevation of the study area. It was revealed that areas above 340m are found in the central part of Dala district and other spots in Galtimari district. The use of numbers to show heights makes it easier for interpretation and spatial comparisons. For instance, Yerwa district is generally on 325m

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Geospatial Assessment of the Impact of Topography on Flood Vulnerability in Maiduguri, Nigeria above the sea level while the Shehuri North district is on 320m above the sea level, which means that the Shehuri North district is at lower elevation than Yerwa district.

Assessment of flood liable areas based on the topography of Maiduguri.

Having analyzed the topography of Maiduguri, it is necessary to relate the topography of the area to flood liable zones. In order to assess the parts of Maiduguri that are liable to flood through the analysis of the topography, the “elevation” of the city was generated. Elevation map combines the attributes of DEM and 3D for viewing an area as shown in Fig. 2. The elevation map shows the depressed areas in and around Jere Bowl, Dusuman, Tamsu Ngamdua, Mairi, Maimusari, Bolori as well as along the valleys of Rivers Ngadda and Ngaddabul. The slopes into the depressions were also conspicuous on the map. The relatively higher elevation on which some parts of Maiduguri is located such as parts of Galtimari, Maisandari, Bolori, Dala, Dala Alamderi and also 202 and 303 housing estates and New GRA were also revealed. The upland areas in Dala and Yerwa can be easily delineated as well as those spots of uplands in Bolori, Galtimari, Maisandari and Mairi Districts.

This elevation map also revealed why some areas are constantly flooded in the city. For instance, around the boundary between Yelwa and Bolori Districts is a depression (Fig. 2). Therefore, the runoff from Yelwa (from the west) and those from Bolori (from the east) all accumulate into this depression. Therefore, even if drainage channels are provided, it will be difficult to channel the runoff because the water will continue to circulate in the depression, because it is a depression without an outlet. Therefore, the area, until an outlet is constructed will continue to experience flood regardless of the numbers of drainage channel that are provided.

The reasons for excessive flooding in Yerwa and Shehuri North Districts in Maiduguri core, was also explained by the elevation map. For instance, the topography of Shehuri North makes the district to experience double tragedy of the flooding. Firstly, the eastern and northeastern parts of the district are along the depressed River Ngadda, hence, runoff from the river causes serious floods in this part of the district. Moreover, the western and northwestern parts of the districts are also within the Jere Bowl depression, separated from River Ngadda by upland which traps or forces runoff to return backward towards Jere Bowl or circulate around the area. This upland serves as a barrier for the runoff into River Ngaddabul. Therefore, an outlet must be constructed to channel the water from the district into River Ngaddabul for any meaningful flood control measures to take place.

Classification of the topography into flood liable classes

The elevation map in Fig. 2 was rasterized and classified into five flood liable classes. The classes are as follows: (i) Extremely flood liable areas (ii) Highly liable flood zones (iii) Liable flood zones (iv) Marginally liable flood zones (v) Free zones

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Fig.6. Rasterized TIN of Maiduguri

Extremely liable flood zone:

The extremely flood liable zone includes areas that are generally between the altitudes of 310 to 317m above the sea level. This zone includes almost the entire land areas of Old Maiduguri, Dusuman, Mashamari and Tamsu Ngamdua Districts. Some parts of Mairi, Yerwa, Bolori, Shehuri North and Mashamari Districts are also located within this zone. The total land areas of the swampy Jere Bowl, which is naturally liable to flood, and the valley of River Ngadda and some spots within Bolori and Maisandari Districts were also found to belong to this zone. It must be noted that (though the spatial extent was not determined as it was done in this study), but all these districts within these elevation zones have been constantly reported as being prone to flooding. For instance, Odihi (1996) listed Bulumkuttu, Ngomari, Gamboru, Bulabulin, Ngomari Abuja, Gwange, Mairi, Bolori, Wulari, and London Ciki as the wards that were affected by flood between 1988 and 1995. Jimme et al, (2016) also identified Maisandari II, Limanti, Bolori, Jabbamari, Mashamari, Goni Kachalari. Shehuri North, Mairi and Old Maiduguri as the wards that were prone to flooding.

Highly liable flood zone

These are areas that are also very prone to flooding. Though the terrain is a bit higher than that of the extremely liable flood zones, but the low altitude of the zone makes it very vulnerable to flooding. The elevation of this zone falls between 321 and 313m above the sea level (Fig. 6). Some parts of Mairi, Maimusari, Gwange, Yerwa, Shehuri North, Jabbamari, Bolori and Maisandari fall in this zone.

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Liable flood zone

These are areas that are relatively prone to flood occurrence because of their low terrain. However, flooding in these areas are not as serious as that of the highly floodable areas. The classified regions fall between 313 and 329m above the sea level. This zone is found in Mairi, Gwange, Bolori, as well as the valley of River Ngaddabul running from Yerwa through Maisandari to Dala Districts. The valley of River Ngadda from Gwange downstream towards Alau is within the flood liable area.

Marginally flood liable zone

Marginally flood liable zone cover a larger part of the city. It is the zone that flooding can only occur in exceptional cases. The elevations of these areas fall between 329 and 337m above the sea level. 303 and 202 housing estates, western part of Bolori, some parts of Galtimari, Maisandari and Yelwa are all located within the marginally liable to flood areas. It is partly because of this reason that during heavy downpours, major parts of the University campus like Titanic Male Hostel, Distaster and MPH areas which all fall within the extremely flood areas are always flooded, while 303 and 202 housing estates that are only separated by road from the University hardly experience flooding.

Flood Free Zone

The areas that are not expected to be affected by flooding due to their high topography are termed in this study as the free flood zone. These areas are found on the highest elevation within the study area, with their heights ranging from 337 and 341m above the sea level. They are small land areas that are found in Dala, Yelwa, Bolori and Galtimari Districts. The free flood zone occupies a small fraction of the total land area of the city.

Assessments of liable zones of each district in Maiduguri urban

The aim of this study is to assess and quantify how liable a district is to flooding in Maiduguri based on topography alone. That is, mapping and quantifying the flood liable zones in each district. Each of the 17 districts was assessed in order to know the quantity of the land area that fall into each of the five classified flood zones: extremely liable, highly liable, liable, marginally liable and free zone. The result is presented in Table. 2.

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Table. 2. Flood liable zones of each District in Maiduguri based on topography

S/ Districts Area % Extrem Extre Highly Highly Liable Liable Marginall Marginally Free Free N (km2) Area ely mely Liable Liable (km2) (District y Liable Liable Zone Zone Liable Liable (km2) (Distri %) (km2) (District (km2) (District (km2) (Distri ct %) %) %) ct %) 1 Alau 0.15 0.10 - _ 0.11 73..33 0.04 26.67 - _ - _ 2 Bolori 27.24 18.26 6.96 25.55 8.43 30.95 4.76 17.47 5.89 21.62 1.20 4.41 3 Dala 5.55 3.72 0.01 0.18 0.21 3.78 1.44 25.95 2.15 38.74 1.74 31.52 4 Dala 4.20 2.81 - _ - _ 0.08 1.90 3.43 81.67 0.69 16.43 Alamderi 5 Dusuman 4.32 2.89 4.29 99.31 0.03 0.69 - _ - _ - _ 6 Galtimari 11.15 7.47 0.24 2.15 0.55 4.93 3.56 31.92 6.68 59.91 0.12 1.08 7 Gwange 6.42 4.30 1.31 20.41 3.84 59.81 0.89 13.86 0.33 5.14 0.05 0.78 8 Jabbamari 1.21 0.81 0.67 55.37 0.54 44.63 - _ - _ - _ 9 Maimusari 1.82 1.22 0.91 50.00 0.91 50.00 - _ - _ - _ 10 Mairi 14.73 9.87 5.63 38.22 4.35 29.53 2.37 16.09 1.85 12.56 0.53 3.60 11 Maisandari 36.70 24.60 0.76 2.07 5.46 14.88 7.49 20.41 22.30 60.76 0.69 1.88 12 Mashamari 8.20 5.49 8.11 98.90 0.09 1.10 - _ - _ - _ 13 Old 5.52 3.70 5.44 98.55 0.08 1.45 - _ - _ - _ Maiduguri 14 Shehuri 2.43 1.62 1.62 66.67 0.81 33.33 - _ - _ - _ North 15 TamsuNga 5.23 3.50 5.16 98.66 0.07 1.34 - _ - _ - _ mdua 16 Yelwa 10.51 7.04 - _ 0.02 0.19 3.14 6.74 64.13 0.61 5.80 17 Yerwa 3.77 2.52 1.44 38.19 2.33 61.80 - _ - _ - _

TOTAL 149.1 42.55 28.56 27.83 18.68 23.77 15.84 49.37 33.14 5.63 3.78 5 Source: Fieldwork (2017)

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Table 2 revealed that eight out of the seventeen Districts in Maiduguri urban comprising Jabbamari, Dusuman, Maimusari, Mashamari, Old Maiduguri, Shehuri North, Tamsu Ngamdua and Yerwa constituting 21.88% of the study area have their entire land area fall within extremely and/or highly liable to flood areas. Other districts with high percentage of their land area within the extremely and/or highly liable areas to flooding are Gwange (80.72%), Mairi (68.78%) and Bolori (56.55%). This finding confirms that some districts that have been constantly reported as flood liable areas (Odihi 1996, Bwala et al, 2015 and Jimme et al, 2016). Flood free zones are found more in Dala (31.52%) and Dala Alamderi (16.55%) than in all other Districts of the city. However, only four Dala Alamderi (98.83%), Yelwa (69.93%), Maisandari (62.64%) and Galtimari (59.17%) out of the seventeen districts have more than 50% of their land areas within either marginally liable or flood free zone areas. These are the four LGAs with 50% of their land area located on a high topography without having to worry much about flood problems.

Having classified the topography of the urban into five different classes of flood, liability, the data that were collected in the field on hot spots of intense flooding through Global Positioning System (GPS) was added to the classified image so as to examine the impact of topography on flood occurrence by comparing the actual places with intense flood with the results (from the study based on the topography) of the areas of extremely or highly liable to flooding areas. The output map is displayed in Fig.7.

Legend Main River Railway Elevation 337.2 - 341.1 329.4 - 333.3 321.7 - 325.6 313.9 - 317.8 Main Roads DISTRICT 341.1 - 345 333.3 - 337.2 325.6 - 329.4 317.8 - 321.7 310 - 313.9 %, Flood__Points Maiduguri TIN

Fig. 7. Elevation map showing points of severe flood

Fig. 7. revealed that most of the land areas that were captured as liable to floods from GPS data during the rainy season also fall on the areas that were classified as either extremely or highly liable to flooding. However, some of the points, especially the flood prone areas in Bulumkutu area fell on areas

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 that were adjourned as marginally liable. The implications of this finding is that though the topography plays a major role in the occurrence and intensity of flooding in Maiduguri city, but flooding in Bulumkutu is not associated with topography, which means that other factors other than the topography which may be human induced are mainly responsible for flooding in Bulumkutu. Shettima (2018) reported that the major factor responsible for Bulumkutu floods is lack of drainage network and which the Borno State Government is already aware as many drainage channels have been constructed in the area within the last two years.

This finding confirms the report of Ologunorisa (2006) who observed that the flood may also be caused by the encroachment of hydraulic structures and cities on flood plains and by blocking of water channels and drainage networks. Maigari (2002) on the other hand observed that flooding is initiated by meteorological and anthropogenic factors which in one way or the other render streams or river channels incapable to accommodate fast running water from their catchment areas thereby leading to flooding. On Maiduguri urban, Jimme et al (2016) reported that the stream network of the area revealed that some parts of the urban were built on the natural stream channels or drainages. The effect on the terrain is that buildings and diversions lead to an obstruction of the natural course of water when it rains and especially as there are no effective drainages which make flooding inevitable.

Conclusion

The topography of Maiduguri urban has put the city in a disadvantage state when it comes to urban floods. This has made most parts of the urban area to experience frequent flooding. Eight districts (Jabbamari, Dusuman, Maimusari, Mashamari, Old Maiduguri, Shehuri North, Tamsu Ngamdua and Yerwa, Gwange, Mairi, and Bolori) out of the seventeen districts within the study area were found to require urgent actions for mitigation against flooding as major portions of these districts were found to be liable to flooding. Unfortunately, these districts comprised the core of the city (Yerwa, Shehuri North, Jabbamari) with a very high population. Moreover, major facilities (residential houses, roads, rail line) and institutions such as University of Maiduguri, University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (both in Mairi districts), College of Agriculture, (Mashamari district) and some housing estates like Abba Gana Terab Housing Estate (505) and Dikwa Lowcost, all fall within the flood liable areas. To save the population, facilities and institutions from these flood hazards, the use of modern technique such as remote sensing and GIS for assessments and monitoring of such hazards cannot be overemphasized. The lessons learned from this study can be applied to other cities or communities within and outside the country. Geospatial assessment of the totality of the land area of Maiduguri urban is recommended for further study. The integration of other factors, including topography for flood vulnerability of Maiduguri city as well as the causes of Bulumkutu floods is recommended for further studies.

Recommendations Following the findings of this study, the following recommendations are made: (i) Geospatial technique should be encouraged to be adopted for the assessments of urban flooding as the technique has been found to possess overwhelming advantages over the manual methods. Remote Sensing and GIS units with well trained staff should therefore be established in all the concerned ministries for proper monitoring of not only urban flood, but also other environmental hazards. (ii) Flood management and control should be prioritized based on how liable an area is. For instance, all the districts that were found to be highly liable to flooding should be given urgent attention before other districts with low possibility of being flooded.

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(iii) Functional drainage channels should be collectively designed by engineers and urban planners so as to control overland flow from resulting in urban flooding (iv) Since flooding in Bulumkutu is discovered to have been caused by other factors other than topography, the State government as well as the associated ministries should as a matter of urgency look into the causes of floods in Bulumkutu.

References Agbonkhese, O., Yisa, G. L., Daudu P.I. (2013). Bad drainage and its effects on road pavement conditions in Nigeria. Civil and Environmental Research. 3(10), 7-15. Bwala, H.B. and Abdulwaheed, Y.A. (2015). Assessment of selected physical planning strategies and the challenges in combating flooding in Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria. Journal of Environmental Science, Toxicology and Food Technology (IOSR-JESTFT) e-ISSN: 2319- 2402, p- ISSN: 2319-2399. 9(3), pp. 45-53. Daura, M.M. and Ikusemoran, M. (2015). Geospatial assessments of flood vulnerability of Benue and Taraba States. Academic Research International. 6(6). Ikusemoran, M., Anthony, D. and Maryah, U.M. (2013). GIS-based assessments of flood risk and vulnerability of communities in the Benue floodplains, Adamawa state. Journal of Geography and Geology, Canadian Center for Science and Education. 5(4), 148-160.

Ikusemoran, M. and Jimme, M.A. (2014). A decade Assessments of Maiduguri Urban Expansion (2002-2012). Global Journal of Human Social Sciences. 14(2), pp 1-8. Jimme, M.A., Bashir, A. and Adebayo, A.A. (2016). Spatial distribution pattern and terrain analysis of urban flash floods and inundated areas in Maiduguri Metropolis, Borno State, Northeast, Nigeria. Journal of Geographic Information System, 8: 108-120. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jgis.2016.81011

Maigari A. I. (2002). Introduction to environmental problems and management. Wa’adallah environmental consults (WADEC) Kano State, Nigeria. NPC (2007). 2006 Census. Abuja: National Population Commission. Nwaka, G. C. I. and Bababe, B. (1989). Soil studies of Ngaddabul floodplain within Maiduguri Metropolis for erosion control. Annual Conference, Soil Society of Nigeria, Nsukka Nigeria. Odihi, J.O. (1996). Urban droughts and floods in Maiduguri: Twin hazards of a variable climate. Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, Band 8: 303-319 Ologunorisa, E.T. (2006). Flood risk assessment and management in Nigeria: Perspective from the Niger Delta. Selfers Educational Books. Shettima, K.M. (2018). Geospatial assessments of flood liable areas in Maiduguri. An

unpublished M.Sc. dissertation. Department of geography, University of Maiduguri. UN DHA (1994). Nigeria Floods Sep 1994 UN DHA Situation Reports 1 – 3. Retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/report/.../nigeria-floods-sep-1994-u-dha-situation-reports-1-3 United Nations’ Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN-OCHA 2016). Maiduguri and surrounds: Maiduguri city map, May, 2016.

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling

Zemba A. Ambrose1, Bashir Abbas1 and Sunday Asa1

1Department of Geography, Modibbo Adama University of Technology, Yola, Adamawa State, Nigeria

Abstract

Urban Heat Island (UHI) has been a source of concern in recent years and different approaches have been employed to understand its nature, characteristics and implications. In this paper, analysis of spatial pattern of land surface temperature (LST) derived from remote sensing images used to examine effects of vegetation and water index, and built up density on LST of Jalingo metropolis, North East Nigeria was determined. Normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) was used as an indicator for vegetation cover, normalized difference built-up index (NDBI) for level of urbanization indicator, while normalized difference water index (NDWI) for water index indicator. Landsat 8 data was used for the retrieval of LST, calculation of (NDBI), (NDVI) and (NDWI). The analysis showed that areas with high LST were located principally in central built- up areas. The results of assessment of relationship between LST with NDVI, NDWI and NDBI, showed a negative correlation between LST and NDVI and NDWI, and a positive correlation with NDBI; this means that green surfaces can reduce urban heat island (UHI) effect whereas built-up areas can strengthen the effect of UHI. It was concluded that NDVI, NDWI and NDBI could be used to investigate and predict Urban Heat Islands (UHI) and results may help city planners better prepare for possible impacts of urban environmental change.

Keywords: Land Surface Temperature (LST), Normalized Difference Built-up Index (NDBI), Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI), Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI) and Urban Heat Island (UHI),

Introduction

Urbanization has been found to contribute to global climate change in various ways and across multiple dimensions. Rapid urbanization has led to significant increase in land surface temperature (LST) which is governed by surface heat fluxes, (Laosuwan and Sangpradit, 2012). Structures of urban canopies and parameters such as building density, proportion of vegetation cover and materials control the development of urban heat island (UHI). Laosuwan and Sangpradit (2012) observed that urban heat island intensity is related to patterns of land use land cover (LULC) changes such as the modifications of vegetation, existing water body and built up density changes.

The introduction of computer applications in geography and environmental studies, coupled with the used of remote sensing and geographic information systems in the monitoring, studying evaluating and analysis of the environment, has greatly improved research work in geography and environmental studies. Several statistical packages such as SPSS and STATA have made statistical analysis easier with higher precision and high level of accuracy with minimal error.

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling Statistical modeling can provide useful quantitative information about the contribution of urban factors to UHI development and help better understanding of the causal relationship that help to assess and predict the formation and evolution of UHI phenomena. Land surface temperature measurements have been carried out by some researchers using National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and Advance Very High Resolution Radiometer (AVHRR) data (Streutker, 2002 and 2003) for urban temperature mapping in local scales. Recently, Landsat Thematic Mapper sensors (TMs) and Enhanced Thematic Mapper plus sensor (ETMs+), thermal infrared sensors (TIR) with resolutions (30m, 60m and 120m) particularly, have been utilized for heat island study and assessment of the factors affecting urban heat island, Aneesh, Rishabh, Neha, Sumit, Nivedita (2015); Balázes, Unger, Gál, Sümeghy, Geiger, Szegedi, (2009); Weng, Dengsheng, and Jacquelyn, (2004); Chen, Ren, Li and Ni (2009).

It is known that various vegetation indices obtained from remote sensing data can be used in the measurement of vegetation cover qualitatively and quantitatively (Purevdorj Tateishi, Ishiyama and Honda, 1998; Chen Wang, and Li, 2002). For example, the relationship between various vegetation indices and percentage vegetation cover has been created using regression analysis (Weng, 2011). Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) is used for estimation of vegetation production and precipitation in semiarid areas (Streutker, 2002; Chen, Babiker, Chen, Komaki, Mohamed, and Kato, 2004), while the Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI) was used for the determination of Vegetation Water Content (VWC) under physical principles (Gao, 1996). NDVI has been found to have limited capability for estimating VWC (Ceccato, Gobron, Flasse, Pinty and Tarantola, 2002), hence it is ideal to integrate NDVI and NDWI to represent the state of vegetation. Zha, Gao and Ni, (2003) has developed the Normalized Difference Built-up Index (NDBI) to classify urban and built-up areas. The utilization of NDVI, NDWI and NDBI could represent land cover types quantitatively so that the relationships between them and temperature can be established in UHI studies. It is against this background that this research was formulated to examine spatial structure and variations of surface temperatures in a medium size urban area in tropical Africa faced with numerous planning challenges and to link these temperature characteristics to characteristics of urban canopy.

Description of Study area

Jalingo Metropolis lies between latitude 8°52’ and 8°56’N of the equator while its longitudinal extent is 11°19’ and 11°24’E. According to 2006 National Population census, Jalingo has a population of 139,845 with a projected population growth rate of 3% (Shawulu, Adebayo, and Binbol, 2008). Using the population growth rate of 3%, the population of Jalingo was projected to be 197, 998 in 2017.

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Fig 1: Land use map of the study area

Jalingo has tropical continental type of climate characterized by well-marked wet and dry seasons. The wet season usually begins around April and ends in October. The dry season begins in November and ends in March. The area has a mean annual rainfall of about 1,200mm3 and annual mean temperature of about 29oC. Relative humidity ranges between 60-70 per cent during the wet season to about 35 – 45 per cent in the dry season. The Temperature of Jalingo ranges from 29°C – 37°C, with an average mean of 32°C in the months of August and September. The coldest months are December and January.

The relief of Jalingo consists of undulating plain interspersed with mountain ranges with elevation ranging from 137ft to 914ft above sea level (a.s.l.). The peaks form the watershed for River Lamurde and other streams which drain into River Benue. The compact massif of rock outcrops (mountains) in Jalingo extends from Kona area through the border between Jalingo and Lau LGA down to Yorro and Ardo Kola LGAs in a circular form to Gongon area. Thus, giving a

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling periscope semi-circle shape that is almost like a shield to Jalingo town, that it exerts a greater influence of katabatic and anabatic winds effects on the township which consequently may have the ability to modify the micro climate of the area. Jalingo metropolis is drained by two major rivers; Mayo-Gwoi and Lamurde, which take their sources from the mountain ranges in Yorro LGA and emptied their content into the Benue river system at Tau village. The Rivers Lamurde and Mayo Gwoi form a confluence in Jalingo town around Magami area. River Lamurde has extensive flood plain on both sides of the river (Oruonye, 2011).

Materials and Methods

In order to carry out this study, two sets of data were acquired; these are satellite images and auxiliary data. These include the Landsat 8 ETM+ data set acquired in 2018 from United States Geological Survey (USGS) website was used to derive LST, Administration boundary map of Jalingo from the geography department of Taraba State University (TSU), Jalingo and the Topographic map at scale 1:50000 for digitizing to create map of the study area.

Land Surface Temperature (LST) was derived from band 10 which is the thermal band from Landsat 8 using Geographic Information System (GIS) through the conversion of the Digital Numbers (DN) into radiance, then Kelvin and to Celsius degrees.

Land use land cover classification

The study area was categorized into thermal climate zones (TCZ) based on Asa, Joel and Zarma (2017). Thermal climate zones (TCZ) are regions of relatively uniform surface air temperature distribution across a horizontal scale of 102m to 104m (Stewart and Oke, 2009). They are differentiated based on surface properties that directly influence temperature such as building height-to-width ratio (H/W), Sky View Factor (SVF), Height of Roughness Element, Anthropogenic Heat Flux (QF), and Surface thermal Admittance. All field sites were defined by a ‘circle of influence’ (also known as source area or footprint) whose radius extends from meters to kilometers depending on instrument height, boundary layer conditions and surface geometry (Oke, 2004, 2006).

The classification was done after evaluating the physical nature of the urban terrain following the procedures laid down by Oke (2004, 2006). Given the spatial dimensions of local climate zones as imposed by the environment and the measurement set up for this study, field sites were parameterized using a radius of 300m by differentiating properties of the source area. The TCZ that best matched the measured or estimated properties of field sites was identified. Photographs were taken to substantiate matches between field sites and Oke’s TCZ’s. This is because different photographs alone can substantiate reasonable accurate matches between field site and Oke’s TCZ since direct relationship between the measured properties and the zones data sheets ultimately supported a more objective and reducible outcome. The most important properties considered in this classification were the thermal admittance, canyon geometry (H/W) ratio, nature of the buildings, and height of roughness element, function and anthropogenic activities. Where site metadata were incomplete or poorly aligned as compared with that of Steward and Oke, the process of selecting ― “best fit” zones became one of skilled judgment, knowledge of the field site and discretion of the researcher rather than automated matching.

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Knowledge based detection method for LST, NDVI, NDWI AND NDBI The normalized surface temperature was prepared using the following steps as outlined by, USGS (2016). Step1: Conversion of DN Values to Radiance The following equation was used to convert DN’s to radiance units, expressed as: Lλ = ((LMAXλ - LMINλ)/(QCALMAX-QCALMIN)) * (QCAL-QCALMIN) + LMINλ Step2: Conversion from Radiance to Temperature in Degree Kelvin The formula below was used for conversion of radiance to temperatures in degree Kelvin:

K2 T = 퐾1 퐿푛( +1) Lλ

T = Effective at-satellite temperature in Kelvin K2 = Calibration constant 2 from Table K1 = Calibration constant 1 from Table Lλ = Spectral radiance in watts/(meter squared * ster * μm) USGS (2016) Step3: conversion from Degree Kelvin to Degree Celsius

The derived temperature in degree Kelvin was then converted to degree Celsius using the formula: C=K-273.15 and UHI calculated.

Step 4: Isotherm interpolation

Isotherm for the derived UHI will be interpolated into isotherms using standard Kriging method and linear variogram model from the ArcGIS package for spatial interpolation and digitization (tracing) of the isotherm. This revealed the spatial distribution of the UHI in the study area in terms of isotherms.

Normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) calculations

The first step in the calculation of normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) was land-cover classification. Supervised classification was employed to categorize the images into high, medium and low density vegetation. Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) was determined from the pixel values of the satellite image using the following equation (Gallo and Owen, 1999).

NDVI = (IR –R) / (IR + R) or

푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 4 − 푇푀 푏푎푛푑 3 푁퐷푉퐼 = 푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 4 + 푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 3

Where IR is the pixel value of the near-infrared band (0.72–1.1 ⌠m) and R is the pixel value of the visible red band (0.58–0.68⌠m).

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling Extracting built up density

Normalized Difference Built-up Index (NDBI) was used to extract built up density of the study area from the Landsat_8 image. NDBI was extracted using ArcGIS-Raster calculator functions of the spatial analyst tool using the equation;

NDBI = MIR – NIR / MIR + NIR or

푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 5−푇푀 푏푎푛푑 4 푁퐷퐵퐼 = 푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 5+푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 4 Where NIR = Near Infrared Reflectance; MIR = Mid Infrared Reflectance (Aneesh et’al, 2015).

Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI)

NDWI processes green and mid-infrared spectral bands to extract water areas (Xu, 2005). Hence, to remove water signatures from the output image of the study area and increase the spectral contrast among built-up area, bare land and other land cover classes, NDWI was used, it was extracted from the satellite images using the equation follow:

푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 3 − 푇푀 푏푎푛푑 7 푁퐷푊퐼 = 푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 3 + 푇푀 퐵푎푛푑 7 Stepwise regression approach was used to (i) identify parameters defining UHI intensity and (ii) model spatial structure and temporal variations in the study area.

Result of Findings

The result of findings shows that, Jalingo metropolis is represented in the thermal climate zones (TCZ) classified by Stewart and Oke (2009). Six of the TCZ identified in the study area include TCZ 9, TCZ 8, TCZ 7, TCZ 5, TCZ 3 and TCZ 2, (Table 1).

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Table: 1. LandUse/LandCover Typology in Jalingo.

Site Satellite view Thermal climate Site Photo Zones properties and Site zone (TCZ) description Site 1 H/W %built2QF3 (T.S.U Jalingo) 1.75 30-40 5- 10 8°54'15.14" Large widely set, N mid- rise 11°19'04.03" buildings in an E (TCZ 9) Open space C.O.E Jalingo open place. Buildings vary in Altitude=20 size, distribution 4.81m height with abundant vegetations

Site 2 (Technobat 0.70 40-70 10-15 mile six) Low rise buildings that 8°57'53.38" are detached. And the N Buildings separated by 11°22'22.93" yards, and set along

E Technobat medium width streets. Altitude= (TCZ 7) Regular Light traffic flow and 224.1m Housing uniform in design Site 3 (Magami) 1.30 >70 20-30

8°54'36.00" Buildings densely packed N and are low rise. Light 11°20'49.92" traffic flow and E Construction materials Magami uniformly arranged. (TCZ3)Compact

Altitude= Housing 196.9m Site 4 0.65 >65 >5

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling (Anguwan Buildings small and N.T.A) fragile, densely packed, separated by 8°53'20.35" narrow streets and N alleyways. Mostly 11°22'23.12" unpaved, swampy

E Anguwan NTA compacted surfaces.

Altitude= 226.8m TCZ 8) Shanty town

Site 5 (Roadblock) 1.20 >80 30- 50 8°56'12.56" Buildings are often N large and dense, 11°20'16.82" attached or closet, and (TCZ 2) Old core Road block E homogeneous in character with wide Altitude= streets. Heavy traffic 211.8m flow.

Site 6 (Comm.quar ters) 1.60 <80 20- 35 8°54'25.65" Medium high rise N (TCZ 5) Block 11°23'30.56" buildings uniform in housing Comm. E Q design (height and width), with heavy Altitude= materials. 213.4m Abundance of vegetation and open space among buildings with light traffic flow.

Source: Asa et al, 2017

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Descriptive Statistics of the Urban Parameters

Table 2 shows the statistical results of the urban parameters LST (oC), NDVI, NDWI and NDBI. The result indicates that maximum LST in the study area is 37 oC, minimum LST is 32.5 oC, while the mean LST is 34.7 oC and the standard deviation is 1.854. Normalize Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) ranges from -0.052 to 0.165. The mean is -0.061 and standard deviation is 0.311. From the statistical result presented in Table 2, NDBI ranges from -0.18 to 0.299 with a mean of 0.154 and standard deviation of 0.135. On the other hand, the result shows that Normalize Difference Water Index (NDWI) ranges from -0.765 to -0.189 with a mean of -0.384 and a standard deviation of 0.260. The results imply that vegetation index in the city is below average NDVI which means there has been wide absence of vegetation and this could influence the development of UHI. Furthermore, the result of water index shows that the city contained few open water features which can define the turbidity of water in the area that can affect temperature distribution. High built up density observed in the city implies that most natural environment was replaced by artificial features such as pavements, interlock buildings among others. This may have consequential effect on temperature of the study area.

Table 2: Result of LST (oC), NDVI, NDWI and NDBI Analysis Parameters Maximum Minimum Mean Std. Deviation LST (oC) 37 32.5 34.725 1.854 NDBI 0.299 -0.18 0.154 0.135 NDWI -0.189 -0.765 -0.384 0.260 NDVI 0.165 -0.052 -0.061 0.311

Land Surface Temperature (LST)

The result of the land surface temperature (LST) derived from Landsat 8 band 10 as can be seen in figure 2, shows LST value decrease from the city centre to the periphery as such high temperature value is recorded in the city center. This finding corroborates that of Balaze et al (2009) in Hungary and Aneesh et’al (2015) in India. The high temperature in the city center of the study area can be attributed to the high anthropogenic activities within the city center and the replacement of most natural land surface cover with artificial land covers such as concretes interlock roof tops, pavements and tarred roads coupled with smoke-from vehicle exhaust and population congestion which have the ability to increase anthropogenic heat flux that can raise temperatures of a place. On the other hand, the presence of natural surfaces in the rural periphery and low anthropogenic activities as a result of low population may account for the low temperature recorded in the periphery. The statistical result of LST is shown in Table 2.

Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI)

The result of Normalized Difference Vegetation Index is presented in figure 3 below. This the result revealed that lower values of NDVI is observed in high density built-up areas which includes commercial, residential and industrial areas within the city and higher NDVI values in agricultural fields and near water bodies as shown in figure 3. This finding is similar to Aneesh et al (2015), Savić S, Unger Gál, Milošević, Popov (2013) (2013) and Balaz et’al (2009). The high density built up in the study area are the TCZ (4) Anguwan NTA, Magami TCZ (3) as well as the

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling TCZ (5) Road Block and the market area in the heart of the study area. ATC area in the Eastern part of the map (fig.3) also shows low NDVI. This is not unconnected with the presence of the Taraba State University in the area which attracts more population that results in higher human activities. Table 2 shows the statistical results of NDVI.

Fig. 2: LST Map and fig. 3 NDVI Map

Normalized Difference Built Index (NDBI)

Normalized Difference Built Index (NDBI) was extracted as can be seen in fig.4 below. It has been found that higher values of NDBI is observed in high density built-up areas which includes commercial, residential and industrial areas within the city and lower NDBI values in agricultural fields and water bodies as shown in figure 4. The statistical result of NDBI is presented in Table 2.

Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI)

The use of Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI) has been suggested by Ogashawara and Bastos (2012) for reducing the spectral confusion between built-up and bare areas, arguing that bare areas are likely to have a higher water content than built-up areas

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 (impervious surfaces). NDWI was extracted and the result is presented in fig. 5. The results show that higher NDWI was found in mostly the agricultural fields near water bodies and TCZ 9. Thus, the study area can be said to show evidence of higher NDWI with the lowest recorded on the periphery of the study area. The lowest NDWI in the peripheries of the study area has to do with the higher built-up density recorded in those areas and the evidence of lower vegetation cover. Hence, this implies that areas with low NDWI are in few open water areas, thus the cooling effect of water body may not have impact on the temperature of the areas.

Fig. 4 NDBI map and Fig. 5 NDWI map

Relationship Between Urban Parameters and Land Surface Temperature

The relationship between LST and NDVI was calculated using Pearson correlation. The result (Table 3) shows negative correlation between LST and NDVI in the study area with a correlation coefficient of - 0.962 which is significant at 0.05% confidence level (2-tailed). It implies that as vegetation cover decreases, land surface temperature increases. Thus, areas of higher vegetation tend to have low temperatures. The result is similar to findings by Laosuwan

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling and Sangpradit (2012) in their study on monitoring urban heat island in Thailand. It also agreed with the works of Kun and Zhuang (2008) in China who also reported a negative correlation between LST and NDVI in a study on comparative and combinative effects of urban heat island.

Table 3: Correlations between LST and NDVI LST NDVI Pearson correlation 1 -.962* LST Sig. (2-tailed) .038 N 4 4 Pearson correlation -.962* 1 NDVI Sig. (2-tailed) .038 N 4 4

*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

Relationship between LST and NDBI

The relationship between LST and NDBI was calculated using Pearson correlation and the result is shown in Table 4 below. The result indicates a strong positive correlation which is significant at 0.01% level with a correlation coefficient of 0.998. The result therefore means an increase in the value of NDBI will subsequently increase land surface temperature in the study area. The result agrees with findings in other places by Aneesh et al (2015), Savić et al (2013), Sun, Lin, and Ou, (2007), Chen et al (2009) and Zhao and Wang (2002). In their separate studies, they found a strong positive correlation between LST and NDBI. Therefore, this study deduced that built-up density is an important factor affecting temperature in the study area.

Table 4: Correlations between LST and NDBI LST NDBI Pearson correlation 1 .998** LST Sig. (2-tailed) .002 N 4 4 Pearson correlation .998** 1 NDVI Sig. (2-tailed) .023 N 4 4

**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

Relationship Between LST and Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI)

Relationship between LST and Normalized Difference Water Index (NDWI) was calculated and the result is presented in Table 5 below. The result as shown in Table 5 indicates a strong negative correlation between LST and NDWI with a correlation coefficient of -0.869 which is significant at 0.05% level (2-tailed). Thus, the result means that as value of NDWI decreases, temperature values increase significantly. Thus, temperature increases with decreasing value of

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 NDWI. The result agrees with findings of Aneesh et al (2015), Zhao and Wang, (2002) and Gao, (1996).

Table 5: Correlations between LST and NDWI LST NDWI Pearson correlation 1 -0.869* LST Sig. (2-tailed) 0.131 N 4 4 Pearson correlation -0.869* 1 NDVI Sig. (2-tailed) 0.131 N 4 4

*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

Trend of Relationship Between LST and the Urban Parameters

The trend of relationship between urban parameters and land surface temperature in the study area was determined using regression model and a scatter plot graphs were drawn for better understanding. The scatter plots of LST vs NDVI and LST vs NDBI and LST vs NDWI are presented in figures 6, 7 and 8 respectively. Regression analysis has been applied to find the trend of the relationship between LST with NDVI, NDBI and NDWI. It has been observed that there is a negative correlation of LST with both NDVI and NDWI, which interprets that higher NDVI and NDWI can reduce the effect of UHI. Thus, vegetation cover is an important parameter which affects the variations in surface temperature of the study area due to the difference in behaviour of land use/land cover types. Variations in surface temperature are very less in higher NDVI areas. The trend lines of scatter plots show negative relationship between LST and vegetation indices for the period of study. From figures 6, 7 and 8, it can be concluded that the relationship of mean LST with NDVI, NDBI and NDWI is linear and shows the negative relationship between mean LST and vegetation indices. The figures also show the coefficient of correlation (R2) values of 72.1% and 82.4% for NDVI and NDWI respectively for the linear relationship.

LST vs NDVI

37.0 37 Y= 32.4 - 28.4 R-Sq = 72.1 36

35.0 ) 35

o ( 34.4

L 34

33 32.5

32 -0.175 -0.150 -0.125 -0.100 -0.075 -0.050 NDVI

Fig. 6: Scatterplots of LST vs NDVI with the regression equation and coefficient

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling

LST vs NDWI

37.0 37 Y= 32.2 - 6.54 R-Sq = 84.1 36

) 35.0

C 35

(

T 34.4

L 34

33 32.5

32 -0.8 -0.7 -0.6 -0.5 -0.4 -0.3 -0.2 NDWI

Fig. 7: Scatterplots of LST vs NDWI with the regression equation and coefficient

The scatterplots between LST vs NDBI relationship is shown in fig. 8. The same regression analysis which has been used in the two relations above is applied to find the relationship between LST and NDBI of the study area for the two periods. LST vs NDBI scatterplots show an irregular and compacted pattern and a rising trend can be observed. The analysis in the two previous cases above showed negative trend but here it has been found to show a positive correlation between LST and NDBI, which means that built-up areas can strengthen the effect of UHI. Whereas the higher vegetation covers at the periphery show relatively lower values of NDBI, the urban built up areas like roads, buildings, industries etc, have more imperviousness than the rural areas. Thus, it can be deduced that NDBI has a direct relationship with the imperviousness of the surface. The trend lines of scatter plots show linear and positive correlation between LST and NDBI along with the coefficient of correlation (R2) of 96.5 for the linear relationship.

LST vs NDBI

Y= 32.7 + 13.5 36 R-Sq = 96.5

) 35

(

L 34

32 0.00 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 0.30 NDBI

Fig. 8: Scatter plots of LST vs NDBI with the regression equation and coefficient

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

Conclusion

In this study, Landsat 8 data have been used for the derivation of four urban parameters i.e. LST, NDVI, NDWI and NDBI for Jalingo metropolis. The paper modeled the pattern of UHI distribution in the area and investigated individual relationships of LST with the three parameters (NDVI, NDWI and NDBI). The findings of the study revealed that highest temperatures were not only in the center of the city, but also in the outskirt, taking ATC area where the Taraba state University is located as example. The new built-up areas, because of fewer trees and green lands and more black asphalt concrete pavements, have higher surface temperature. Also the Central area of Jalingo extending from the market through Magami and Anguwan NTA areas have the most significant Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect and this can be attributed to the high level of anthropogenic activities going on in the area, closely packed buildings with dark surfaces, roads with asphalts on it and other materials with very low albedo. Rather than emitting, they absorb the greater part of the electromagnetic radiation that falls on them. The results of statistical analysis revealed negative correlation of LST with NDVI and NDWI, which means that green spaces and existence of water surface can reduce the effect of UHI and positive correlation between LST and NDBI which means that built-up areas can strengthen the effect of UHI. Thus, from the results, it was concluded that rapid urbanization and urban sprawling, absence of vegetation cover and low water index contributes to the major changes in the Land Surface Temperature. Therefore, built- up areas like residential, commercial and industrial mainly account for UHI effect. Finally, the results of regression analysis and scatterplots graph of each parameter with LST revealed a linear trend of relationship between all the parameters and LST. From the findings, it can be concluded that all the three parameters affect UHI significantly.

Recommendation

This study suggests that urban planners, decision-makers, and city managers formulate new policies and regulations that encourage residential, commercial, and industrial developers to include vegetation, such as trees, shrubs, and grass, when planning new construction. In particular, the city planning should adopt concept of green and blue city planning which may help create a conducive urban environment that offers many ecosystem benefits including cooling. These policies should include setting certain percentages of vegetation cover or numbers of small trees with height and crown coverage or shrubs before structures are built. This would prevent the clearing of land for built-up areas that typically leaves no vegetation cover, resulting in large areas of bare soils, buildings, and impervious surfaces. The concentration of these manmade surfaces elevates LST dramatically over the long run. Keeping existing vegetation or adding vegetation during construction offsets the heat retained by these surfaces. This is especially true for desert cities.

The study also recommends further study to identify other parameters that can affect the temperature of the study area so that a statistical model will be simulated for predicting and estimating urban heat island.

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The Effects of Urban Parameters on the Development of Urban Heat Island in Jalingo Metropolis: Analysis and Statistical Modeling References

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An Assessment of the Impact of Taraba State University on the Livelihood of the People of ATC and its Environs, Ardo-Kola Local Government Area, Taraba State Nigeria

1Yusuf, Mohammed Bakoji (Ph.D), 1Abba, Umar Jauro and 1Isa, Muhammad Salim

Department of Geography, Faculty of Social & Management Sciences, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

In Nigeria, people’s livelihood is being threatened by developmental projects such as the establishment of educational institutions. It poses a major threat to agricultural lands and hence, human livelihood. This study examined the impact of the Taraba State University on the livelihoods of the host communities. A multistage sampling technique was used and data derived from a combination of direct field observations; interviews and questionnaire administration from randomly selected 210 respondents. The findings show that the majority of the respondents are male, married and have a generally low level of formal education with a varied but generally, low average monthly income. The study also revealed that the male respondent’s major occupation was farming, but all diversified their livelihood options into non-farming activities after the establishment of the university. The changes in the physical development and in the design and architecture of the houses were attributed to the changes in peoples’ economic status and the influx of migrants into the area. Hence, it is therefore recommended that government and microcredit institutions should assist in providing soft loan and strategic business opportunities so as to empower and improve the living conditions of the people to venture into full-size multiple livelihood options. The government should also provide infrastructures such as police post and modern market in the study area.

Keywords: Ardo-Kola, Impact, Livelihood, Taraba State, University

Introduction

Urban expansion has remained the single most important environmental and socioeconomic phenomenon impelling the livelihood of the human populace in the world (Castillo, 2003; Maina, 2013). It poses a major threat to agricultural lands and in many cases, benefits mainly the middle and upper-income group (Oluseyi, 2006). Urban expansion or new cities are a consequence of population increase due to natural increase and/or rural-urban migration often driven by private development interest, more demand for industrial, commercial, and institutional areas (Jennifer, 2001).

Although, Universities are ideal environment structurally, functionally and economically as a result of planning (Thuo, 2008), in Nigeria, like in most African countries, establishment of

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Universities has remained the principal agent of urban expansion or new cities development with a significant impact on their host communities’ sources of livelihood, leading to diversification of the sources in order to have a means of survival as a consequent of loss of employment viz farmlands, forestlands, and grazing lands (Daniella, 2013).

Livelihood can be defined as a means of earning money in order to live (Jacobsen, 2003). Also, Castillo (2003) mentioned that livelihood mean employment, job, living, maintenance, means of support, occupation (source of income) subsistence, sustenance or work. Sources of livelihoods are essential in a human’s life, as it determines the way of living. However, most studies conducted on the human livelihoods such as those of Mbaiwa (2011); Idrisa (2008); Cinner, et al., (2010); Jacobsen (2003); Liverpool-Tasie (2011); Omonona (2007); Otu (2014); Saleh and Mustafa (2018); Samuel, et al., (2016) have focused on the causes of livelihood options of Peri- urban farmers. Very few studies in the literatures focused attention on the impact of livelihood of the populace, particularly of host communities of a university. Perhaps, the reason for this scanty research effort is that most researches and government policies are largely unconcerned with university host communities, and often regard their livelihoods as a simple problem of individual choice rather than a universal problem in which people lose their main source of dependence for living resulting in high or low economic conditions of the populace. While, understanding changes associated with the livelihoods of the inhabitants of the University host communities is relevant to the various levels of government agencies and policies in the country and most essentially if proper intervention measures are to be advanced and long-term management strategies successfully adopted.

Therefore, it is on this premise that this study seeks to investigate the types of livelihood alternatives adopted by people of ATC and environs impacted by the establishment of the Taraba State University. A study like this will be able to reveal a wide range of variation in the ability of the people and to understand the manner in which Taraba State University has impacted on their livelihood and alternatively on how well to manage the challenges. Moreover, the choice of livelihoods varies amongst individuals, communities and over time and contingent by the perception of opportunities and access to market, land, water, capital, and know how. Therefore, results from elsewhere cannot be extrapolated for the study area. Thus, this study constitutes an important contribution as no previous study has been undertaken in this part of the country, and it will complement the few existing studies from other parts of the country.

Research Methodology

Description of the Study Area

The study area is located between latitude 80301 and 80451 of the equator and longitude 110101 and 110301 of the Greenwich meridian. The study area cuts across two electoral wards Lamido Borno and Jouro-Yinu of Ardo-Kola local government areas (fig. 1). The climate of the study region is characteristic of a humid tropical region, characterized by seasonal alternation of moist maritime air mass and dry continental air mass (Yusuf et al, 2015). The area experiences the onset of the rainy season in April and a peak in July and August, with a Cessation in October while the dry season lasts from November to March (Yusuf et al., 2017).

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An Assessment of the Impact of Taraba State University on the Livelihood of the People of ATC and its Environs, Ardo-Kola Local Government Area, Taraba State Nigeria The average temperature regime of the study area is generally low to moderate throughout the year, with the average maximum temperature 32°C and minimum temperatures 20.20C. The mean annual evaporation is approximately 10mm; relative humidity is constantly high above 70% at mid-day and as low as 16.3% between the months of August/September and February/ March, respectively. The area receives high radiation of 5.7 hours per day and moderates to light wind speed/run (Yusuf et al, 2017).

The study area lies under the Northern Guinea Savanna belt of Nigeria’s vegetation, with scattered trees and woody shrubs as well as extensive grass cover. Myparrhemia violescens spp, Penisetum pedicellatum, Schizachyrium exile, Typha, wind sorghum, Calotropis prosperous, and Ipomeas sheep are the dominant grass and weed species, while Vitellaria paradoxa, Tamarindys indicia, Parkia species, Aegyptiaca and Balantie species and Neem, Eucalyptus, Mahogany, Date palm, Cashew, Mango, and Guava, are the dominant indigenous and exotic tree species (Oruonye, 2014). The trees are deciduous, in other words, they shed their leaves during the dry season so as to cope with the long dry season. However, the vegetation cover is declining mainly in favor of physical development due to the rapid expansion of the study area.

The 2006 census puts the human population of the study area at 10, 785, which comprised of 5, 732 males and 5, 053 females (NPC, 2007). The population of the study area was projected to reach 16,095 with 9,109 males and 6,986 females with an annual growth 3.1% in 2018 (NPC, 2019). The implications of such high growth rate include pressure on land and consequently, expansion of the area. The residents are predominantly farmers and practice rain-fed and irrigation farming and livestock keeping. However, with the establishment of the Taraba State University, farming activities gave way to non-farming activities.

Methods

Data Collection Methods

To achieve the objectives of the study a qualitative approach using a case study design (multiple methods) was employed. The design involved two major components for gathering the necessary information.

The first component of the research methodology involved field observation aimed at collecting information on the people, housing design and architecture, the agricultural system, and the geophysical characteristics. Also are their socioeconomic situations, their attitude, and perception toward the establishment of the Taraba State University, and factors influencing their decisions. Such an understanding was used in refining the scope of the research problem, identifying major information gaps, and guiding the sampling process, and in designing and preparing the household survey which is the core instrument for collecting the data.

The second and the major component of the research methodology was the conventional household survey, using a structured questionnaire. This component was conducted to understand peoples’ socioeconomic conditions, land ownership, agricultural products, and practices and to evaluate people’s perception and knowledge about the impact of the Taraba State University on their livelihoods. However, informal interviews with key informants (the local people, especially the older ones) were carried out in three sessions, firstly, before the questionnaire administration,

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 secondly, during the questionnaire administration with some randomly selected respondents and thirdly, after the questionnaire survey. The desire for the third session was to complement and cross check the information provided by the randomly selected respondents to ensure the validity of the acquired data. Thus, the goal of the multiple methods was to obtain differently, but complementary data on the same topic to best understand the research problem. The study was conducted in two sessions, firstly between the months of June and August 2018 when intensive farming activities were ongoing and secondly, between the months of January and March 2019 when non-farming activities outweigh.

Sampling Techniques

The sampling techniques were undertaken in two stages: Firstly, was the division of the study area into residential wards and used as a cluster for sampling purposes. Secondly, from these clusters (residential wards) a simple random sampling technique was then applied, first in selecting residential households and subsequently in picking the individual respondents. A total of 210 respondents was randomly selected and used for this study. According to Dell et al., (2002), a sample size of 210 respondents is adequate to represent a study population of 20,000 people and above. Thus, given that the study area had a total population of 16,095 in 2018, the sample size taken from the population remains appropriate to represent the population and allows the findings to be generalized to the wider population.

Method of data analysis and presentation

Descriptive statistical analysis of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 22) software was used to analyze the questionnaire data. The analysis method employed was descriptive statistics, primary frequency converted to percentages. The findings of the study were mostly presented in Tables.

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An Assessment of the Impact of Taraba State University on the Livelihood of the People of ATC and its Environs, Ardo-Kola Local Government Area, Taraba State Nigeria

Fig.1: Map of the Study Area

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Results and Discussion

Table 1: Demographic Characteristics of the respondents Demographic Variables Respondent Total Male Female No % No % No % AGE 20-30 yrs 23 15.4 20 33.3 43 20.5 31-40 yrs 59 39.3 25 41.7 84 40.0 41-50 yrs 51 34.0 13 21.7 64 30.5 51-60 yrs 15 10.0 2 3.3 17 8.0 61yrs and above 2 1.3 - 2 1.0 Total 150 100 60 100 210 100 Educational Non-formal education 55 36.7 28 46.7 83 39.5 status Primary education 40 26.7 19 31.7 59 28.1 Secondary education 32 21.3 13 21.6 45 21.5 Tertiary education 23 15.3 - - 23 10.9 Total 150 100 60 100 210 100 Marital Status Single 21 14.0 12 20.0 33 15.7 Married 129 86.0 44 73.3 173 82.4 Divorced/Widow - - 4 6.7 4 1.9 Total 150 100 60 100 210 100

Source: Field Survey, 2018-2019

The findings in Table 1 show that the age distribution of respondents ranges between 20 and 61years and above. The greater proportions of respondents are within the age bracket of 31- 40 years. This suggests that the respondents are still in their economically active stage. People of middle-aged are generally more enthusiastic and have more physical vigor and family responsibilities than the young and old people. There were more male (71.1%) to female (28.6%) sampled with the majority married. Most of the respondents have a generally low level of formal education with the majority having only primary education. During transect survey, most people interviewed confirmed the above finding with respect to the low level of formal education, when they stated that, they were not given adequate opportunity to continue up to the secondary level. Thus, the low proportion of the high level of formal education among the respondent groups implies that the many of them may not be in a better position to be aware of, and/or engaged in a formal type of occupation and access to capital.

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An Assessment of the Impact of Taraba State University on the Livelihood of the People of ATC and its Environs, Ardo-Kola Local Government Area, Taraba State Nigeria Table 2: Occupation of the respondents before the establishment of Taraba State University. Major Occupation Respondent Total Male Female No % No % No % Rain-fed Farming 102 68.0 2 3.3 104 49.5 Irrigation Farming 14 9.3 - 14 6.7 Fishing 6 4.0 - 6 2.9 Butchering - - - Provision Selling 1 0.7 - 1 0.5 Hair dressing - 6 10.0 6 2.9 Selling and processing of vegetable oil - 4 6.7 4 1.9 Selling groundnut Cake (Bakuru) - 8 13.3 8 3.8 Food selling (indoor) - 3 5.0 3 1.4 Selling beans cake 5 8.3 5 2.4 Grinding machine 2 1.3 - 2 1.0 Animal husbandry 17 11.3 - 18 8.6 Commercial tri-cycle riding 6 4.0 - 6 2.9 Processing and selling of wine (Burukutu) - 32 53.3 32 15.2 Tailoring 1 0.7 - 1 0.5 Shoe making 1 0.7 - 1 0.5 TOTAL 150 100 60 100 210 100

Source: Field Survey, 2018-2019

The findings in Table 2 revealed that farming activities (rain-fed and irrigation) constituted over half (56.2%) of the respondent’s occupation in the study area while nonfarm activities formed the remaining (43.8%). The respondents are engaged in multiple livelihood options, with more than two-thirds of the male respondents engaged in farming as a major source of income while, female 3.3%. The smaller percentage of female farmers sampled, based on oral interviewed with the elders is reflective of the fact that women in general, and in the study area, in particular, depend on their husbands for a livelihood. The women rarely claim ownership of farms and usually regard their husbands as the owners of the family farms. However, the many of the female (53.3%) sampled were engaged in processing and selling of local wine (Burukutu). This research finding clearly provides support for the conclusion of Yusuf et al., (2016), which indicated that gender is an important social factor that determines the kind of profession that suits a particular sex. Some professions are referred to as male dominated while others are said to be female dominated.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Table 3: Livelihood options adopted by the respondents after the establishment of Taraba State University Major Occupation Respondent Total Male Female No % No % No % Butchering 1 0.7 - - 1 0.5 Provision selling 8 5.3 - - 8 3.8 Trading 5 3.3 2 3.3 7 3.3 Hair dressing/weaving - - 7 11.7 7 3.3 Selling and processing of vegetable oil - - 6 10.0 6 2.9 Selling groundnut Cake (bakuru) - - 5 8.3 5 2.4 Food selling (restaurant) - - 6 10.0 6 2.9 Selling beans cake - - 5 8.3 5 2.4 Grinding machine 2 1.3 - - 2 1.0 Animal husbandry 15 10.0 1 1.7 16 7.6 Commercial tri-cycle riding 13 8.7 - - 13 6.2 Processing and selling of local wine - - 10 16.7 10 4.8 (Burukutu) Tailoring 5 3.3 - - 5 2.4 Shoe making 5 3.3 - - 5 2.4 Transporters (inter-city) 8 5.3 - - 8 3.8 Selling second hand clothes 7 4.7 1 1.7 8 3.8 Selling sugarcane 5 3.3 - 5 2.4 Selling fish 9 6.0 4 6.7 13 6.2 Patient Medicine Store 4 2.7 - - 4 1.9 Barbing 4 2.7 - - 4 1.9 Block selling 8 5.3 - - 8 3.8 Laborers/ Bricklayers 19 12.7 - - 19 9.0 Land vendors (dealers) 3 2.0 - - 3 1.4 Selling cooked corn & G/nut 2 1.3 8 13.3 10 4.8 Selling and processing of locus beans - - 2 3.3 2 1.0 seasoning Laundry 2 1.3 - - 2 1.0 Selling of textile material 2 1.3 2 3.3 4 1.9 Water vendor 6 4.0 - 6 2.9 Repairing of electrical and electronic 9 6.0 1 1.7 10 4.8 equipment Carpentry 7 4.7 - 7 3.3 Welding 2 1.3 - 2 1.0 150 100 60 100 210 100 Sources: Field Survey, 2018-2019

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An Assessment of the Impact of Taraba State University on the Livelihood of the People of ATC and its Environs, Ardo-Kola Local Government Area, Taraba State Nigeria The finding in Table 3 shows that the respondents engaged in diversified livelihood options after the establishment of the University. Some of the new economic activities include laborers/bricklayers (9.0%), repairing of electrical and electronics equipment (4.8%), block selling (3.8%), selling of second hand clothes (3.8%), carpentry (3.3%), water vendor (2.9%), Patient medicine store (Chemist) (1.9), selling of textile material (1.9), and land vendors (agents and dealers) (1.4%). This implies that additional livelihood options were undertaken as a result of the changes that took place structurally and economically due to the establishment of the university. During transect surveyed, most people interviewed confirmed the above findings when they stated that more economic activities have derived from the study area owing to the establishment of the Taraba State University.

Similarly, increases in some socioeconomic activities and decline or total disappearance of some particular occupations were also recorded. For instance, riding commercial tricycle has shown a phenomenal increase from 2.9% in table 2 to 6.2% in table 3; Food selling has also remarkably increased from 1.4% in table 2 to 2.9% in table 3, with a change in the pattern of selling which formally use to be in-door but now in a form of the restaurant. The practiced of hairdressing on a commercial basis has increased from 2.9% in table 2 to 3.3% in table 3. The occupations that decline or disappeared as a result of the respondent’s choice or preferences include Butchering and fishing.

In addition, most of the people interviewed indicated that the males now prefer to engage in block selling, commercial tri-cycle or serve as laborers in block industries or in any form of construction activities and indirectly into farming by reinvesting their income from non-farming activities. This is achieved by employing the services of hired laborers to farm for them. Thus, the University has significantly positively impacted on the livelihood options adopted by the respondents, most especially with some level of variability in gender and choice of livelihood options.

Table 4: Monthly income and sources of capital of the respondents Monthly Income (N) Respondent Total Male Female No % No % No % Below 15,000 79 52.7 37 61.7 116 55.2 16000-25,000 37 24.7 13 21.7 50 23.8 26,000-35,000 11 7.3 6 10.0 17 8.1 36,000-45,000 9 6.0 4 6.6 13 6.2 46,000-55,000 7 4.7 - - 7 3.3 56,000-65,000 5 3.3 - - 5 2.4 66,000 and above 1.3 - - 2 1.0 2 Average (11,000 ) Total 150 100 60 100 210 100 Source: Field Survey, 2019

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Findings in Table 4 show considerable variations in the monthly income of respondents and their sources of capital. Generally, the average monthly income was very low. The majority 55.2% female and 52.7% males are within the category of below N15, 000 monthly incomes. Only a small proportion, totally to about 22.6% of the respondents sampled earned from N26, 000 and above. The lower level of monthly income among the people as recognized from the in-depth interview was their over-dependent on their farm produce as their source of income. Thus, the inadequate or low level of formal education and poverty (no off-farm income) are two key characteristics, which impact on peoples' perceptions, which result in lower levels of monthly income.

Table 5: Sources of capital of the respondents Source of Capital Respondent Total Male Female No % No % No % Loan 79 52.7 37 61.7 116 55.2 Inheritance 37 24.7 13 21.7 50 23.8 Reinvestment 11 7.3 6 10.0 17 8.1 Selling of Livestock 9 6.0 4 6.6 13 6.2 Property business 7 4.7 - - 7 3.3 Compensation/ Reinvestment 5 3.3 - - 5 2.4 Selling of plots of land 2 1.3 - - 2 1.0

Total 150 100 60 100 210 100 Source: Field Survey, 2019

Findings in Table 5 shows that the respondent’s major sources of income/capital for the start-up of other economic activities are mostly sourced from loans and inheritance which constituted more than two third 79% of the respondents sources of income/capital. Other sources in order of significance are reinvestment of fund, selling of livestock, and property business as in the case of block making industry, Compensation / reinvestment and selling of plots of land.

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An Assessment of the Impact of Taraba State University on the Livelihood of the People of ATC and its Environs, Ardo-Kola Local Government Area, Taraba State Nigeria Table 6: Housing Quality in the study area

Source: Field Survey, 2018-2019

Types of Housing Respondent Total Male Female No % No % No % Compound 101 67.3 38 63.3 139 66.2 Flat/Bungalow 49 32.7 22 36.7 71 33.8 Total 150 100 60 100 210 100

The findings in Table 6 revealed that majority (66.2%) of the sampled respondents stayed in a compound type of housing, while only 33.8% lives in Flat/Bungalows.

Field observation has shown that the architecture of the houses is changing from compound or traditional mud houses to modern structures or flat houses. The roofing is being changed from thatched type (traditional roofing) to zinc and aluminum (modern roofing) of different designs. Compound houses built with cement blocks occupied 31.4% and those built with mud blocks occupied nearly two-third of the total built-up areas. Modern houses built of cement blocks amount to 32.1% and those build of mud bricks occupied 35.3% of the total built-up areas.

Furthermore, based on oral interview with the respondents, it was also discovered that most of the modern structures built with cement and mud blocks are largely owned by the young adults, while the traditional old mud houses are owned by the aged (old people). The modern houses have modern toilets and bathroom facilities in them than the traditional or old houses in the study area. The changes in the design and architecture of the houses can be attributed to the changes in the economic status of the residents and the influx of migrants into the area that owned almost all newly constructed modern structures.

Challenges faced by the respondents

As recognized, from the in-depth interview, most people stated that the inability of the government to provide infrastructures such as police post and modern market in the study area are major challenges encountered as a result of the establishment of the university.

Implications of the study (observed changes on the respondents)

The population characteristic is changing from homogeneous to heterogeneous as new settlers and students are coming into the study area. Thus, the population and the size of the study area are increasing. These would affect the cultural and social setting of the area. There is also a change in the economic characteristics of the area, as respondents engaged in multiple livelihood options. Ownership and development of land in the area used to be traditional or informal, but presently one needs to have formal approval for the development of any plot of land in the area.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Development of land without approval from the Ministry of Land & Survey or Urban Planning is illegal. Lastly, farming activities are giving away to non-farming activities in the study area.

Conclusion The present research assessed the types of livelihood alternatives adopted by the people of the study area impacted by the establishment of the Taraba State University. The desire was not unconnected with the agricultural, residential and economic potential of the study area. Thus, the research is targeted towards generating a base-line data and /or information for further similar research works in the study area. The study has shown that the majority of the respondents are male, married and have a generally low level of formal education with the majority having only primary education. The study also revealed that the male respondents mostly pursue farming before, but they all diversify into multiple livelihoods after the establishment of the university. Similarly, with a varied but generally, very low average monthly income. Hence, it is therefore recommended that government and microcredit institutions should assist in providing soft loan and strategic business opportunities so as to empower and improve the living conditions of the people of the study area to venture into multiple livelihood options. The government should also provide infrastructures such as police post and modern market in the study area.

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja

1Menwo Ukechi Osigwe, PhD, 1Oruonye, E.D. PhD, 1Tukura Ejati Danladi and 2Sarah Maurice Tahumma

1Department of Geography, Taraba State University Jalingo, Nigeria. 2Directorate of Aerodrome and Airspace Standards (DAAS) Operations Unit, Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA), Abuja Regional Office.

Abstract

Inappropriate solid waste management practices in schools in developing countries constitute one of the major factors leading to declining environmental health conditions. A proper waste management is needed to ensure the protection of the environment and human health. Few studies have captured waste management problems in Nigerian educational institutions, particularly the views of students. This study was designed to assess the effects of solid waste disposal on the biophysical environment of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. Using a structured, self-administered questionnaire, eight (8) schools were randomly sampled from which fifty (50) students were selected from each school. A total of four hundred (400) students were surveyed. However, only three hundred and fifty eight (358) of the returned questionnaires were found to be completely filled and were used for the analysis. Data collected were subjected to percentage; mean, standard deviation, correlation and chi-square statistical analyses. Findings revealed that the level of knowledge, attitude and practice of waste management was relatively moderate in secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council, FCT- Abuja. The percentage of those who used indiscriminate solid waste disposal methods like open dumping and open burning was higher. Educational status, age and gender, among others, were factors influencing relationships that were observed between students’ sex, age and class and their level of awareness, knowledge and practices of waste management.

Keywords: Developing countries, Environmental health conditions, Nigerian educational institutions, Solid Waste and Waste Management Practices.

Introduction

One of the greatest problems facing developing countries is the unhealthy disposal of solid wastes which resulted from human activities for survival (Osinowo, 2001 and Joseph, 2006). The poor state of waste management in the country is caused by inadequate facilities, poor funding, and poor implementations of policies as well as wrong lifestyle of the people, economic development, urbanization, improved living standards in cities, and increase in enrolments of school children due to government policies in developing countries, increase the quantity and complexity of generated solid waste in schools. If this waste is accumulated, it may lead to

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 degradation of the urban environment, stresses on limited natural resources, and various health issues. Globally, most public schools are facing high level of pollution due to inadequate waste disposal in the environment.

The situation in developing countries such as Nigeria is more acute, partly because of the lack of adequate solid waste disposal facilities and people’s negative attitude towards the environment. There is strong evidence which suggests that individual or group awareness and attitudes towards waste generation and management is critical in the effort to respond to the waste management challenges (Kofoworola, 2007). The negative attitude of the society towards solid waste disposal on the environment also affected the educational institutions whose problem has been aggravated by constant changes, not just in curriculum content but also school subjects. For example, health education as school subject has been replaced by hygiene where students were once taught sanitation of the environment, which provides opportunity through which the act of waste management and sanitation could be learnt (Ogunyemi, 1994; Adara, 1997; Ifegbesan, 2010). The awareness, attitudes and behaviors of people in the community are crucial to the management of waste. Reasons for individual participation in management of waste are related to environmental motivation, social pressures, attitudes and economic incentives (Bartlett, 2005). Problems with waste management have arisen recently in developing countries where there is a little history of environmental awareness education (Ojeda et al, 2000) and where many members of the community are illiterate and unaware of the problem of solid waste accumulation.

Environmental attitude of young people appears to be crucial as they ultimately play a direct role in providing knowledge-based solutions to in- coming environmental problems (Eagles and Demare, 1999). School environmental programs, although addressed to students if properly channeled can also influence the environmental knowledge, attitude and behavior of adults (parents, teachers and local community members) through the process of intergenerational influence (Evans et al, 1996; Ballantyne, 1998; Gallagher et al., 2000). Every school generates waste arising from routine activities such as class work, sweeping, serving of food, and bush cutting. The common types of solid wastes found in various schools in developing countries include paper, grass, nylon (pure water bags and biscuits, lollypops, ice cream, and sweet or candy wrappers), sugar cane, maize cobs, and groundnut shells. Other forms of wastes may also be found on school premises, and these may not have even been generated directly by pupils and teachers. Age, gender, educational status, and amount charged for waste collection services had been identified as factors influencing solid waste management in highly populated cities like Ibadan and Lagos.

At the dawn of the 21st century, a powerful and complex web of interactions has contributed to unprecedented global trends in environmental degradation. These include rapid globalization, urbanization, poverty unsustainable consumption patterns and population growth. They have served to compound the effects and intensity of the global environmental problems. Global climate change, depletion of the ozone layer, desertification, deforestation, loss of the planet’s biological diversity, trans-boundary movements of hazardous wastes and chemicals are all environmental problems that touch every nation and adversely affect the lives and health of their populations.

The level of global environment challenges is now beyond serious scientific dispute. In cognizance of the role of an informed and educated citizenry in making appropriate environment decisions and adopting behavioral approach in addressing environmental challenges, the concept

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja of Environmental Education (EE) was born. The importance of Environmental Education (EE) is recognized and emphasized as one of the most effective ways, if not the only way, to meet the complicated problems of the environment. The call for environmental education is therefore a call for local, regional and global action in response to the biophysical and social problems of the abused environments of the whole world. It is a call to educational system that fosters or encourages the development of environmentally literate citizens who share concern for the environment in which they live and in which generations will also have to live.

The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 reiterated, in Agenda 21, that through environmental education, school children are obliged to participate actively in guarding the quality of the environment. This is because they comprise half of the world population and are highly vulnerable to the effects of environmental degradation now and in the future. Moreover, secondary school students are usually receptive and strongly motivated and are capable of understanding the implications of environmental destruction and of trying to take preventive action. However, for school children to meaningfully participate in environmental conservation activities, they require knowledge and skills gained through environmental education. These qualities are personal thought, feeling and action which develop in the students through an educational process that creates awareness, develops attitude and builds capacity and willingness to take action as an individual and as a group. Gwagwalada is one of the Area Council in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) of Nigeria. It has an area of 1,043km and a population of 157,770 according to the 2006 census. It is referred to as the industrial heartbeat of FCT, Abuja.

Unarguably, one of the main problems facing Gwagwalada Area Council Secondary Schools and which has become an intractable nuisance is pen and indiscriminate dumping of refuse, human and animal faeces. Piles of decaying garbage which are substantially domestic in nature dominate strategic locations in the heart of the town. Wastes in such dump sites obviously are sources of air and water pollution, land contamination, health hazards and environmental degradation. Regrettably, this condition characterizes environmental culture in Gwagwalada. It is important to note that endangered public health situation can exert excessive pressure on the health budget, curtails productivity and worsens urban condition of health aesthetic value of the environment. This ugly situation persisted for decades because of the high rate of illiteracy, ignorance, uncivil culture of indiscriminate waste littering and other factors. Keeping all this in view, the present study was designed to assess the effects of the solid waste disposal on the biophysical environment of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council, Abuja.

Statement of Research Problem

Taken into cognizance the inevitability of waste in the environment, effective disposal and management of wastes must be given priority in the planning of every society, to ensure sustainable environment given present scientific, economic, social and political constraints. However, ineffective waste disposal litters and defaces the biophysical environment, pollutes the ground water, causes ecological imbalance, destroys the built environment, causes loss of environmental resource and so on. This also applied to the biophysical environment of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council, Abuja.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 The statement of the problem therefore is the assessment of the effects of the solid waste disposal on the biophysical environment of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council, Abuja. The students in Gwagwalada Area Council are not aware of waste-health disposal and management linkages; the management of Gwagwalada Area Council is not discharging her environmental responsibilities effectively; and the waste management practice in the area council is not environmentally friendly. As efforts to intensify environmental education in schools through multidisciplinary approach have continued to increase over the years, a varied feedback has been received regarding students’ level of awareness, attitudes and participation in environmental activities.

Objectives of the Study

This study is based on the following objectives; 1. To assess the current wastes disposal methods of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council. 2. To examine the preferred method for waste disposal of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council. 3. To examine the common environmental problems on school compound of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council. 4. To determine the level of students’ attitudes to waste management of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council. 5. To Show the waste management practices of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council.

Research Questions

To achieve the above objectives, the study raises the following research questions: 1. What are the current wastes disposal methods of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council? 2. What are the preferred methods for waste disposal of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council? 3. What are the common environmental problems on school compound of Secondary Schools in Gwagwalada Area Council? 4. What is the level of students’ attitudes to waste management of secondary Schools in Gwagwalada Area Council? 5. What are the waste management practices of secondary schools in Gwagwalada 6. Area Council?

Research Hypotheses

a) There is no significant differences in the level of the current wastes disposal methods of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council. b) There is no significant difference in the preferred method for waste disposal of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council c) There is no significant difference in the common environmental problems on school compound of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council. d) There is no significant difference in the level of students’ attitudes to waste management of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council.

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja e) There is no significant difference in the waste management practices of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council.

Materials and Methods

A cross-sectional study design was used to assess the knowledge, attitude and practice of waste management among secondary school students’ in Gwagwalada Area Council, Abuja. The population of the study consists of the following selected secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council, Abuja. 1. Government Day Senior Secondary School Gwagwalada 2. Hajj Camp Senior Secondary School Gwagwalada 3. Pilot Junior and Senior Secondary School Gwagwalada 4. Government Secondary School Gwagwalada 5. Abuja Capital International Secondary School Gwagwalada 6. Great Success International Secondary School Gwagwalada 7. Standard Comprehensive Secondary School Gwagwalada 8. Anne Basic Academy Secondary School Gwagwalada

Validity

Validity refers to the extent to which an instrument measures what it was supposed to measure. The instrument was evaluated for content validity. This is the extent to which a questionnaire is representative of the respondents should have covered in their course of study. The questionnaire was read and examined to evaluate the clarity of items taking into consideration from three Kenya Curriculum syllabuses, vocabulary and sentence structure.

Reliability

Reliability is a measure of degree to which research instrument yields consistent results or data after repeated trials. It is verified by the consistency of the observation of an outcome. To test the reliability, the study used test-retest technique which involved administering the same instrument twice to identical respondent not included in the study sample. This was done during the validity test.

Data analysis

The statistical methods used in this study were descriptive statistics of frequency, percentage, mean and standard deviation. Inferential statistics of Chi-square, polynomial and Spearman’s rank correlation was used to estimate relationship between the students’ socio - demographic characteristics and their knowledge, attitude and practices on waste management. Likert scale was used to measure the strength of the students’ knowledge, attitude and practices on waste management by assigning nominal values to items according to scales. Questions on knowledge were assigned a score of 1- 4 for ‘very often’, ‘often’, ‘sometimes’ and ‘not often’ respectively. Questions on attitude were scored based on negative or positive wording of the items. For every positively worded item, a score of 0 - 3 was assigned. The scoring pattern was reversed for the negatively worded items. Questions on practices were assigned a score 0 - 2 for ‘not sure’, ‘no’ and ‘yes’ respectively.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 In order to statistically determine the levels of knowledge, attitude and practice, the scores for each dimension was partitioned. The mean value added to one standard deviation represented the upper limit while the mean value minus one standard deviation represented the lower limit. The mean values above the upper limit.

Result of the Findings

Demographic characteristics of the respondents

The result analyzed shows that respondents used for this study possess the following demographic characteristics; the total number of respondents is three hundred and fifty eight (n=358). The males are 55% and females are 45%, 22.7% are junior secondary students (JSS) while 77.3% are senior secondary students (SSS). Their age ranges are 14.9% for age 10-l2yrs, 56.5% for 13-15yrs and 28.6% for 16-l9yrs. 70.6% of the respondents are Christians, 29.1% are Muslims while 0.3% is other types of religion. 84.8% are Yoruba, 11% Igbo and 4.2% are other tribes. On the types of waste generated in their schools, the study revealed that a large percentage (92.1%) is organic, consisting of paper, leaves, wood and other biodegradables while the others are inorganic. Paper and paper products represent a huge component of solid waste due to the predominance of academic activities.

Research Question One: Current Waste Disposal Methods in Senior Secondary Schools in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT- Abuja

Table 1. Current waste disposal methods in schools Methods Frequency % Open burning 272 76.0 Composting 15 4.2 Recycling 15 4.2 Landfill site 26 7.2 Don’t know 30 8.4 Total 358 100

The data in Table 1 shows that open burning (76%) is the commonest method in use for disposing wastes in Secondary Schools in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT-Abuja. A few (7.2%) claimed to use landfill site, while 4.2% each identified composting and recycling respectively. It should be noted that what is referred to as landfill site in most schools is an open dump site, composting and recycling are not being practiced as claimed by the students.

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja Research Question Two: Preferred methods for waste disposal in senior secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT-Abuja

Table 2. Preferred methods for waste disposal Methods Frequency % Which of these methods of disposal would You like to put into use in your school Landfill site 19 5.3 Open burning 64 17.8 Recycling 118 33.1 Open dumping 28 7.8 Incinerating 129 36.0 Total 358 100

When asked if they carry out any environmental sanitation work in their schools, majority, i.e. (92.1%) of the students said yes responses. Although, 6.2% said – No, while 1.7% gave - Don’t know responses. On the opportunity to reuse or recycle their waste within the school environment, 63.4% of the students gave negative responses, 27.4% said - Yes while 9.2% gave - Don’t know responses. Whether wastes can be converted to wealth, most of the respondents (66.1%) gave positive responses, 20.1% said - No while 13.8% gave - Don’t know responses. It is amazing to note that majority of the respondents preferred incinerating (36%) and recycling (33.1%) as viable methods of waste disposal, although the respondents are aware of these alternative environmental friendly methods but they are not being practiced in their schools.

Table 3: Shows the burning of waste openly and indiscriminate littering Not often Sometimes Often Very often Mea SD Rank n 103 (29.3)* 113 (37.9) 70 (19.9) 45 (12.8) 2.16 0.99 2 Indiscriminate Littering Unkempt grass and 185 (53.0) 97 (27.8) 45 (12.9) 22 (6.3) 1.72 0.92 5 Hedge Burning of waste openly 113 (32.9) 95 (27.7) 96 (28.0) 39 (11.4) 2.18 1.02 1 Solid waste 157 (45.6) 107 (31.1) 64 (18.6) 16 (4.7) 1.82 0.89 4 Public urination 176 (51.3) 54 (15.7) 55 (16.9) 55 (16.0) 1.98 1.15 3 Worn-out posters 208 (60.6) 88 (25.7) 32 (9.3) 15 (4.4) 1.57 0.83 7 Damaged water pipes 203 (58.3) 60 (17.2) 67 (19.3) 18 (5.2) 1.71 0.95 6 * Values on parenthesis are the percentages.

Table 3 shows that burning of waste openly and indiscriminate littering are the prevailing environmental problems found on school compounds across the study areas and by extension Abuja Municipal Area Council. Others are public urination, disposal of solid waste while burst water pipes and worn out posters were the least. When their responses were pooled and scored, it was discovered that (19.4%) of the respondents could be classified as possessing low knowledge of environmental education while (63.4%) respondents were having average level of knowledge regarding waste management.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Research Question Four: The Level of Students’ Attitudes to Waste Management in Senior Secondary Schools in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT-Abuja. Table 4. Level of students’ attitudes to waste management Not sure Not Worried Very Mean SD Worried worried To what extent do you 30 (8.5)* 79 (22.4) 127 (36.0) 117 (33.1) 2.94 0.95 worry about waste around your school Very premises Not sure Not comfortable Comfortabl comfortabl e e How comfortable are 16 (4.5) 258 (72.9) 39 (11.0) 41 (11.6) 2.30 0.73 you having waste around your school premises Not sure Not satisfied Satisfied Very Are you satisfied with satisfied the way students disposes their wastes 250 (70.8) 48 (13.6) 33 (9.3) 2.26 0.71 22 (6.2) Are satisfied with the way the waste are handle by your school management *Values on parenthesis are the percentages.

Using the percentage to analyze the students’ responses itemized in Table 4, only 22.4% of the students were not worried about the waste around their school premises, 36.0% and 33.l% gave worried and very worried responses respectively. At least, 72.9% of students were not comfortable, 11.0% are comfortable and 11.6% were very comfortable having waste around their school premises. Whether being satisfied with the way students dispose their waste, 70.8% were not satisfied, 13.6% were satisfied and 9.3% were very satisfied. On the issue of satisfaction with the way the waste was being handled by their school management, 30.1% were not satisfied, 34.4% were satisfied and 28.2% were very satisfied. When their responses were being scored, it was discovered that (52.4%) of the students had moderate attitude towards waste management and only (19.7%) were found to have less favorable attitude.

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja Research Question Five: the waste management practices in senior secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT-Abuja. Table 5. Showed the waste management practices in their schools. Mean Questions for Respondents Yes No Not sure SD

Change your ways in order to 37 0. 1 reduce the amount of waste 250 (75.1) 46 (13.8) 1.97 (11.1) 50 generated in school Participate in waste management 0. 2 250 (70.6) 84 (23.7) (5.6) 1.82 activities in your school 51 Support the development of 3 environmental policy for your 272 (77.9) 49 (14.0) 28 (8.0) 1.94 0.47 school Decide to re-use or recycle the 146 48 0. 4 158 (44.9) 1.72 waste rather than throw it away (41.5) (13.6) 69 Attended any training, seminar 166 44 0. 5 141 (40.2) 1. 65 workshop on waste management (47.3) (12.5) 69 Attend a youth environmental 103 0. 6 229 (65.2) 19 (5.4) 1.76 scout club in your school (29.3) 54 Participate in a weekly sanitation 0. 7 227 (65.6) 89 (25.7) 30 (8.7) 1.83 Programme 56 Contribute to an organization 8 that works to protect the 217 (62.9) 87 (25.2) 41(11.9) 1.87 0.60 environment Reduced water consumption for 156 67 9 122 (35.4) 1.74 0.76 environmental reasons (45.2) (19.4) 124 35 1.74 10 Discourage burning of refuse 184 (53.6) 0.63 (36.2) (10.2) Cleared a refuse site around your 35 11 268 (78.1) 40 (11.7) 1.99 0.47 school premises. (10.2) *Values on parenthesis are the percentages.

Table 5 revealed that the respondents’ practices about waste management in their respective schools are positive except in item 5 and 9. Responses to item 2 and 4 show that 70.6% of the respondents used to participate in waste management activities in their schools, while act on reuse or recycle of waste rather than throw it away did not show much differences. Respondent responses to item 6 and 7 reveal that 65.2% attended a youth environmental scout club in their schools while 65.6% did participate in a weekly sanitation programme in their school premises. Item 10 and 11, show that 53.6% of the respondents act to discourage burning of refuse in the school premises and majority of them (78.1%) cleared a refuse site around their school compound. This is the true picture of what goes on in the Nigerian schools. It is the students that do the weeding of grasses on playgrounds (a day in a week is designated labour period) as well as clear and burn refuse on/around their schools. When their responses were scored, those who had good practices were assumed to be managing the waste in proper

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 manner and be able to protect the members of the school community from the negative impacts of the waste. It was found that only 18.3% of the respondents could be classified as having good practices, while more than half (67.9) of the respondents had moderate practices and the rest were found to have poor practices towards waste management. Test of Hypothesis Table 6: Test of significant relationship between students’ knowledge, attitude and practice of waste management. Knowledge X2 Variables Low Average High Sex Male 18 (9.3%) 126 (64.9%) 50 (25.8%) 2.818 Class Female 22 (13.8%) 105 (66.0%) 32 (20.1%) Age JSS 9 (11.5%) 61 (78.2%) 8 (10.3%) 8.796* SSS 30 (11.3%) 167 (62.8%) 69 (25.9%) Sex 10-12 12 (24.0%) 35 (70.0%) 3 (6.0%) Class 13-15 18 (9.5%) 131 (68.9%) 41 (21.6%) 22.951** Age 15-19 8 (8.3%) 54 (56.2%) 34 (35.4%) X2 Attitude less Favourable Most favourable favourable Sex Male 117 (60.3%) 44 (22.7%) 10.781** Female 33 (17.0%) 68 (42.8%) 52 (32.7%) Class JSS 39 (24.5%) 42 (53.8%) 23 (29.5%) 0.647 SS 13 (16.7%) 139 (52.3%) 72 (27.1%) Age 10- 12 55 (20.7%) 27 (54.0%) 10 (20.0%) 13-15 13 (26.0%) 105 (55.3%) 50 (26.3%) 3.732 15-19 35 (18.4%) 46 (47.9%) 31 (32.3%) 19 (19.8%) X2 Practice Poor Sex Male Practice Female 16 (8.2%) 151 (77.8%) 27 (13.9%) 6.195* Class JSS 9 (5.7%) 112 (70.4%) 38 (23.9%) Age SS 11 (14.1%) 58 (74.4%) 9 (11.5%) 10- 12 15 (5.6%) 198 (74.4%) 53 (19.9%) 13-15 9 (18.0%) 33 (66.0%) 8 (16.0%) 15-19 13 (6.8%) 145 (76.3%) 32 (16.8%) 14.244** 2 (2.1%) 71 (74.0%) 23 (24.0%)

Chi-square analysis was done to test the significant difference in student awareness and practices of waste management by their back Analysis in Table 6 suggests that no significant differences between them in knowledge score but female students had significantly higher attitude than the male. Female students could be said to have positive w. attitude and practices than their male counterpart. This considers the fact that in most households and schools in developing countries do most of the cleaning and sweeping activities. There are signs observed in students’ knowledge and practices according to classes of students, there is no significant difference in their attitude. With respect to a significantly in knowledge and practices only.

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja In order to establish the demographic correlates of the waste management variables of students, some demographic characteristics of the students presumed to possibly have a measure of influence on the awareness, knowledge and practices of waste management, using Pearson correlation (r).

Table 7. Correlation of demographic characteristics of Respondents Table 7. Sex Age Class Knowledge X2 Correlate between students’ background variables and

Sex 1 Age -0.102 1 Class -0.022 0.472 1 1 Knowledge -0.088 0.237 0.117 Attitude 0.018 0.079 -0.039 0.176 Practice 0.127 0.155 0.143 0.122

** Correction is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *Correction is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

In Table 7, there is a negative Relationship between sex and student’s knowledge about waste management while positive relationships exist between their age, class and knowledge. There is a positive relationship between age and knowledge, attitude and practice but negative relationship exist between class of study and attitude about waste management. The level of knowledge of students translated to their positive practice of waste management.

Discussion of Findings

The findings of the study have made it clear that waste management is a serious environmental problem of secondary schools in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT-Abuja, and students are aware of it. The results are supported by Chanda (1999) report that people’s environmental knowledge was highly specific to issue and geographic scale. This study confirmed Raudsepp’s work in 2001, who found that women were significantly more likely than men to be concerned with environmental problems. Females have been consistently shown to have higher environment conscious attitudes than men. The common reason advanced for gender differences is the different socialization patterns between boys and girls (Raudsepp, 2001; Diamantopoulos, Schlegelmilch, Sinkovics and Bohlefl, 2003). More often than not, girls are made to carry out most of all the sweeping and cleaning activities; they are called upon more than their male counterparts to perform maintenance tasks at home or in schools.

Also, Duan and Fortner (2005) found that students possessed high environmental awareness and knowledge of local environmental issues than global environmental issues. The

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 positive attitude and practice of female towards waste management confirmed the findings of Pacey (1990) that formal education for women in particular is a prerequisite for change in sanitation behaviour. The findings indicate that most respondents understand waste management as a major environmental problem in their schools. Findings also indicated that the propensity for waste management practices to differ by sex, class and age of students. Significant relationships were observed between students’ sex, age and class and their level of attitude, knowledge and practices of waste management.

The findings from this study have great implications for waste management practices in schools and the need to increase students’ knowledge, attitude and practice of waste management issues. The study also revealed the need for behavioral and attitudinal change which is essential effective participation in waste reduction, reuse and recycling. These findings found enormous support with previous studies (Jones and Dunlap, 1992; Scott and Willet, 1994; McKenzie-Mohr et at., 1995; Bradley et al., 1999; Fransson and Garling, 1999; Eero et al, 2001), who has documented some relationship between some socio-demographic variables such as sex, age, and education and environmental behaviour/practices. The problem of solid waste management and people’s attitude and perceptions in the society can be linked to the levels of formal education. Improved teaching and learning of issues on sanitation in all levels of education could help improve the general sanitation in the schools and communities by extension.

This supports the suggestion of Agbola (1993) that perceptions and attitudes are learned response sets and can therefore be modified or changed through education. Hence, seminars, talk show and continuous public education on sanitation could be organized by the government or school management for students, teachers and administrators to sensitize and educate them to waste problems and their consequences on the students. When stakeholders are made aware of their environment unfriendly practices behaviour and provided with strategies to address them, they are better able to promote environment friendly practices. It is expected that waste management activities in schools involve the students as part of their learning process. The particular skills and knowledge gained from environment education would help in changing human behaviour towards the environment. Students with some knowledge and skills on environmental education are more motivated to take part in environmental protection activities and plans, thus would generate new ideas for the solution of environmental problems. Sharing new information from their activities with families, other adults, and community probably will have some positive implications on solid waste management practices.

Students’ awareness about environmental problems and solutions can be increased through education. The introduction or integration of waste management concepts and themes through environmental education and school curriculum at all levels will not only improve students’ understanding of waste management but more likely to change their seemingly unfriendly waste management attitude and practices. We must note that the Nigerian curricula need adjustments to allow for the inclusion of standard environmental education and training at both formal and informal levels. In so doing, the residents would prospectively thwart the on-going environmental damage which is a threat to human survival and sustenance both now and in the future due to the lack of proper management of solid waste.

Environmental education in the school sector should provide opportunities for students and teachers to engage in actions and behaviour that impact positively towards achieving a more

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Assessment of the Effects of Solid Waste Disposal on the Biophysical Environment in Some Selected Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Gwagwalada Area Council FCT, Abuja sustainable school environment. Another aspect that is important to pay special attention to because of its practical sequels on environmental education is teacher training sensitive about environmental makers.

For example, where the environmental education nowadays is included in some way in most of the basic education curricula, but teachers are not qualified to teach it. The teacher’s interest in environmental issues seems to affect children’s learning processes. Private waste collection organisation should be employed to cart away waste from the School Company after the biodegradables ones might be composted and non-degradable ones recycled.

Summary

Waste is directly linked to human development, both technologically and socially. Waste disposal and management is the human control of the collection, treatment and disposal of different wastes. This is in order to reduce the negative impacts waste has on environment and society. This chapter therefore present a summary of the research study, on which conclusion are drawn and recommendations put forward for possible ways of mitigating the unpleasant effect of waste disposal on the biophysical environment of secondary school in Gwagwalada area council of the federal capital territory, Abuja-Nigeria.

This research study, An Assessment of the effects of solid waste disposal on the biophysical environment of secondary school in Gwagwalada area council of the federal capital territory, Abuja - Nigeria, examined, among other things, the level of awareness on health-waste disposal and management linkages, student attitude and behavior in disposing waste, environmental institutional arrangement and waste disposal and management in the area council.

For the objectives of the research study to be accomplished, three hypothetical assumptions were formulated: Student in GAC are significantly aware of the health-waste disposal linkages. ii. The management of GAC is discharging it environmental responsibilities effectively, and the waste management practice in GAC is environmentally friendly. The research instrument for this study was questionnaire, which was constructed in a likert-scale format. It was distributed and retrieved within a week. Data collected was analyzed using the simple and parametric statistics. The result of the research finding shows that there is no health- waste disposal and management linkages awareness in the area council, majority of the inhabitants are not environmentally conscious, they disposed waste indiscriminately. Also there is no environmental institution arrangement in GAC. The management of the area council is less concern of the impacts of wastes on the biophysical environment. Additionally, the waste disposal and management practice (open dump) in the area council is out-dated.

Conclusion

Though the level of knowledge, attitude and practice of waste management was relatively moderate in secondary schools in Abuja, the percentage of those who used indiscriminate solid waste disposal methods like open dumping and open burning was higher. Educational status, age and gender, among others, were factors influencing solid waste management in secondary schools in Abuja. The knowledge of the current status of waste disposal options and level of awareness of

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 solid waste management will help the government and sectors involved to take action to establish sound environmental education and awareness on waste management. Nigeria has a long way to go in the area of environmental education and awareness for the citizens to put off the tong- acquired habit of indiscriminate waste disposal. There is the need to enlighten the students and the populace by extension on the wealth inherent in their organic, plastic and paper wastes. Solid waste management policies and enforcement of sanitation laws in various Nigerian schools should be energized, and various environmental organizations and societies to do more until the dreamed clean environment in Nigeria becomes a reality.

Recommendations

The objectives of environmental education demand more challenging learning outcomes. This should ensure that students are not only aware but they develop the right attitude towards the environment. The classroom practices therefore need to improve awareness about environmental concerns, develop understanding of ecological principles, arouse concern for environmental problems, stimulate commitment for environmental protection and demand action to promote conservation of natural resources. Need for use of more innovative and proper methods and techniques is heightened by the fact that what is being learnt goes much beyond the learning of traditional subjects and the teacher has to clarify values and ensure participation and actions on the part of the learners. This study found out that students in Gwagwalada Area Council FCT-Abuja do not understand well the relationships of cause and effect as well as the human impacts in an environmental system. It was also found out that though the students had a positive attitude towards conservation the majority had a negative attitude towards taking responsibility in ensuring that the environment is conserved. In this regard, it is recommended that all teachers handling environmental education content use methodologies that can help students in all the three domains of learning i.e. cognitive, affective and psychomotor.

It is also recommended that teachers use more active teaching approaches including trips, projects, community service and academic excursions. This will expose students to the reality of environment and environmental problems hence enhancing holistic learning. 1. Factors that affect students’ level of environmental awareness, attitude and participation in environmental activities. 2. A survey of the teaching methodologies used in secondary schools and how effective they are in achieving Environmental Education goals. 3. The relationship between Environmental Education and the level of environmental awareness, attitudes and participation in environmental activities among students.

References Adara, O.A. (1997). Current state of the art of environmental education in Nigeria. In Lawal, M.B and Mohammed, A. A (Eds), proceedings of the National Workshops on popularizing Environmental Education in Nigeria Universities. University of Calabar, Nigeria. Pp. 16-18.

Agbola, T. (1993). “Environmental Education in Nigerian Schools”. In Filho Ajani OIY (2007). Determinants of an effective solid waste management in Ibadan Metropolis, Oyo state, Nigeria. Food, Agric. Environ. 6(1): 152- 157.

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Ballantyne, R. (1998). interpreting ‘visions Addressing environmental education goals through interpretation. In: D. Uzzell and R. Ballantyne (Eds) Contemporary Issues in Heritage and Environ. Interpr. Pp. 9-77.

Bartlett, C. (2005). Storm Water knowledge, attitude and behaviours: A 2005 survey of North Carolina residents. Sacramento, California, Stormwater Unit, Division of Environmental Analysis, tt:www.ncStromter.or dfs storm Water survey 12506.Pdf accessed 5 May, 2012). Biol. Edu. 30(4): 243-48.

Bradley, C.J., Waliczek, T.M., Zajicek, M. (1999). Relationship between environmental knowledge and environmental attitude of high school students. Environ. Edu. 30(3), 17-21.

Chanda, R. (1999). Correlates and dimensions of environmental quality concern among residents of an African Subtropical City: Gaborone, Bots Wafla Journal of Environ. Edu. 30(2), 31-39.

Diamontopoubos, A., Schiegelmich, B. B., Sinkovics, R. R., and Bohlen, G. M. (2003). Can ojoemographic still play a role in profiling green consumers? A review of the evidence and empirical investigation. Bus. Res. 56: 465-480.

Duan, H., Fortner, R.W. (2005). Chinese college students’ perception about global versus local environmental issues. J. Environ. Edu. 36(4): 23-32.

Eagles, P.F.J. and Demare, R. (1999). Factors influencing children’ environmental attitudes. J. Environ. Edu. 30(4): Pp. 33.

Eero, O., Grendstad, G., Wollebak, D. (2001). Correlates of environmental behaviors: Bringing back social context. Environ. Behavior. 33: 181-208.

Evans, S.M., Gill, M.E., Marchant, J. (1996). School children as educators: The indirect influence of environmental education in schools on parents’ attitude towards the environment. J.

Fransson, N. and Garling, T. (1999). Environmental concern: Conceptual definitions, measurements, methods and research findings. J. Environ. Psychol. 19: 369-582.

Gallagher, J., Wheeler, C., McDonough, M., Namfa, B. (2000). Sustainable environmental education for a sustainable environment: lessons of Thailand for other nations. Walter Air Soil Pollut. 123(1-4): 489- 503.

Ifegbesan, A. (2008). Exploring secondary school students’ understanding and practices of waste management in Ogun State, Nigeria. International J. Environ. Sd. Edu. 3(3): 201-215.

Jones, R.E. and Dunlap, R.E. (1992). The social bases of environmental concern. Have they

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Joseph, K. (2006). Stakeholders participation for sustainable waste management. Habitat Int. 30: 863-871.

Kofoworola, O.F. (2007). Recovery and recycling practices in municipal solid waste management in Lagos, Nigeria. Waste Manage. 27(9): 1139-1143. Li S (2003). Recycling behaviour under China’s social and economic transition: the case of metropolitan Wuhan. Environ. Behaviour. 35: 784-801.

McKenzie-Mohr, D., Nemeroff, L.S., Beers, L. and Desamrais, S. (1995). Determinants of responsible environmental behavior. J. Social Issues. 51: 139-156.

Ogunyemi, B. (1994). Towards better management of urban wastes in Nigeria: Environmental education approach. In Albert, I.O. (ed), Proceedings of the International Symposium on Urban management and Urban Violence in Africa, Vol.1., Ibadan, 7-11 November 1994. Ibadan: Institute de Recherche en Afrique (IFRA).

Ojeda, B.S., Armijo, V.C. and Ramirez, B.M. (2000). The potential of recycling household waste: A case study from Mexicali, Mexico. Environ. Urban. 12: 163-173.

Osinowo, F.A.Q. (2001). Towards effective waste management in Nigeria. Nigerian Conservation Foundation, Lecture Series No. 1, a publication of the NCR Pacey A (1990). “Hygiene and Literacy”, in Kerr, C.(ed), Community Health and Sanitation, Intermediate Technology publications, Nigeria.

Raudsepp, M. (2001). Some socio-demographic and socio-psychological predictors of environmentalism. TRAMES. 5(4): 355-367.

Scott, D., Willets, F.K. (1994). Environmental attitudes and behaviour. Environ. Behaviour. 26(2): 239-261.

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An Impact Assessment of Financial Sector Development on Economic Growth in Nigeria, (1986 – 2018)

1Mustapha Hussain and 2Ali Salisu [email protected]

1. School of preliminary Studies Sule Lamido University, Kafin Hausa, Jigawa State 2. Department of Economics, Bayero University Kano, Kano State, Nigeria

Abstract

This study was carried out to determine and assess the impact of the financial sector on economic growth within the context of the Nigerian economy using gross domestic product, interest rate, Market capitalization and bank deposit as variable. Ordinary least square, Co-integration and ARDL are used as methodology and the study finding shows positive impact between GDP and BND. Thus an increase of (1.4%) in Bank deposit (BND) ceteris-paribus increased GDP by about (9.8%). Similarly, the coefficient of MCP (6.7399) also indicates a positive impact between GDP and the Market Capitalisation (MCP), increased GDP by about (7.3%).From long-run analysis, GDP at lag 1 has negative but statistically significance, BND has positive but insignificant and from the short run analysis ARDL GDP at lag 1 has negative but statistically significant, BND has positive but insignificant while at lag 1 it is negative and insignificant, interest rate is positive and insignificant likewise MCP but at lag 1 it is negative and insignificant MFE has positive but insignificant. The study recommended that, the monetary authority should give priority and monitor interest rate to ensure that it is relatively stable, Moreover, increase money in circulation that will boost bank deposit

Keyword; ARDL, Bank deposit economic growth, financial sector & Manufacturing export

Introduction

The link between financial sector and economic growth has been debated in financial and economic literatures. Many researchers are of the view that there still exists great dichotomy regarding the role of financial intermediaries in facilitating sustainable economic growth in the long term. Earlier studies by Schumpeter (1911), Gurley and Shaw (1955), attest to this claim. Later studies like Levine and Zervos (1996) argue that financial systems do not promote economic growth rather respond to real sector development in an economy. According to the new growth theorists, a well-developed financial sector facilitates high and sustainable economic growth (Hicks, 1969)

The negative relationship between financial growth and the rate of economic growth has been a source of concern. Ceccihetti and Kharoubi (2015) did extensive work to study the relationship between financial growth and real growth. Unlike the level relationship where finance is good, the goodness of the financial growth was shown to be for a while after which a further growth in the financial sector only makes the economy worse off. What translate to this negative relationship between financial growth and real economic growth? Finance which by understanding remains fundamental to the life of an economy could do harm and so the gap is needed to be explored. The real economic growth could not be attributed to financial growth rather the need to

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An Impact Assessment of Financial Sector Development on Economic Growth in Nigeria, (1986 – 2018) understand the ingredients of such financial growth vis-à-vis the channels of such financial accumulation by the financial sector need a thorough review. And most of the study neglect the issues of interest rate and bank deposit.

The global financial crisis of 2015/2016 has presented significant challenges for African Countries. It has also exposed weaknesses in the functioning of the global economy. The effects of the crisis became evident in Africa because it happened when the region was making progress in economic performance and management. In Nigeria, the financial systems as well as, the stock market have been affected by the global crisis, particularly banks with off-shore credit lines. The impact of financial sector on real sector activity has become increasingly evident, propagating beyond the wide spread belief that Nigeria would not be affected by the crisis of 2015/2016. The situation if not tamed could snowball into worse scenario economy. The objective of this paper is to assess the impact of the financial sector on economic growth in the context of Nigerian economy.

The paper is divided into section. Section one contains the introductions, section two literature reviews, section three methodology and section conclusion and recommendations

Conceptual review of literature

Concept of Financial Sector Development

Economists have long debated whether a more developed financial sector helps drive economic growth. King and Levine (1993) claimed “the predetermined component of financial development was a good indicator of long term growth.” Since then, changing circumstances have fueled arguments on both sides. To some, such as Ceccihetti and Kharoubi (2015) the 2008 global financial crisis suggested that an abundance of financial intermediaries and insufficient regulations can lead to economic collapse. However, during the same time period, increased access to financial institutions in developing countries has had a profound impact on growth-even though majority of these transactions have occurred through non-traditional means like mobile phones.

The case for a linear relationship between financial development and economic growth originated with Joseph Schumpeter (1911). Schumpeter stated “well-functioning banks spur technological innovation by identifying and funding entrepreneurs.” Furthermore, Schumpeter argued, that a developed financial system will mobilize productive savings, allocate resources efficiently, improve risk management, and reduce information asymmetry, all of which facilitate innovation and entrepreneurship. Following Schumpeter’s theory, we would expect that as access to financial intermediaries increases, a country’s economic growth increases. Levine (1993) famously tested this relationship 20 years ago and found “a positive, significant, and partial correlation between the average annual rate of real per capita GDP growth and the average level of financial sector development” (King and Levine 1993).

The developing nature of the Nigerian financial sector has been a thing of worry, due to the feeble institutional framework. The inability of the institutions to perform its functions in protecting the property right of the investor has further deteriorated investor’s confidence in the sector (Manasseh et.al, 2012). The aversions of the pivotal role of developed financial system in resource mobilisation and allocation, as well as the enhancement of equity flow have been

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 punctuated. Amidst, the vulnerability of systemic distress inherent in weak regulatory framework, poor judiciary system, rule of law, corruption and insecurity, which have made it almost difficult for investors to tap from the benefits inherent in the sector (Kama, 2006). Many investors in Nigeria, mostly micro-entrepreneurs have been subjected to unnecessary severe financial constraints, denying them the opportunity to participate fully in the economic life of the country (UN, 2006; Anayiotos and Toroyan, 2009; Sanusi, 2012). For instance, following 2005 United Nation World Summit, it was recorded that 46.3 per cent of Nigeria’s population is still financially excluded compared to South Africa, Kenya, and Botswana with 26 per cent, 32.7 per cent and 33 per cent, respectively (Sanusi, 2012). In addition, due to the inept of the institutional framework in the enforcement of law and prosecution of the offenders, corruption becomes intensified in the country

Concept of Economic Growth

Economic growth is an objective of financial inclusion, which includes political, economic and social inclusion (Nalini et al, 2012). Enhancing financial innovation and Access (EFIA, 2013) defines Financial Inclusion as the provision of a broad range of high quality financial product such as savings, credit insurance, payment and pensions which are relevant appropriate and affordable for the entire adult population, especially the low-income segment of the economy. It could also be said to be the delivery of financial services at affordable costs to the unbanked and low-income segments of the society. It is the opposite of financial exclusion where those services are neither available nor affordable to a certain category of economic agents, particularly the low income members of the society (Umaru, 2014).

Over the past decade, the Nigerian economy enjoyed steady growth and her Gross Domestic Product (GDP) averaged a growth rate of 7%, for the past 5 years. Nigeria is the biggest economy in West Africa, contributing 41% to the sub-region’s GDP and is regarded as Africa’s third largest economy, (Nalini et al, 2012 after South Africa and Egypt, contributing 14% to the continent’s GDP. Nigeria was ranked 31st in 2012 in terms of purchasing power parity and as the 8th largest producer of petroleum, (Sanusi, 2012). with oil reserves estimated at about 36 billion barrels. Nigeria also has the 6th largest deposit of natural gas with reserves estimated at a minimum of 100 trillion cubic feet (Usman, 2010). About 34 solid minerals, including significant uranium deposits, have been discovered in Nigeria. Abundant arable land and over 44 exportable commodities are also available.

Nigeria is ranked as the 7th richest country because of her oil revenue which accounts for 95% of foreign exchange earnings and about 80% of budgetary revenues. The population of the country was estimated at approximately with approximately 200 million people in an area of 920,000 km2 (360,000 sq mi) (Usman, 2010; CIA World Fact Book, 2013). Despite all the resources, the country is challenged by a disproportionate distribution of income, which has widened the disparity between the rich and the poor. More than half of the country’s wealth is shared by only 10% of the population (Awe and Olawumi, 2012). In 2012, 67.1% of the Nigerian population was reported to be living below poverty level, despite continuous growth in GDP (NBS, 2012). Ironically, economic analysts have described the rise in GDP as “exclusive,” since it has not translated into any real socio-economic gain in terms of employment opportunity, poverty reduction and improvement in the general living conditions of the citizenry. This uneven growth has resulted in the exclusion of 57% of the country’s adult population (Awe and Olawumi, 2012)

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An Impact Assessment of Financial Sector Development on Economic Growth in Nigeria, (1986 – 2018) and 50.1 million people from formal finance services. This was identified as a key cause of poverty, due to lack of access to productive assets, and inadequate healthcare (Khan, 2012). Nigeria’s real growth can only be assured if steps are taken to ensure that her social and economic development is all-inclusive. Sanusi (2010) opined that economic growth would be achieved at a faster rate, if all segments of the population have access to financial services. Nigeria is a middle income, mixed economy and emerging market, with expanding financial, service, communications, and entertainment sectors. It is ranked 30th in the world in terms of GDP as of 2011, emergent, though currently underperforming manufacturing sector is the third Producing a large proportion of goods and services for the West African region, previously hindered by years of mismanagement, economic reforms and economic potential. Nigerian GDP at purchasing power parity more than doubled from $170.7 billion in 2005 to $413.4 billion in 2011, (Sunusi 2010), although estimates of the size of the informal figures) put the actual numbers closer to $520 billion. Correspondingly, the GDP per capita doubled from $1200 per person in 2005 to an estimated $2,600 per person in 2011 (again, with the inclusion of the informal is estimated that GDP per capita hovers around $3,500 per person). It is the largest economy in the West African Region, 3rd largest economy in Africa (behind South Africa and Egypt) and on track to becoming one of the 20 largest economies in the world by 2025.

Theoretical Framework

Many scholars have given various theories to explain economic crisis or financial crisis. Kalder (1940) built a model of trade cycle based on the Keynesian terminology of savings and investment. The author further showed that trade cycle is the result of pressure that pushed the economy towards the equality of anticipated, expected, or planned (ex-ante) saving and investment. Kaldor (1940) shows the stability and instability conditions in the form of linear diagrams, though the cycle is only possible when investment and savings are non-linear. The forces that bring about lower turning point are not so certain at the higher level. A boom left to it is certain to come to an end but depression might get into a position of stationeries and remain there until external changes (the discovery of new markets) come to rescue. Thus the cycles in this model are not necessarily symmetrical, as a matter of fact, they depend on the slopes of investment and savings curves and the rate at which they shift in each phase of the cycle.

New Classical Macroeconomics Theory

Hoover (2013) believes that the New Classical macroeconomics suggests a rejection of the Keynesian economics and a revival of classical economics. The new Classical school began with Lucas (1981) who attempted to provide micro foundations for the Keynesian labour market. Lucas (1981) applied the rule that equilibrium in a market occurs when quantity supplied equals quantity demanded. This turned out to be a radical step. Because, involuntary unemployment is exactly the situation in which the amount of labour supplied exceeds the amount demanded, their analysis leaves no room at all for involuntary unemployment.

Keynes`s view was that recessions occur when aggregate demand falls largely as a result of a fall in private investment causing firms to produce below their capacity. Producing less, firms require fewer workers, and thus employment falls. Firms, for reasons that Keynesian economists continue to debate, fail to cut wages to as low a level as job seekers will accept, and so involuntary unemployment rises. The new classical rejects this step as irrational. Involuntary unemployment

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 would present firms with an opportunity to raise profits by paying workers a lower wage. If firms fail to take this opportunity, then they would not be optimizing.

Employed workers should not be able to resist such wage cuts effectively since the unemployed stand ready to take their places at the lower wage. Keynesian economics would appear, then, to rest either on market imperfections or on irrationality, both of which Keynes denied. The new classical school popularized the rational expectations, because economic decisions are forward-looking. To know whether today is a day for work or for leisure, we need to decide whether tomorrow will be more or less productive than today. In short, we must have an expectation of the future. The mathematical derivations of Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium (DSGE) models and new. Keynesian Phillips curves (NKPCs), both of which incorporate ‘‘rational expectation’’ fail to recognize that when there are unanticipated changes, conditional expectations are neither unbiased nor Minimum Mean-Squared Error (MMSE) predictors, and that better predictors can be provided by robust devices. Further, given the prevalence of such changes, learning about the post- change scenario is both difficult, and itself generates further non-stationarities (Ersan and Aykut, 2010).

Empirical literature review

Yakubu and Affoi (2014) recognized banks’ conventional roles to incorporate financing of agriculture, manufacturing and syndicating of credit to gainful segments of the economy, in which profit is also realized by the banks within the economy.

In previous studies many scholars established negative impact (Fadare, 2010) on economy growth owing to restructuring in determining factor of financial performance and some discovered no or bad response compared to different sorts of financial sectors comprising banking sectors. In the best of knowledge there is a few evidence accessible on this theme all around the world, however in the event that we glance around in Jordan setting, could not discover enough reviews particularly in connection with banking performance determinants. There is a need for research in this casing of work to investigate the effect of profitability, deposit, investments, and credit. The banking sector is the backbone of the economy of any country, but, as stated by the current scenario, the banking sector is facing some difficulties. The central bank has enough reserves, but foreign currency reserve is decreased in last year’s.

Moreover, Neba (2008), conducted a study on evaluating the role of micro finance institutions (MFIs) in the growth of Cameroon’s economy. One of the key reasons of this study was to help government and other agents involved in the growth of the economy to develop a good developmental strategy and policies. The work also intended to help micro financial institutions to improve on their services or to implement advanced measures, so as to enhance economic growth in the economy. The Author made use of time-series experiment design in the collected data on two variables, loans provided by micro finance institutions and GDP per capital from 1996 to 2007. Loans provided by MFI were taken to be the independent variable while GDP was the dependent variable; the Author concluded that credit granted by MFIs has a significant effect on the growth of the GDP per capita.

Odiambho (2004), investigates the role of financial sector development and economic growth in Nigeria. Time series data from 1990-2009 were fitted into the regression equation using

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An Impact Assessment of Financial Sector Development on Economic Growth in Nigeria, (1986 – 2018) various econometric techniques such as Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) test, Johansen multivariate co-integration test, ordinary least quare regression and Vector Error Correction Model (VEC). The result shows that development in financial sector variables viz: banking sector credits, total market capitalization and foreign direct investment positively affect economic growth variables – Real Gross Domestic Product. This result is consistent with a number of earlier studies reviewed in the literature that found financial sector variables are positively affect real gross domestic product, as Nikolson, 2008 recognized that financial crisis which initiated in United States has now become a global phenomenon.

Fatima (2004) examined the casual relationship between financial deepening and economic growth in Morocco for the periods, 1990-2000. The ratio of liquid liabilities (M3) to GDP, ratio of domestic credit provided by the banking sector to GDP and domestic credit were the financial debt indicators used. Using the granger causality test, the study found a short - run relationship between financial deepening and economic growth. Ang (2007) examined to what extent financial development contributed to output expansion during the period 1960 to 2013. Using augmented neoclassical growth framework to provide an evaluation of the impact of financial sector development on economic development and the Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model (ARDL) bounds procedure, the researcher found that aggregate output and its determination are co- integrated in the long run, suggesting that financial development whereas the accumulation of public capital appears to curtail output expansion in the long run.

Balago (2014) examines the relationship between Financial Sector Development and Economic Growth in Nigeria. Time series data from 1990-2009 were fitted into the regression equation using various econometric techniques such as Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) test, Johansen Multivariate Co-integration Test, Ordinary Least Square Regression and Vector Error Correction Model (VEC). The result shows that development in financial sector variables viz: banking sector credits, total market capitalization and foreign direct investment positively affect economic growth variables – Real Gross Domestic Product. This result is consistent with a number of earlier studies reviewed in the literature that found financial sector variables are positively affect real gross domestic product, as Nikolson (2008) recognized that financial crisis which initiated in United States has now become a global phenomenon.

At present, not only in United States but across Asia and Europe, stock exchanges crashed; collective losses of the London, Paris and Frankfurt markets alone amounted to more than 350 billion Dollars. Stock Exchange 100 index closed more than 323 points down in January2008 (Times online 2008). This crisis apart from affecting the capitalist economies has distressed the Socialist economy like Russia as well; in May2008 Russian stock market was fallen by 50% and the Russian central bank had to buy rouble in massive amount to prevent the severe falling against US Dollar and Euro. About the cause of current crisis Bartlett (2008) said that crisis was started with the downfall of US sub-prime mortgage industry, the intensity of this collapse was significant; “Mark-to-market losses on mortgage backed securities, collateralized debt obligations, and related assets through March 2008 were approximate $945 billion.” the author further stated that it is “The largest financial loss in history”, as compared to Japan’s banking crisis in 1990 about $780 billion, losses stemming from the Asian crisis of 1997-98 approx$420 billion and the $380 billion savings and loan crisis of the U.S itself in 1986-95.Yılmaz (2008) charged U.S subprime mortgage industry to be the major reason of current global financial crisis, he also stated that the total loses estimated initially up to $300 to $600 billion are now considered to be around $1 trillion.

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While enlightening the factors that why this US sub-prime mortgage crisis turn into global banking crisis, Khatiwada and McGirr (2008) stated “Many of these sub-prime mortgages actually never made it on the balance sheets of the lending institutions that originated them”; and they were made attractive to foreign banks by high investment grading, “When sub-prime borrowers failed to repay their mortgages, the originating institution needed to finance the foreclosure with their own money, bringing the asset back to its balance sheet. This left many banks ina financially-unviable situation, in a rather short, unmanageable time frame”. However Hyun-Soo (2008) argues that it was the “Trust Crisis” which caused this global predicament. DeBoer (2008) believes that it was a series of events, which caused the crisis; it begans with the collapse of currencies in East Asia in 1997and became edgy due to the financial crisis of Russia in 1998. Next, in USA was the “dot-com” stock collapse in 2001, and the final stroke was again in USA, when after a swift decline in housing prices and “rapid contraction in credit, it fell into recession.

Rasmus (2008) has the same thoughts while discussing the reasons for economic recession of US said “the ‘real’ ailments afflicting the US economy for more than a quarter-century now include sharply rising income inequality, a decades-long real pay freeze for 91 million non- supervisory workers, the accelerating collapse of the US post war retirement and healthcare systems, the export of the US economy’s manufacturing base, the near-demise of its labour nions, the lack of full time permanent employment for 40 per cent of the workforce, the diversion of massive amounts of tax revenues to offshore shelters, the growing ineffectiveness of traditional monetary and fiscal policy, and the progressive decline of the US dollar in international markets.

Creel et al, (2015) test whether financial stability has a causal effect on economic performance and its subcomponents: consumption, investment and disposable income on different samples of EU countries. The benchmark period was1998–2011 and they used proxy data to extend the analysis from 1960. The authors used different financial instability indicators that measure the macro and micro dimensions of financial stability: the Composite Indicator of Systemic Stress (CISS), aggregate prudential ratios for domestic banks for each country, stock market volatility and own statistical index constructed on the basis of principal component analysis. Creel et al(2015), found that financial instability has a negative effect on economic performance. Their results also suggest that the level of financial depth in the EU is relatively advanced and finance effects are not favourable to economic growth. On the contrary, the deepening of finance bears so through the negative effects induced by financial instability. It suggests that the argument by bank lobbies, i.e. that regulating the size and growth of the financial sector would negatively influence economic growth, is not supported by the EU data. The financial system can and often does positively influence economic growth but it can also be the barrier to growth. Too much of its development can create the risk for its effective functioning. It will also contribute to the increased risk of the large-scale financial crisis. Opportunity to realize high profits, in connection with human giddiness, can induce temptation of moral hazard. It seems then, that the conclusion can be made that some results of the current financial crisis can be attributed to the consent of supervisors to too dynamic development of the financial system. Its size has to strictly correspond with the needs of the economy.

The above is reflected in the studies by Deidda and Fattouh (2002), Arcand et al.(2012), and Cecchetti and Kharroubi (2015). These authors, on the basis of empirical research, demonstrate that the correlation between the financial sector and economic growth is not linear but adopts the shape of letter U, upside down. Researchers have not identified the positive

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An Impact Assessment of Financial Sector Development on Economic Growth in Nigeria, (1986 – 2018) correlation between the size of the financial sector and economic growth in the case of countries with very large financial sector presence. Such a correlation is however positive (but only to ascertain point) in countries where the financial sector is small or medium. From one side too much finance can increase the frequency of booms and busts and leave countries ultimately worse off and with lower real GDP growth. From the other side too much finance can lead to a diversion of talent and human capital away from productive sectors and toward the financial sector. Some economists argue that a very large financial sector may rent extraction from other sectors, which would lead to a misallocation of resources.

Methodology

This section describes the overall methodology of this study to investigate the impact of financial sector in the context of Nigeria economy crisis. It consists of a, research design, sources of data, method of data analysis as well as the description of data. Research Design This work is design to measure the extent to which financial sector impact the Nigerian economy. The period which study intends to cover is 31 years i.e. (19866-2016) respectively. The choice of the period is informed by the economic condition to which the country found itself in the 1986, and the introduction of policy called Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP).

Sources of Data

Conventionally, for a time series, analysis secondary data is normally employed to establish the necessary link or otherwise among the variables of interest; hence, this study followed the same step. The data is sourced from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) publications, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Annual Report and Statistical Bulletin, World Bank and International Financial Statistics (IFS) of the IMF. Technique of Data Analysis Unit root test will be carried out with a view to determining the stationarity and order of integration of the data used. If the variables of interest are found to be co-integrated, an error correction (ECM) test will be employed to supplement the long-run relationship, otherwise, Vector Autoregressive model (VAR) will be adopted to analyse the short run dynamics among the variables, diagnostic checks and robustness of the model Unit Root Test.

Dickey fuller equation model is adopted because it minimised Heteroscedasticity and serial correlation (ADF) is specified as 푘훽 ∆푦푡 = 훼표 + 훼1 + 훿푦푡−1 + ∑푖=1 β1 ∆yt−1 + εt (3.1)

Where 훼표 and 훼1 are constant and deterministic trend, ∆ is differencing operator,εt is serially uncorrelated error process and it requires that δ < 1, if δ = 1 then there is a unit root in the variable.

ADF Unit Root Test

The ADF unit root test was done at levels and at first difference as presented in Table 4.3. The result shows that INTR, BND and MFE is stationary at levels; this suggests the need to

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 difference the other variable to achieve stationarity. Upon taking first difference, the other variable became stationary. This means that INTR, BND and MFE are integrated at 1(0) while GDP and MCP is integrated at 1(1).We can therefore conclude that the series is significantly reliable for cointegration analyses

Table 1: ADF Unit Root Test Results

LEVELS FIRST DIFFERENCE Order of Variable Integration ADF Prob. ADF Prob. -3.3051 GDP -2.116 0.5165 0.0847** I (1)

INTR -3.3736 0.0735** - - - - I (0)

BND -3.6595 0.0413** - - - - I (0) MCP -2.9100 0.1732 -5.9925 0.0002* 1 (1) MFE -4.5459 0.0054* - - - 1(0) Source: Computed and Compiled by the Researcher using E-Views 10 (2018) The asterisks *, **, indicate rejection of null hypothesis at 1% and 10% respectively Model specification GDP = f (Gdp Int bdp mct ) The econometric model stated below;

GDP = β + βGDP+βINT+β bdp+βmct+ut From the above model specification GDP = Gross domestic product INT= Interest rate BDP = bank deposit MCT = market capitalization U = Error term

Co-integration test

This test is conducted to ascertain whether long run relationship exists among the variables of interest, and it serves as a road map to methodology. The criteria for choosing test lies on the behaviour of the data. Co-integration refers to the existence of long run equilibrium relationship between two or more time series variables, which are individually non-stationary at level (Gujrati,1995). A number of co-integration techniques are available to test the existence of long run relationship among variables. The most popular co-integration technique is (Johansen and Jeselius) approach to co-integration (Johansen, 1990), (Engle-Granger 1987) and ARDL model.

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Table 2 Johansen cointegration test Co-integration Test

Hypothesized Trace 0.05 No. of CE(s) Eigenvalue Statistic Critical Value Prob.**

None * 0.825040 109.5584 69.81889 0.0000 At most 1 * 0.568366 57.26248 47.85613 0.0051 At most 2 * 0.442584 32.05717 29.79707 0.0270 At most 3 0.337810 14.52389 15.49471 0.0696 At most 4 0.069401 2.157819 3.841466 0.1418

Trace test indicates 3 cointegratingeqn(s) at the 0.05 level * denotes rejection of the hypothesis at the 0.05 level **MacKinnon-Haug-Michelis (1999) p-values Unrestricted Cointegration Rank Test (Maximum Eigenvalue)

Hypothesized Max-Eigen 0.05 No. of CE(s) Eigenvalue Statistic Critical Value Prob.**

None * 0.825040 52.29595 33.87687 0.0001 At most 1 0.568366 25.20531 27.58434 0.0978 At most 2 0.442584 17.53328 21.13162 0.1483 At most 3 0.337810 12.36607 14.26460 0.0976 At most 4 0.069401 2.157819 3.841466 0.1418

Max-eigenvalue test indicates 1 cointegratingeqn(s) at the 0.05 level * denotes rejection of the hypothesis at the 0.05 level **MacKinnon-Haug-Michelis (1999) p-values

From the table above, it shows that the critical value at 5% is less than the trace statistics and max-Eigen value, the null hypothesis of no cointegration can be rejected, this implies that there is presence of cointegration among the variables of interest.

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Table 3. Short Run Analysis Variables Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob. LGDP(-1)* -0.161678 0.069782 -2.316892 0.0298 LBND(-1) -0.025739 0.094268 -0.273036 0.7873 LINTR** 0.030568 0.090075 0.339359 0.7374 LMCP** 0.137874 0.056916 2.422402 0.0237 LMFE(-1) -0.020671 0.064647 -0.319760 0.7520 D(LBND) 0.045356 0.078875 0.575038 0.5708 D(LMFE) 0.025916 0.054742 0.473430 0.6404

Source: Computed and Compiled by the Researcher using E-Views 10(2018)

Table4; Long Run Analysis Variables Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob. BND -0.159197 0.562222 -0.283157 0.7796 INTR 0.189067 0.575228 0.328682 0.7454 MCP 0.852767 0.277708 3.070732 0.0054 MFE -0.127856 0.402217 -0.317877 0.7534 CointEq(-1)* -0.161678 0.042733 -3.783434 0.0010

Source: Computed and Compiled by the Researcher using E-Views 10(2018)

From table above shows negative and statistically insignificant between BND and gross domestic product in Nigeria, interest rate has positive but insignificant impact on gross domestic product, MCP has positive and statistically significant impact on gross domestic product in Nigeria, and MFE has negative and statistically insignificant effect on gross domestic product in Nigeria.

The error correction term (ECT) is negative and less than one, it indicates that 16.16 % of disequalibrium will be adjusted back in the long run.

Table 5. Bound Test 1% 2.5% 5% 10% F-statistic 5.959706 (0) BOUND 3.29 2.88 2.56 2.2 (1) BOUND 4.37 3.87 3.49 3.09

Source: Computed and Compiled by the Researcher using E-Views 10(2018)

The table above shows that the F statistics of the bound test is 5.95 which is greater than upper and lower bound test at all level, this indicates that there is exist a long run and it pave ways to employ ARDL.

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Table 6 ; Heteroscedasticity Test: Breusch-Pagan-Godfrey

F-statistic 0.656325 Prob. F(7,23) 0.7058 Obs*R-squared 5.161309 Prob. Chi-Square(7) 0.6403 Scaled explained SS 7.419539 Prob. Chi-Square(7) 0.3865

Source: Computed and Compiled by the Researcher using E-Views 10(2018)

The result from the above table indicates that the model is strong enough as it passed the heteroskedasticity test because the P- value associated with chi-square is greater than 5%.

Conclusion

From the various econometric tests carried out, it was revealed that Bank deposit, interest rate and market capitalization had significant impact on the economic growth in Nigeria. The implication of this result is that, the emphasis by the monetarists on the relative effectiveness to control interest, in order to increases investment.

From long run analysis of ARDL shows negative and statistically insignificant between BND and gross domestic product in Nigeria, interest rate has positive but insignificant impact on gross domestic product, MCP has positive and statistically significant impact on gross domestic product in Nigeria, and MFE has negative and statistically insignificant effect on gross domestic product in Nigeria. While the error correction term (ECT) is negative and less than one, it indicates that 16.16 % of disequilibrium will be adjusted back in the long run. Recommendations Since Bank deposit, interest rate and market capitalization have positive relationship with GDP, hence are important determinants of Economic growth, the government should put more emphasis on regulation on them. The monetary authority should as a matter of priority monitor interest rate to ensure that it is relatively stable. And increases money in circulation that will boost bank deposit. And to ensure improvement in the industrial sector there need to reduce interest rate in and improve financial sector performance in Nigeria

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Informal Sector Activities in the Nigerian Economy: A Survey Analysis

OBELE, Tolulope E. Department of Economics, Afe Babalola University, Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

The informal sector may support economic growth by decreasing input cost as a result cheap labour, and enhancing competitiveness, and in the same vein, economic growth may be enhanced by an increase in informal employment. However, a well-functioning and regulated informal sector may be a critical prerequisite to achieve sustainable growth. The sector has been noted as contributing about 65% to the 2017 GDP of Nigeria (International Monetary Fund, 2017), and providing over 50% jobs in Nigeria (UNDP, 2014). This may inform the interest on the economic relevance of informal sector activities in Nigeria, as sustainable economic growth and job creation can be achieved if the potential and needs of the informal sector are adequately considered. Hence, this study seeks to bring to the fore the relevance of the informal sector operations in the Nigerian economy, with emphasis being placed on its potential role of contributing to economic growth thus, alleviating unemployment and poverty, using the statistical survey of National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). The major findings from the survey analysis reveal that informal sector is one sector that massively provides employment and generate a source of livelihood for unemployed persons. This study will recommend the provision of adequate electricity supply (in particular) needed for their operations, in addition to improving the quality of critical infrastructures such as road, communication, and rail among others. These facilities will enhance the growth of the sector; and therefore stimulate Nigeria economy.

Keywords: Informal Employment; Informal Sector Activities; Nigeria Economy

Introduction

The informal sector represents an important part of the economy and plays a major role in creating jobs. Hence, the activities of persons operating in the informal sector in Nigeria cannot be disregarded in the development of the Nigerian economy. The sector has significantly contributed about 58% and more of the nation’s Gross Domestic Income (GDI), as it creates means of livelihood or essential income for most of the population (Ijaiya et al, 2015; International Monetary Fund [IMF], 2017). This implies that, the informal sector drives the Nigerian economy, having a significant portion of employment and national gross domestic product, thereby making the sector a social safety net as it creates jobs and income to many people that may otherwise be unemployed in the absence of sufficient opportunities in the informal sector.

In 1993, the International Conference of Labour Statisticians (ICLS) adopted a definition based on the features of enterprises that comprise the informal sector (i.e. unregistered enterprises, which may be unincorporated or small). Subsequently, in 2002, ICLS expanded its definition to include the nature of employment (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2013), namely whether or not the informal sector workers had legal and social protections, be it in enterprises – or outside (ILO, 2003). Within this framing, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) defined an

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 informal sector activity as that which operates without binding official regulations, as well as one that operates under official regulations that do not make compulsory the rendition of official accounts on its operations or production process (NBS, 2010). Thus, the informal sector comprises of any economic activity that is not fully regulated by public authorities and is engaged in small scale intensive work such as shoe making and repairing, tailoring, fashion design, hair dressing, food vendors, trading, photography, carpentry, barbing, clothes dry cleaning, etc. Hence, informal employment exists in the informal sector; and it refers to employment without legal and social protection – both inside and outside the informal sector.

However, such unregulated activities assume different names in different circumstances. Hope (1997; 2001) has names describing various activities of the informal sector, such as, “subterranean”, “underground”, “unofficial”, “hidden”, “shadow”, “invisible”, “black”, “small- scale”, “micro-enterprise”, and the “second-economy”. According to United Nations (as cited in Hope, 1997), these terms describe the different activities in the informal sector, and thereby exclude those activities which by their nature are indeed criminal, and have been legally proscribed and sanctioned.

Due to its unregulated operating environment and flexible nature of making business, the informal sector in some ways is better able to adapt to economic challenges (Nyamnojoh, 2002) such as the recent economic distress in Nigeria, providing some measures of support to those most in need. Although, the operators in this sector are not enlisted in the national income statistics but they are highly productive, influence employment generation; as they significantly contribute to economic growth in Nigeria (Buba, et al. 2018; Osinbajo, 2017).

This means that informality is a wide term that refers either to the nature of the enterprise or the nature of the employment therein. The focus in this study is on the informal sector, which – is being characterized by persons working outside the formal sector and therefore beyond the control of typical authority.

There are numerous and inconsistent perspectives with regard to the informal sector. Some studies have viewed the informal sector in totality to be murkily obscure and a reflection of disinterest (Becker, 2004; Chen, 2004; Onwe, 2013). Its activities are usually not recorded in the process of computing Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) values. Meanwhile, working in the informal sector is pleasant due to the ease of operations as a result of no bureaucratic regulatory framework, and little or no educational requirements (Otekhile and Matthew, 2017), but, government, academics or public opinion leaders do not consider it necessary to gather facts on its operations and performance, making it limited to patchy and inconsistent data, and difficult to research upon. However, the optimists view is that the informal sector provides significant job creation and income generation potential, as well as the capacity to meet the needs of poor consumers by offering cheaper and more accessible goods and services.

Hence, this study seeks to carry out a survey analysis of the informal sector operations in the Nigerian economy, with emphasis on examining the potential role of the informal sector in contributing to the economy thus, alleviating unemployment and enhancing livelihood, using the statistical survey of NBS. This study is organized as follows: section 2 reviews the definitions and features of the informal sector; section 3 views the informal sector activities in Nigeria; section 4 examines the contributions of the informal sector to the Nigeria economy, specifically in

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Informal Sector Activities in the Nigerian Economy: A Survey Analysis alleviating unemployment and poverty; as well as the current policy responses to the needs of the informal sector; and finally, section 5provides the conclusion on the analysis of informal sector in Nigeria.

Conceptual Clarification

Informal Sector

A clear definition of the term informal sector does not exist; however there are different perspectives on the informal sector, which are being reviewed upon in this study. The term informal sector, for instance connotes “an informal enterprise” which is said to accommodate ‘all economic activities that are – in law or practice – not covered or inadequately covered by formal arrangements’ (Central Bank of Nigeria/Nigerian Institute for Social & Economic Research (CBN/NISER), 2001, p.2). The ILO (1976) defines the informal sector as that which activities are unrecognized, unlisted, unsecured, employing a handful of workers, who earn minimum income, utilize low standard techniques and operate largely outside the boundaries of government regulations guiding business in general. Also, Becker (2004) defines the informal sector as non- regulated, non-formal option of the business economy that produced goods and services for sale or for other kind of remuneration. As such, the term informal sector refers to every economic activity engaged by workers and production units that are not covered or are partly covered by formal arrangements thus, informal sector employment exists therein. Informal sector employment refers to employment of labour having no legal and social protection – both inside and outside the informal sector (Chen, 2004). Nevertheless, there exist some persons working for the formal sector but are being declared or regarded as informal employees (Otekhile & Matthew, 2017).

However, the informal sector is enormously characterised by: low start-up funds; no or limited professional qualifications; minimum scale of operations; skills mostly acquired outside of formal education; does not have fixed wages or fixed hours of work and mostly relies on daily earnings. Its existence is merely on verbal understanding and largely labour-intensive methods of production and adapted technology exists (Onwe, 2013).

The Nigeria’s Informal Sector Activities

The Nigeria’s informal sector is regarded as the largest in Africa (Abumere, Arimah & Jerome, 1998), as it predominantly rises from its massive projected population figure of about 195 million in 2018 (Worldometers, 2019). As at June 2016 the NBS puts the size of Nigeria’s informal sector at 41.43% of its GDP. A national survey in the year 2010 put the number of informal sector enterprises in the country at 13,563,427 enterprises where a total number of 48,602,017 persons were employed (NBS, 2010: 37-42). However, “an informal enterprise is that which operates without binding official regulations (but it may or may not regulate itself internally) as well as one which operates under official regulations that do not compel rendition of official returns on its operations or productive process” (NBS, 2010: 51). The activity comprises almost all aspect of economic activity, which ranges from petty trading and personal services to informal building and construction, agricultural activities, transportation and storage, financial, manufacturing and repairs, etc. In this instance, the survey recognised that the informal sector consists of enterprises established, owned and operated by self-employed persons, either alone or with the assistance of

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 others for the primary purpose of generating their own employment and income through the production or distribution of goods or provision of services.

Table 1. Informal Sector Employment Statistics in Nigeria by Activity Category Activity Category Numbers Employed Percentage % Agriculture 14,837,693 30.5% Mining and Quarrying 146,488 0.3 Electricity, Gas Steam and Air Conditioning 152,610 0.3 Supply Water Supply and Waste Management 86,778 0.2 Building and Construction 1,142,569 2.4 Manufacturing 5,337,000 11.0 Wholesale and Retail Trade 12,097,189 24.9 Transportation and Storage 2,009,183 4.1 Hotel and Food Services 2,730,308 5.6 Information and Communication 469,513 1.0 Financial and Insurance Activities 171,403 0.4 Real Estate Activities 68,697 0.1 Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities 710,511 1.6 Administrative and Support Service Activities 986,480 2.0 Defense and Security 800,333 1.6 Education 1,557,665 3.2 Human, Health and Social Work Activities 739,936 1.5 Art, Entertainment and Recreation 390,275 0.8 Household/Domestic Services 551,353 1.1 Extraterritorial Organisation and Bodies Activity 75,635 0.2 Other Services (such as Repairs of Computers, etc.) 3,471,702 7.1 Total 48,602,017 100 Source: Author’s compilation from NBS, 2010: 38

Table 1 depicts the informal sector worker’s statistics in various activities. It is being observed that national survey in 2010 put the number of urban and rural informal (sector) enterprises in the country at 8,604,048 and 1enterprises, comprising a total employment generation of 12,407,3484 (NBS, 2010). The statistics revealed that the share of informal employment in the non –agricultural activities is more; contrary to the longstanding belief that the informal sector workforce comprises of mostly farmers thus, informality has persistently continued to emerge in new unexpected areas.

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Informal Sector Activities in the Nigerian Economy: A Survey Analysis

Agriculture

Mining and Quarrying

Electricity, Gas Steam and Air Conditioning Supply

Figure 1: Proportions of Employment in the Informal Sector as a Share of Agriculture and Non- agriculture Activities

Table 2. Informal Sector Owners Statistics in Nigeria by Economic Category Activity Category Numbers of Owners Percentage % Agriculture 963,115 7.1 Mining and Quarrying 38,039 0.3 Electricity, Gas Steam and Air Conditioning 35,262 0.3/ 0.25 Supply Water Supply and Waste Management 20,195 0.15 Building and Construction 308,151 2.3 Manufacturing 2,284,647 17.0 Wholesale and Retail Trade 5,623,954 41.5 Transportation and Storage 639,787 4.7 Hotel and Food Services 1,363,882 10.1 Information and Communication 122,497 1.0 Financial and Insurance Activities 11,545 0.1 Real Estate Activities 16,154 0.1 Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities 97,564 1.0 Administrative and Support Service Activities 51,024 0.4 Defense and Security 7,928 0.1 Education 28,587 0.2 Human, Health and Social Work Activities 180,662 1.3 Art, Entertainment and Recreation 134,609 1.0 Household/Domestic Services 153,660 1.1 Extraterritorial Organisation and Bodies Activity 3,874 0.03 Other Services (such as Repairs of Computers, 1,478,290 11.0 personal goods etc.) Total 13,563,427 100 Source: Author’s compilation from NBS, 2010

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From Table 2, available information from NBS (2010) show that 5,623,954 informal enterprise owners were engaged in wholesale and retail business, followed by those that are into manufacturing activity (2,284,647), other economic services which include repairs of computers, personal goods, etc. (1,478,790), hotel and food service activities (1,363,882). The least number of owners were engaged in activities of extraterritorial organisation and bodies (3,874).

20,000,000 18,000,000 16,000,000 Percentage % 7.1 0.3 14,000,000 0.3/ 0.25 12,000,000 10,000,000 8,000,000 Numbers of Owners 6,000,000 963,115 38,039 35,262 4,000,000 2,000,000 0 Percentage % 30.50% 0.3 0.3

Numbers Employed 14,837,693 146,488 152,610

Source: Author’s Computation

Fig. 2. Share of Employed Individuals to Numbers of Enterprises in the

Informal Economy of Nigeria as of 2010.

From fig. 2, it is shown that the rise in the number of labour employed commensurate with the number of enterprises in the informal sector. These established enterprises provide the needed impetus for employment generation, improves livelihood; hence boost the economy of Nigeria.

Contributions of the Informal Sector to Nigeria Economy

The informal sector represents an essential part of the economy and plays a major role in employment creation and income generation in Nigeria. The 2014 World Development Report states that in many developing countries, particularly in sub – Saharan Africa (of which Nigeria is included), ‘even if economic growth rates are high, the formal sector cannot generate enough wage employment in the near future to absorb the large number of the labour force’ (World Bank 2014: 179). Therefore, the informal sector remains ‘the paramount contributor to GDP and to employment. The informal sector contributes to growth by reducing labour cost and improving competitiveness thus, a well – functioning and regulated informal economy is a critical prerequisite to achieving sustainable economic growth (Yelwa, Obansa and Awe, 2015). However, at the last occurrence of economic recession in Nigeria between 2015 and 2017: the first quarter provoked a rise in informal employment and a rescue from the economic distress. The sector served as a

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Informal Sector Activities in the Nigerian Economy: A Survey Analysis necessary mechanism for jobs creation for the teeming population, leading to a sharp upturn in the economy of Nigeria. Also, the informal sector creates government revenue via value added tax payments and through the payments for basic services - notably consumption tax - which includes water, electricity, storage, and waste removal. It is worth noting that this tax payable connotes a higher share of tax revenue obtainable in Nigeria. Hence, the informal sector makes significant contributions to the Nigeria economy.

Based on its contributions the present administration of the federal government is making effort to overhaul the informal sector by re-training (they acquire more skills for a particular informal activity, thereby learning and working side-by-side with an experienced craftsperson), and offering financial support (in form of loans between ₦10,000 and ₦100,000) to market women, artisans, traders through the federal government’s national social investment programme under the Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP) at no monthly cost to the beneficiaries. Tis is commendable, albeit more attention is required. Though, Nigeria does not at present have accurate statistics on the proportion of labour force in the informal sector in concurrence with (Onwe, 2013).

Conclusion and Recommendations

This study has observed that the Nigeria informal sector has the potential to create employment and contribute to the nation’s gross domestic output/income. Although, the existing policy responses to support and develop the informal sector have not been fully encouraging thus, much still needs to be done to promote the informal sector. The sector is expected to serve as a viable tool for the creation of jobs for both rural and teaming urban population in Nigeria. Hence, these workers require more money/credit at no cost to acquire tools and equipment that are either fundamental to their business activities and/or necessary for them to carry out their activities with more ease. Also, the informal sector operators in Nigeria generally require a steady electricity supply for their operations, thus electricity demands varies across different activities; for example, the electricity requirements are more in areas like laundry services, barbing, hairdressing, welding than photography and shoe making for instance. Activities like transport and waste disposal services generally require little or no electricity for their operations. Creating a business friendly environment by making policies that improve access to finance/credit facility, plus addressing electricity and other critical infrastructure challenges demand rapt attention, will go a long way in enabling the informal sector to achieve it best.

References

Abumere, S.I., Arimah, B.C. and Jerome, T.A. (1998). The informal sector in Nigeria’s development process: Research Report to the Development Policy Centre (DPC), Ibadan, Nigeria. Retrieved from http://www.vanguardngr.com/1998/07/DPC/the-informal-sector- in-nigeria’s-development-process/

Becker, K.F. (2004). The informal economy: Fact Finding Study. Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), Stockholm, Sweden.

Buba, A., Adamu, I., Bello, F. and Samaila, U. (2018). Technical informal sector activities and poverty alleviation: Evidence from Gombe State, Nigeria. International Journal of

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Economics, Commerce and Management, 6(7), 309 – 323. Retrieved from http://www.ijecm.co.uk

Central Bank of Nigeria/ Nigerian Institute for Social & Economic Research (2001). Informal sector study: Statistics on Nigeria’s informal sector (pp.7 – 26). Abuja, Nigeria: CBN

Chen, M. (2004). Rethinking the Informal Economy: Linkages with the Formal Economy and the Formal Regulatory Environment. Paper Presented at the EGDI and UNU-WIDER Conference, Helsinki, Finland. Retrieved from http://www.edgi/unu-widernet.net

Hope, K.R. (2001). Indigenous small enterprises development in Africa: Growth and Impact of the Subterranean Economy. The European Journal of Development Research, 13(1), 30 – 46. Retrieved from http://www.ejournals.co.eu/EJDS.aspx

Hope, K.R. (1997). African political economy: Contemporary issues in development. Armonk, New York: Sharpe.

Ijaiya, G.T., Bello, R.A., Arosanyin, G.T., Oyeyemi, G.M., Raheem, U.A., & Yakubu, A.T. (2015). Poverty in the urban informal sector of Kwara state, Nigeria. Ilorin Journal of Economic Policy, 2,16 – 29.

Ijaiya, G.T. & Umar, C.A. (2004). The informal sector and formal sector inter – linkages and the incidence of poverty in Nigeria: A Case Study of Ilorin Metropolis. Africa Development, 24 (3), 24 – 42.

International Labour Organization (2013). Measuring informality: A statistical manual on the informal sector and informal employment [Brochure]. Retrieved from http://www.ilo. org/wcmsp5/groups/public/dgreports/dcomm/publ/documents/publication/wcms_222979.

International Labour Organization (2003). Conference Proceedings of the Seventeenth International Conference of Labour Statisticians, Geneva, Switzerland. Retrieved from http://www.ilo.org/ICLS/conference/proceedings

International Labour Organization (1976). Employment, Income and Equality in Kenya International Labour Office, Geneva.

International Monetary Fund (2017). Nigeria’s informal economy accounts for 65% of GDP. Retrieved from http://blueprints/imf.org/2014/06/17/nigerias-informal-economy- accounts-65%-of-gdp-by-mohammed-bello-yunusa/

National Bureau of Statistics (2010). National manpower stock and employment generation survey: Household and micro enterprises [Bulletin]. Retrieved from http://data.nbs.org/data-bulletin/national-manpower-stock-employment-survey.

Nyamnojoh, E.B. (2002). A Child is One Person Only in the Womb: Domestication, agency and subjectivity in the Cameroonian grass fields, In R. Werbner (Ed.), Postcolonial subjectivities in Africa (pp.111 – 138). London, England: Zed Books.

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Onwe, O.J. (2013). Role of the informal sector in development of Nigerian Economy: Output and Employment Approach. Journal of Economics and Development Studies, 1(1), 60 – 74.

Osinbajo Yemi (Vice President Federal Republic of Nigeria) (2017, November 02). Financial inclusion, key to growth of Nigeria’s economy. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://guardian.ng/news/nigeria/national/financial-inclusion-key-to-growth-of-nigerias- economy-saysosinbajo

Otekhile, C. and Matthew, T. (2017). An explorative study of the contribution of the informal sector to economic activities in Lagos. Paper presented at the Twentieth International Scientific Conference, Brno, Czech Republic.

Soares, F.V. (2005). The impact of trade liberalisation on the informal sector in Brazil. UNDP International Poverty Working Paper, 7.

United Nations Development Program (2014). Federal government studies contribution of informal sector in Nigeria. Retrieved from http://www.UNDP.org/program/2014/pdf/F G_contributions_informalsector_in_nigeria.pdf

Worldometers (2018). Population of Nigeria: 2019 and Historical [Blog Post]. Retrieved from http://www.worldometers.info//

World Bank (2014) World Development Report: risk and opportunity – managing risk for development. Washington DC: World Bank.

Yelwa, M, Obansa, S.A.J. & Awe, E.O. (2015). Informality, Inclusiveness and Economic Growth in Nigeria. International Journal of Management Science and Business Administration, 1(10),33-44

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Factors Affecting Social Integration of Female Students in Taraba State University Jalingo: Implication for Counselling

1Adamu, Naomi Nuhu, PhD, 2Karfe, Abigail Seth, PhD and 3Garba, Mbave Joshua 1Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social and Management Sciences, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. Email: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

This study determines factors affecting social integration of female students in Taraba State University, Jalingo. The study focuses on the socio-economic factors that affect social integration of the female students in Taraba State University, looking at its implications for counselling. While target population is all female students (5460), a sample of 971 is used. The work adopted a descriptive survey research design using questionnaire as the method of data gathering. Data collected were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistical analysis. Frequency counts and simple percentage were used to analyse respondents’ responses. T-test and analysis of variance (ANOVA) statistical tools were used to test the hypothesis. Findings revealed that tradition, insecurity, religious misconception, sexual harassment are factors impinging on the social integration of the female students. Guidance implication is that psychosocial theory of counselling be employed and programmes that are both preventive and curative in nature be planned for the female students and other stake holders to ensure proper social integration of female students in the University.

Keywords: Counselling, Female students, Social integration and University

Introduction

In every successful community and nation in the world, women are found to be the catalysts for social transformation at different levels. Women’s salient participation in human endeavour, either at grassroots or higher levels cannot be overestimated. Recently, the global imbalance in women participation and function in affairs of nations, especially in terms of issues that pertain national development and governance is very glaring.

Education is one of the social environments whereby gender disparity is reflected. There is a corresponding decrease in the number of female students as the grade level of education increases. For instance, the higher education remains the level females are less represented both as students and staff. Even the very few women that are fortunate enough to join higher institutions put up lower academic performance, and with higher withdrawals (Mersha, Alemayehu and Firew, 2013).

Generally, and traditionally, women are subjected to lesser role than men, and are often also considered secondary to men, and even treated differently in the classroom environment

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(Morales, 2008). Researchers have noted that women have experienced a “chilly climate” on university campuses noting a “significant educational disadvantage” when compared to their male counterparts (Morris and Daniel, 2008). Despite these assertions, a number of coping mechanisms for women have surfaced in order to help them to move beyond the disparaging societal hindrances and move forward into a place of empowerment through healthy identity development.

Social integration is the process of building the values, relations and institutions essential for the creation of such an equitable and dynamic society, where all individuals, regardless of their race, sex, language or religion, can fully exercise their rights and responsibilities on an equal basis with others and contribute to development of the society.

Women and children, especially those living in poverty, are identified as particularly vulnerable groups who experience marginalization and social exclusion. Indeed, being female is a barrier to social integration. Gender inequality, gender stereotyping, male domination, patriarchal attitudes or abusive cultural practices were reported as barriers to social integration.

Religious misconceptions, faulty traditional values, economic constraints, violence of difference kinds have been repeatedly common factors impinging on Nigerian women most especially the ones found in the northern part of Nigeria. These factors have been the reason for women dysfunction right from the pre-colonial period till date. This factors manifest in different dimensions.

Women are harassed, stigmatised and demoralised in many ways and are living in fear of the unknown. These factors have tempered with their social integration in all sectors of life, and robbed them of the opportunities to fully participate in activities of national development (Lenshie, 2013; Akipu and Agbu, 2014). When the world of women is gripped with these evils, fruitful participation in nation-building becomes very minimal. This calls for social transformation for the purpose of meaningful integration of women in all human endeavour for the attainment of national development.

Participation in social life encompasses abilities and opportunities to recognise social reality and at the same time to be recognised by members of other community groups. The integral social action of an individual is a dialectical self-realisation process that takes place in a known social context that provides appropriate means for meaningful social action. This means covers positions and opportunities that are necessary to individuals and groups to act according to their dispositions, i.e. according to incorporated knowledge of social life (Kamali, 1999).

The researchers observed that as a sector of student body, female students of Taraba State University, Jalingo do not seem fully integrated in the social activities of the university. Could it be that they are victims of some of the factors that militate against Nigerian women generally? The types of factors that militate against female students in tertiary institutions may wear different faces, but if unclothed, they may easily be part of the general factors.

Problem of the study.

Most female students of Taraba State University, Jalingo, seem to be coping poorly with academic and other social activities on campus. There seems to be some elements of fear and reservation among them. This is observed in how they go about their academic activities. If,

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The question of equality in education should not be measured only by the number of enrolment and by the school inputs because some inputs may be of greater importance to certain groups of students. The new definition of equality is stipulated in such a way that the students are equal when the educational outcomes of these students are essentially the same for both males and females. Therefore, it is unwise to think gender equality in education by simply counting the number of female students enrolled in higher education institutions.

Equality of sexes can be ensured if the schools identify and solve the factors that affect females’ academic performance and thereby minimize female attritions. However, schools and universities, because of their biased treatments and some other external factors, become centres of gender disparity. The study will focus on the socio-economic factors that affect social integration of the female students looking at its implication for counselling.

Purpose of the study

The purpose of this study is to determine the factors that affect female social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo. Specifically, the following variables for social integration was surveyed:

a. Effects of traditional values on female students’ social integration. b. Effects of misconceived religious belief on social integration of female students. c. Effects of economic constraints on female students’ social integration. d. Effects of domestic violence on female students’ social integration. e. Effects of sexual harassment on female students’ social integration. f. Effects of insecurity on female students’ social integration.

Research Questions. a. What are the effects of traditional values on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo? b. What are the effects of misconceived religious belief on social integration of female students in Taraba State University, Jalingo? c. What are the effects of economic constraints on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo? d. What are the effects of domestic violence on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo? e. What are the effects of sexual harassment on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo? f. What are the effects of insecurity on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo? Hypotheses The following null hypotheses was tested at 0.05 level of significance.

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Ho1. Traditional values have no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University, Jalingo.

HO2.Misconceived religion belief has no significant effect on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

HO3.Economic constraints have no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

HO4. Domestic violence has no significant effects on social integration of female students in Taraba State.

HO5. Sexual harassment has no significant effects on social integration of female students of Taraba State University.

HO6. Insecurity has no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

Methodology.

The research design for this study is survey method. Target population for this study comprises of all female students of the Taraba State University, Jalingo. Stratified purposeful sampling was employed to select one thousand (1000) female students across all academic levels and faculties. However, of the questionnaire administered, only nine hundred and seventy one (971) was analysed.

The Multistage sampling method was used for the purpose of this study. Multistage sampling refers to sampling plans where the sampling is carried out in stages using smaller and smaller sampling units at each stage. In a two-stage sampling design, a sample of primary units is selected and then a sample of secondary units is selected within each primary unit (Koul, 1984).

Research instrument titled “University female students social integrations questionnaire (UFSSIQ) was developed by the researchers to collect data on variables under investigation. The instrument was validated by specialists in the Departments of Guidance and Counselling, Religion, and Sociology of the Taraba State University, Jalingo.

In order to ascertain the reliability of the instrument, test, - retest method of reliability was conducted at College of Agriculture, a tertiary institution in Taraba State. The result was analysed using Pearson moment product correction coefficient. A reliability of 0.79 was obtained. The instrument proved reliable for the conduct of the study.

Data collected were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistical analysis. Frequency counts and simple percentage were used to analyse respondents’ responses. t test and analysis of variance (ANOVA) statistical tools were used to test the hypotheses.

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Results presentation and discussion

Table 1: Socio demographic variables of respondents Variable No. of respondents Percentage (%) Marital status of respondents Single 515 53 Married 406 41.8 Divorced/Separated 33 3.4 Widowed 17 1.8 Total 971 100 Respondents ‘religious affiliation Christianity 554 57 Islam 395 40.7 Traditional 22 2.3 Total 971 100 Academic Level of Respondents 100 Level 223 23 200 Level 208 21.4 300 Level 248 25.5 400 Level 243 25 500 Level 49 5.1 Total 971 100

Source: Field work 2019

A total of 971 female students who were sampled with the sole aim of getting their reaction on if ‘being just a female’ puts them at a disadvantage position against their male counterparts in terms of social-integration. Their responses were startling showing that the socioeconomic environment was working against the female folk. That many of them think of their present situation as if it is the default setting. The men are quick to remind them that they are women, and there seems no equal opportunity given to them, making it look as if it is misnomer to be a female.

Taking a look on the marital status of respondents from table 1 above, it reveals single female students stand at 515, corresponding with 53%. Married female students are 406, representing 41.8%. Female students who are divorced or separated are 33, representing 3.4%, while the widowed are 17, representing 1.8%. Taking a cursory look at these figures when a cross tabulation of marital status of respondents and respondents' religious affiliation was carried out the table above was the result. Academic Level of Respondents’ as shown in the same table 1 above indicates that female students who are in 100 Level are 223 respondents, representing (23%), 200 Level 208 respondents, corresponding to 21.4%, while 248 respondents, which represents 25.5% are 300 level students. 400 Level had 243 respondents (25%) and lastly 500 Level about 49 respondents (5.1%). This shows some even spread among the levels in the University.

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Table 2: Cross tabulation of marital status of respondents and respondents' religious affiliation Respondents' religious affiliation Marital status Christianity Muslim Traditional Total Single 302 204 9 515 Married 212 181 13 406 Divorced 23 10 0 33 Widowed 17 0 0 17 Total 554 395 22 971

Source: Field work 2019

Table 2 shows the respondents’ religious affiliation putting female students who are Christians at 554, representing 57%. Islam is 395 respondents (40.7%) and Traditional religion stands at 22 respondents (2.3%). The interpretation of these data simply means that there are more Christian female students in the University. This could be due to religious misconception and traditional norms that do not support the girl-child access to western education. Early and forced marriage as practiced in some parts of Taraba State lead girls between the ages of 12 – 14 to marry older men thereby denying them the opportunity to be educated or further their education. In Nigeria, early marriage is predominant in the Northern part of the country where North-west and North-East geopolitical zones account for over 45 % of child marriages as well as the highest levels of illiteracy amongst females in the nation. The cases continue to occur in spite of the Nigerian constitution frowning at early marriages. The recent cases of Alhaji Ahmed Bakura, former Governor of Zamfara and Ese Oruru in Bayelsa state are clear examples that these practices continue to be practiced (Onyido & Brambaifa, 2018).

Religious beliefs have played a key role in girl-child marriage, as some religious beliefs do not condemn marriage to under aged girl. This has thereby encouraged the perpetuation of such acts. In addition, as a result of religious misconception, parents force their daughters to marry whomever they get pregnant for.

The foregoing means that female students are less likely to receive social support for their higher education studies from their family and hometown friends as compared to their male counterparts. Female students are less likely to receive informational support from their parents because their parents may not usually have any personal experience of the higher education system or are so tied to religious beliefs and culture that they really don’t want to support the girl-child.

Africa is a continent that is still developing and, as such, most countries have a significant population that lack educational qualification and form of training. This therefore exposes them to a lot of societal superstitions and misinterpretations of marriage. As a result, it makes them gullible to any superstition or misconceptions that have been passed down from generation to generation regarding early-child marriage.

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Table 3: Socio-economic challenges of the female student Variables/Options SA UD SD Total Traditional/values do not permit female students to 728 92 151 971 partake in social activities? Religious teachings forbids female education. 766 68 173 971 There is a great misconception of religious teaching in 437 124 410 971 regard to female social integration. Female students suffer domestic violence at home 358 116 497 971 Women are physically sexually abused at home. 391 148 432 971 Female students are sexually harassed outside their 481 188 302 971 homes. Female students are vulnerable to attack. 722 167 82 971 Tricycle riders abuse female students. 550 169 252 971 Male students harass female students. 826 86 58 971 Most female students are victimised by male lecturers. 843 85 43 971 Economic constraints affects female students social 390 147 434 971 integration

Source: Field work 2019

KEY: SA = Strongly Agreed UD = Undecided SD = Strongly Disagreed

Table 3 shows that respondents strongly agree that traditional values, insecurity, religious teachings and misconceptions, sexual harassment outside home and at school are challenges of female students in Taraba State University. Despite the fact that Taraba is claiming to be in the Middle Belt, it does not negate the fact that it comes from the Northern part of the country. There is therefore a likelihood of some form of cultural diffusion that relegate women to the background by making them second class citizens. The culture does not permit the mingling of boys and girls. From the religious perspectives, Islam promotes the purdah system that makes women remain indoors and some traditions disallow women participation in some social issues.

In most communities of Northern Nigeria (if not all over Nigeria), women are not allowed to own landed properties. They do not have right to inheritance of property from either their parents or husbands. This act alone puts the women at an economic disadvantage position in the society. It makes them to be economically and socially irrelevant being that Nigeria is a class society. This act greatly affects their level of social integration in school with their male counterparts. This is because most times, their male counterparts who always brandish wealth are tended toward drawing to themselves more friends, and that also makes them sociable and highly integrated.

Cases of domestic violence against women are on the rise daily. The hard times or the economic crunch that Nigeria is passing through have balkanise homes leaving them in the state of limbo. Men raise their voices and sometimes their hands at the slightest provocation by their wives. Most women are house wives and hardly in any way contribute to the family’s financial needs. That has also made the women to be dependent on the men. This has subjected the women to all sorts of verbal attacks and sometimes physical attacks. Women are sometimes abused both at home and outside the home, these abuses are either physical, emotional, psychological, or

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Factors Affecting Social Integration of Female Students in Taraba State University Jalingo: Implication for Counselling economical. By implication, it shows that even while on campus they are prune to rape and other forms of abuses by their male counterparts, and sometimes even their male lecturers. Some male lecturers do demand sex or money or both from the female students. Their refusal can sometimes lead to their being victimized.

Tricycle riders are another nightmare to the female students. They rape and extort their valuables. Female students are bedevilled with high rate of insecurity from these riders. They are as weaker beings that can be intimidated at all times for no just cause other than she is a FEMALE. The aforementioned array of problems have great adverse effects on the female students and have some to stay away from some lecturers so as to avoid that ‘predator’ lecturers, male students and many school social involvement. Many female students are afraid of going to the library or cyber café at night for the fear of them being molested. While even in class, pestering lecturers or male students come around even without talking to them, make them lose concentration and consequently affect their level of social integration.

Testing of hypotheses

The ANOVA was used in testing the hypotheses at .05 significance level which implies that 95% confidence was used. When all the hypotheses stated were tested, the study arrived at the following results.

Ho1. Traditional values have no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

The calculated value of .907 was arrived at as against the table value of .098. Based on the result and the decision rule which states that when the calculated value is greater than the table value, the null hypothesis is rejected and the alternate hypothesis is accepted. This implies that traditional values significantly affect the female students’ social integration. As a result of cultural expectation, values and norms, young girls are lured into early marriages in order to fit into the expectations of their community. Societal expectations pressurize parents to allow their girls under the age of 18 years get married. As failure to confirm with these expectations can lead to ridicule and disapproval, a number of traditional practices contribute to early girl-child marriage, for instance, practices such as female genital circumcision (FGC) where part of the female genital is removed for cultural reasons. It is believed that the process improves the health of the girl child, hygiene, prospects of marriage and fertility. The socio-cultural expectation of girls and the priority accorded to their future roles as mothers and wives have a strong negative bearing on their social integration and formal education. The girl-child is discriminated by virtue of her sex, the structure of the society, its values, traditions and institutions all have an in-built discrimination against girl- child and university female students of today.

HO2. Misconceived religious belief has no significant effect on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

The result for this hypothesis puts the calculated value at .764 and the P value at .474. This simply means that misconceived religious belief has significant effect on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

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Parents hide under the clock of “religion” to unjustly deny the girl-child her right to education and restriction on what extent the female child could participate in social aspect of education because to such parents, western education is synonymous with Christianity. However, it is worth noting that, Islam as a complete way of life for Muslims has spelt out everything as it relates to the well- being of every Muslim, both male and female. More so, as rightly observed by many, the position of women under Islam has been the subject of repeated controversy among Muslims ever since they came under the influence of Western civilization and education.

HO3.Economic constraints have no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

The calculated value arrived at is .041, while the table value is 3.211. In this circumstance, we will fail to reject the null hypothesis. This means that economic constraints have no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University. However, owing to the economic stagnation of the northern region, it is common to find school age girls engaged in street hawking rather than attending school. Poverty and the impoverished condition of the citizenry serve as a barrier to girl-child education. Most mothers prefer street hawking and early marriage than sending their female wards to school. In the same vein, family background of the girl determines her chance of attending school. The more educated a parent, the more favourable his/her attitudes to education. This could be the case of most privileged female students in Taraba State University.

HO4. Domestic violence has no significant effects on social integration of female students in Taraba State.

The calculated value stood at .099, while the table value is .293. In this circumstance, we will fail to reject the null hypotheses. This implies that domestic violence has no significant effects on social integration of female students in Taraba State. It equally means that the home from where most female students of the University come are free from violence.

HO5. Sexual harassment has no significant effects on social integration of female students in Taraba State University.

The result for this test gave a calculated value of .994 and the critical value at .279. This simply means that sexual harassment has significant effects on social integration of female students of Taraba State University. Though most of the students have safe home, outside their homes they encounter sexual harassment.

HO6. Insecurity has no significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University.

The calculated value of .677 was arrived at and the critical value at .556. From this, it can be concluded that, insecurity has significant effects on female students’ social integration in Taraba State University. The rising case of insecurity in Africa, particularly Nigeria, has seen the rise of kidnapping and other criminal vices. A number of young girls have been kidnapped on their ways to school or at school premises and thereafter forced into marriage by their captors. The case of abduction and eventual forceful marriage and impregnation of some of the Chibok girls in the northern part of Nigeria is a typical example of this (Maiangwa & Amao, 2015). This has created

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Factors Affecting Social Integration of Female Students in Taraba State University Jalingo: Implication for Counselling fear in most school and university female students in Northern part of Nigeria, limiting social activities in their lives.

Counselling Implication

Education is central to the enhancement and improvement of the welfare of any nation because it reduces the impacts of poverty, improves health and nutrition, reduces the gap of inequality and increases the participation of women in the labour market. The research shows that traditional values, religious beliefs and misconception, sexual harassment from male students, lecturers, tricycle riders and insecurity generally pose problems of social integration among Taraba state female students in Taraba State University.

The counselling implication is that psycho-social counselling strategies should be put in place with programmes that aim at reducing the problems that militate against the female students. Programmes should be holistic and both preventive and curative in nature. The guideline for developing the programmes should be based on the facts of the findings which will also determine the type of theories, counselling strategies and educational programmes needed.

Programmes will be all encompassing and stake-holders and victims will benefit. Lectures, teaching and advocacies will be employed for the purposes of reaching out to all that need to contribute in overcoming the female students’ problems. Individual, group counselling and seminars on critical issues should be embarked upon by counsellors in liaison with the University.

In conclusion, psychosocial counselling which employs the services of traditional stakeholders, religious leaders and security services should be properly planned by the Counsellors. Seminars, workshops and other social activities related to the problems of the female students should be part of the remedial programmes.

References

Akipu, S. I. and Agbu, A. D. (2014). The role of women in the development of Nigeria since 1914: The successes and failures. Lapai Journal of Central Nigeria History 8(1), 144-155.

Kamali, M. (1999). “Distorted Integration: Problems of Monolithic Order”. Innovation: The European Journal of Social Sciences.12(1), 81-97.

Koul, L. (1984). Methodology of Educational research. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd.

Lenshie, N.E. (2013). Politicisation of Education in Nigeria: Implications for National Transformation. Global Journal of Human Social Science Political Science , 22-33.

Maiangwa, B. and Amao, O. B. (2015). Daughters, brides, and supporters of the Jihad: revisiting the gender-based atrocities of Boko Haram in Nigeria. African Renaissance, 12(2), 117- 144.

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Mersha, Y., Alemayehu, B. and Firew, T. (2013). Factors Affecting Female Students’ Academic Achievement at Bahir Dar University. Journal of International Cooperation in Education. 15(3), 135-148.

Morales, E. (2008). Exceptional female students of color: Academic resilience and gender in higher education. Innovative Higher Education, 33; 197-213.

Morris, L. and Daniel, L. (2008). Perceptions of a chilly climate: Differences in traditional and non-traditional majors for women. Research in Higher Education, 49; 256-273.

Onyido, J. A. and Brambaifa, A. P. (2018). Girl-Child Marriage in the Nigerian Society, Causes, Impacts and Mitigating Strategies. World Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities. 2018, 4(2).

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Education and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Analysis of the Contribution of UNESCO, 1960 – 2018

Adeoti, Ezekiel Oladele, PhD

Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University, Ojo E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Education plays a very crucial role in national development. It is an instrument of social change which could transform the society in significant ways. For a state or society to achieve sustainable national development, the quality of its education should be improved. This paper examines the contributions and impact of UNESC0 on education and sustainable development in Nigeria between 1960 and 2018. The paper adopts historical, descriptive and analytical method. It highlights the various challenges in the Nigerian educational system and UNESCO’s efforts to ameliorate the deplorable situation. The paper argues that UNESCO’s assistance to Nigerian education in such critical areas as teacher education, technical and science education, adult literacy, girl child education, among others has the potential of promoting education and sustainable development in Nigeria. The study concludes that despite all its challenges, UNESCO created a new literate and educated class, and contributed to the growth and development of Nigeria. Thus, for the nation to achieve an enduring education for sustainable national development, the study suggest that government should increase the funding of education, make provision for girl child education, improving the welfare of teachers, provision of teaching aides and science and art laboratories and equipment, among others.

Keywords: Change, Development, Education, Nigeria, Sustainable Development

Introduction

Education is the master key that unlocks the door to the development and growth of any nation, which brings about knowledge, enhances values and behaviors, determines the lifestyles and well-being of the people. It is perhaps the best investment any nation can make with a guaranteed return on good governance, accountability and probity, enhanced standards of living with modern infrastructure, security and rights to property, among others.

Boyi (2013, p.147) notes that education is the greatest force that can be used to bring about changes that will provide the necessary skills and knowledge. Education and sustainable development are inter-linked, for development provides the pathway to growth and advancement in the society and the economy of its people.

Education for sustainable development is the foundation upon which the future is built by providing the knowledge and skills relevant to competing in the global community. It is a globalization based on local needs and aspirations: of preserving the dynamic customs, culture and traditions of a people, and the preservation of the ecosystem through a renewable architecture.

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Education and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Analysis of the Contribution of UNESCO, 1960 – 2018 This paper interrogates the dynamics between sustainable education and development in Nigeria between 1960 and 2018. The paper traces the seminal role UNESCO played in technical, teacher training education, adult education, science and technology, manpower training, among others, which has translated into growth and development of the Nigerian society. One significant outcome is the evolution of a society that is still in search of solutions to basic existential problems. Before going into the problematic, let us examine the following concepts: education, development.

Conceptual clarification

Education

Education has been conceptualized in different ways by different writers. It is often seen as the light that drives away the darkness of ignorance and enables mankind to find its ways through the tortures and labyrinth of development and civilization (Ikechukwu and Farfaru, 2006, pp. 235 – 243).

Education has also been defined as an institution that enables individual to think freely and rationally which makes social progress and innovation possible. Social progress and innovation are the key ingredients of development, when a society progresses, its members are free; they think rationally, initiate certain social change which will invariably promote development (Holborn and Haralambos, 2004, p. 66)

Fafunwa (1974) contends that education is the aggregate of all the processes by which a child or young adult develops abilities, attitudes and other forms of behaviours which are of positive value to the society in which he lives. Fafunwa argues further that education is a process of transmitting culture in terms of continuity and growth and for disseminating knowledge to ensure social control or guarantee rational direction of society. We cannot agree less with this submission on education.

Itari and Ugba (2018, p. 41) define education as the acquisition of knowledge, skills, attitudes and experiences. It is the experience acquired in the process of living, in formal or informal institutions and it is relatively organized learning activity intended to make some persons learn. There is casual learning which is unintended; informal learning mostly associated with the traditional setting where culture and traditions hold sway; non-formal education where people decide what to learn and the methods by which they are taught; and formal education which is structured with basic criteria for admission into institutions, while it is certificate and examination oriented.

Robert and Ofei-Manu (2015) posit that education has a long history which is enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. The assertion is to improve education and ensure that all people are given a high standard education, which tallies with the post-2015 development agenda. When individuals were asked to list their priorities, over 7.6 million people voted across sixteen potential priorities, but education came out tops (Didham, R. J., & Ofei-Manu, P. (2015). Education is recognized as having one of the highest long term returns on investment of all development goals.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 However, UNESCO sees education as the total process of developing human ability and behaviours. It is an organized and sustained instruction designed to communicate a combination of knowledge, skills and understanding value for all activities of life. Education is what can be used by man to solve his problems to improve his life and make it comfortable. It is one of the many avenues that man can use to effectuate change and bring about all round development.

Development

Development is a process that creates growth, progress, positive change or the addition of physical, economic, environmental, social and demographic components (https://www.sid- Israel.org. 19/3 2019). It is a process in which someone or something grows or changes and becomes more advanced (Cambridge English Dictionary, 2019)

According to Obasanjo and Mabogunje (1991: p. 3), development is simply defined as change or a transformation into a better state. This arouses in one’s mind, an auto-transformation or change. When the idea is applied to a people, it connotes a process concerned with people’s capacity in a defined area, over a defined period, to manage and induce positive change; in terms of ability to predict, plan, understand and monitor change as well as; to reduce or eliminate unwanted change and unwarranted change.

The World Bank Report submits that development is a process of enabling people to accomplish what they could not do previously, for instance, to learn and apply information, attitude, values and skills previously inaccessible to and unaffordable by them. In practical terms, development involves capital and technology both of which require human knowledge and efforts. Thus, human learning is central to development (World Bank Report, 1978).

In their own argument, Lichman and Markovitz (1972, p. 57) observed that a developed society is the one that has succeeded in providing a source of living for the majority of its inhabitants and that in such a society priority is given to elimination of poverty, provision of food, shelter and clothing to its members. This view corresponds with the opinion of Todaro and Smith (2006, pp.20-21) that see development from the modernizing paradigm as a multi-dimensional process which involves the sustained elevation of the entire society and social systems towards a better or humane life. This emphasizes the basic needs of life in transforming the individual in the society to self-actualization.

The term sustainable connotes ability to continue with unwavering resolve, an activity once set upon. When this concept is juxtaposed with development, it means that development, which in the main, is positive change or transformation can be continued with an unwavering resolve until the objective of a better state is achieved.

Relationship between Education and Development

Education for Sustainable Development according to UNESCO allows every human being to acquire the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values necessary to shape a sustainable future. (https://www.ukessays.com 5/2/16). UNESCO aims to improve access to quality education on sustainable development at all levels and in all social contexts to transform society by reorienting

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Education and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Analysis of the Contribution of UNESCO, 1960 – 2018 education and help people develop knowledge, skills, values and behavior needed for sustainable development. (https://www.unesco.org>themes).

Education for Sustainable Development is about the learning needed to maintain and improve our quality of life and the quality of generations yet unborn. It enables people to develop the knowledge and values and skills to participate in decisions about the way we do things individually and collectively, both locally and globally, that will improve the quality of life now without damaging the planet for the future (https://www.plymouth.ac.uk)

Education is also an “Interdisciplinary learning methodology covering the integrated, social, economic, and environmental aspects of formal and informal curriculum.” The World Commission on Environment and Development of 1987, also known as The Brundtland Commission defined sustainable development as meeting the needs of the present generation without putting at risk the capacity of generations to come in meeting their own requirements (Ajibola and Audu, 2014).

Nnabuo and Asodike (2012, p. 2) see sustainable development as a construct, a need to meet the yearnings of the present generation without compromising the needs of the future generation. To do this, it is assumed that there is human capital which is provided by education and technological ability, and physical capital, which is the provision of machine tool technology. It is equally taken for granted that there is a difference between having certificates and requisite literacy and numeracy.

However, development implies change or growth or an increase in the structural facilities of a people, community or society (Itari, 1995). This can also mean the ability to solve problems with wisdom, knowledge, experience and resources with a view to eliminating poverty, pestilence and starvation. Economic growth relates to a people’s ability to achieve a rapid and sustained rise in output of all gainful economic ventures but this has now been substituted with human development which is measured by life expectancy, adult literacy, access to all levels of education, including the people’s average incomes.

Education plays a significant role in sustainable development because it is an instrument of social change which could transform the society in significant ways; and can be delivered through a variety of ways, casual, informal, non-formal and formal; and oriented towards future development. This involves learning how to make decisions that considers the long term future of the economy, ecology and the communities; empowers the people; educate, train and undertake research to contribute to the sustainable development of the society. Education will also provide learners with skills, perspectives, values and knowledge to live sustainably in their communities.

Challenges UNESCO faced in Nigeria

UNESCO played a significant role in education and sustainable development in Nigeria by trying to develop the society for the growth of the economy and for the benefit of the masses. Among UNESCO’s long term interventions were programmes tailored towards the preservation of the environment. One particular example was the role UNESCO played in preserving the Osun Osogbo grove as a world heritage in Nigeria.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 There were also enlightenment campaigns in promoting the arts and culture of the Nigerian people. In order to achieve its goal of inclusive and quality education, UNESCO provided funding for the Nigerian government to finance basic education, of which Nigeria was classified as a low income country [EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2012].

In Nigeria, education was underfunded by the Federal, the state and the local governments. The Federal government and the state governments neglected to put down their own counterpart funds for the educational sector. Another major challenge was the widespread misappropriation of funds provided by UNESCO, UNICEF, and Global Partnership for Education, among others, which cuts across the Federal, the state and the local governments. Other challenges UNESCO faced were administrative bottlenecks and unnecessary red tapes.

Nigeria neglected the educational sector by not providing adequate infrastructure such as school furniture, desks, textbooks and libraries. Teachers’ salaries were not commensurate with the work they did. When compared to the emoluments given to the elected politicians, Nigeria paid scant attention to education. A relevant example will suffice; the elected members of the 9th National Assembly inaugurated in June 2019 will be spending over N300 billion for its welfare while the total budgeted amount on education is significantly less than ten per cent of that.

The political elite prefer to spend billions on politics and the absurd; they gloss over the very glaring challenges and did not invest in education. Ultimately, the future would be for only those who are courageous and with sufficient knowledge to challenge, to dominate and prosper in the global economy.

While Nigerians entrusted decisions on education to politicians and their cronies in government, children continued to drop out of school. According to the Universal Basic Education, UBEC figures of 2018, Nigeria holds the record of being the highest out-of-school children which rose from 10.5 million to 13.2 million in 2018 (Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism, 2019). Alarmingly, the reality remains grim and is getting worse by the day.

At Independence in 1960, Nigeria had a good reputation in education, supported by the funding organizations with grants and exchange programs. This provided opportunities in the arts, medicine, law, among others, where scholarships were provided for students by communities, religious organizations and Western donor nations. Later, the situation changed as Nigeria failed to meet even the UNESCO’s minimal recommendation of spending 26 percent of the nation’s budget on education. Corruption and changing policies in the educational sector had created the discrepancies. The neglect not only affected the quality of education in Nigeria, but also the safety of the children. The level of awareness on failure of policy and execution was low. The threat of the environment and global warming remained. However, the cost of corruption and the determination of the Nigerian child to access basic education in spite of the daunting obstacles remained, sadly, the reality (Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism, 2019)

Nigerians became familiar with the images of dilapidated school buildings, poor or derelict science and art laboratories, poor sanitation facilities, especially for the girl child, which within its everyday context remained a reflection of the systemic underdevelopment, of corruption in government and decay of infrastructures. People live in a society that excel on impunity and total disregard of civility and accountability, are not too critical of government policy that cannot put

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Education and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Analysis of the Contribution of UNESCO, 1960 – 2018 down counterpart funding, nor are motivated into action to put an end to stealing the future by the corrupt public officers in charge of policy.

UNESCO Contributions and Impact Assessment

The first formal initiatives to establish UNESCO’s presence in Nigerian education and a UNESCO Country Office in Lagos began in 1961. A National Commission for UNESCO was approved and ratified by Parliament in 1963, and composed of 36 members drawn from the Federal Ministries of Education, Foreign Affairs, Information and Culture, Health and Social Services, the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure, the National Library of Nigeria, National Commission for Women, National Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non- Formal Education, among others (UNESCO, 1996: pp. 6-8). Representatives were also drawn from states, from Universities, from NGOs and others on merit. Nigeria as a co-signatory of the General Conference of UNESCO, adopted among others, policies such as equal rights and non- discrimination in education, mass literacy programmes, women’s education, science and technology education.

UNESCO introduced into Nigeria educational policies, priorities and initiatives which have influenced the shape and direction of education in Nigeria. This ensured that Nigerian education is current and not isolated from world trends (UNESCO, 1996: p. 10). To a greater extent Nigeria has benefitted from continuous innovations and renovations in education without any loss of relevance. One area of such benefits is in secondary school teacher education. In the immediate post-independence period which witnessed the departure of expatriates who were holding key teaching positions, UNESCO supported the establishment of Federal Advanced Teachers Colleges in Lagos, Zaria, Owerri and Ondo which effectively replaced the Grade II Teachers who lacked the required qualifications to teach in secondary schools. (UNESCO, 1996, p. 11).

The UNESCO experiment in higher teacher education which was introduced into the African educational system in both the Francophone and Anglophone countries was widely accepted and the National Certificate of Education, NCE pioneered by UNESCO provided quality teachers and filled the gap in Nigerian schools (UNESCO, 1996, p. 12).

These institutions evolved into Colleges of Education and were affiliated to different Universities. Moreover, the NCE Diploma became acceptable for admission considerations into the university. The UNESCO program was supported by United Nations Special Funds.

One other area of successful integration was the replacement of the City and Guilds of London Certificates with the National Technical Teacher Training College diplomas awarded for the Ordinary National Diploma in Technical Education. Most significantly, the disparities between British and French degrees and diplomas were removed. UNESCO also provided scholarships and fellowships to Nigerians in a variety of disciplines. Between 1961 and 1994, UNESCO awards and fellowships were given to: Mr. S. A. Folorunsho in 1972 to study Hydrology in the United States, Mr. P. B. Udom in 1974 to study Conservation of Cultural Property in Rome, Mr. O. K. Lawal in 1980 to study Scientific Instrumentation and Workshop in the United Kingdom, Mr. Itse Sagay in 1980 to study International Law in both the Netherlands and France, Mr. O. K. Lawal in 1980 to study Scientific Instrumentation and Workshop in the United Kingdom, Miss Gold Oruh

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 in 1990 to study Television Communication in Korea, Mrs. I. V. Oghagbon in 1996 to study Home Economic in Denmark. In all, over 160 scholarships were given. (UNESCO, 1996, pp. 77 – 83)

One of the biggest UNESCO’s contributions to educational development is the establishment of the National Teachers’ Institute (NTI) in Kaduna as part of raising the quality of teachers at the primary school level in Nigeria. Following the introduction of the Universal Primary Education Policy in 1976 by both the Federal and State governments, the various governments had employed large numbers of ill-trained and unqualified teachers, many of whom were holders of the old Teachers Grade II Certificate. The attempt at up-grading their quality through in-service courses led the Federal Government with UNESCO to establish the Teachers’ Institute, Kaduna in 1978 which contributed immensely to the harmonization of teacher training curriculum in Nigeria.

Apart from providing equipment such as printing machines, computers, experts, etc. UNESCO empowered NTI as a key institution with the responsibilities for training and testing in teacher education by distance learning and In-Service training. UNESCO also funded seminars, workshops and conferences which led participating countries to acquire new skills and expertise in education, the establishment of libraries and museums, promotion of language and literature, among others.

UNESCO has been of assistance to Nigeria in a myriad of programmes and projects. Such technical assistance has been financed through the UNESCO Special Account for Increased Aid to Developing Countries and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Some of the areas in which Nigeria has received assistance from UNESCO include teacher training, especially in science and technical subjects, literacy campaigns, the development of high level manpower in the area of science, the training of journalists, and special education. In 1980, the Director General of UNESCO visited Nigeria and held discussions on areas of cooperation between Nigeria and the organization. The most significant outcome of that visit which led to cooperation between Nigeria and UNESCO was the award of US $ 150,000 by the agency in support of the Nomadic Education programme (https://www.researchgate.net).

Since independence in 1960, over 148 such conferences had been held in Nigeria while the reports, communiqués and conclusions of many others held outside the country have helped in shaping the form, content and policies governing Nigerian education. Of the UNESCO-funded meetings, two stood out: the first being the 1969 National Curriculum for Nigerian Conference held in Lagos (8 – 12 September 1969) which charted the road to a more relevant and responsive curriculum for Nigerian education; and the second, the National Conference on Educational Policy for Nigeria between 26th and 28th February, 1973 (Okpaku, 1991, p. 136) which led to major structural revision in Nigerian educational expansion and diversification.

UNESCO also encouraged the development of science in Nigeria by funding staff recruitment in science from abroad, so as to address areas of pure science and technology since they were the areas most affected before independence in colonial education. To ensure quality in science education, the Federal Government with the support of UNDP and UNESCO as executing agency set up the project to “Repair, Maintenance and Production of School Science Equipment in Nigeria” between 1972 and 1979 (UNESCO, 1996, p. 25). Federal Science Equipment Mobile workshops were also set up to supplement limited available space for installed machines. Short courses were organized for teachers and laboratory technicians while there was also systematic

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Education and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Analysis of the Contribution of UNESCO, 1960 – 2018 training for the production of school equipment laboratory assistants. Such were organized in Port Harcourt in 1972 and at Abraka in 1979. One unanticipated effect of the training was that these technical staff migrated to industries.

In-service training of school laboratory staff was provided while systematic training courses were mounted during long vacations with a view to qualifying candidates for career employment. The result was that the repair and maintenance of science equipment led to improvement in the practical teaching of science while the teaching equipment was well- maintained leading to the development of a maintenance culture. A total of 160 teachers in the old South-Eastern and East Central states were beneficiaries of the training in 1972 while 80 laboratory attendants benefitted in Port Harcourt in Rivers State.

UNESCO’s role in conceptualization, funding and setting up of the centres impacted positively on the quality of science teaching in Nigeria while it has continued to sustainably increase the number of youths and adults with relevant skills for accelerated national development. It has produced the needed personnel for Nigeria’s polytechnics, Universities and even industries, among others and has continued to produce employable youths.

UNESCO assisted in the provision of Technical Assistant professionals to African countries while there was the recruitment of operational personnel to fill gaps left by expatriate civil servants but UNESCO’s training awards and fellowships were only tenable abroad if no local facilities were available in Nigerian or African universities and colleges. It is notable that this continues to be important till date.

Another important area of intervention was the support for the provision of statistics and an accurate database for Nigeria. This led to an awareness of the importance of accurate educational data in all the states. Some of these states have computerized while others still use record-books.

UNESCO has been involved in special education, education for nomad and migrant fishermen, adult education and mass literacy. Thus, UNESCO facilitated access of Nigerians to education, education of women, environmental education, special education, and nomadic education, education of migrant fishermen, adult education, mass literacy and Education for All by Year 2000. In collaboration with UNDP, UNESCO equally paid major attention to special education and funded the Federal College of Education (Special), Oyo so as to extend equal access to all groups in society as part of the National Policy on Education.

The establishment of nomadic education was an attempt at providing functional literacy for personal health, animal husbandry and agriculture, improving the traditional methods of herds’ control, animal diseases and breeding, and better marketing of their products as well as socio- political needs, including voting during elections. Mobile and collapsible classrooms were designed by the Federal Science Equipment Centre and distributed to pockets of nomadic settlements that sprung up in various states.

By 1991, statistical survey of nomads in the 19 states and Abuja had shown considerable progress had been made with an enrolment of about 35,000 in over 400 schools. Suitable textbooks were developed, nomadic teachers were trained and syllabus for Islamic education was developed.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 Payment of teachers’ salaries was also settled. UNESCO collaborated with UNDP and the Federal Government Ministry of National Planning in funding the project to the tune of $1, 911, 567 (UNESCO, 1996, p. 59). Education for the families of migrant fishermen of the riverine communities in the southern states was also vigorously pursued and encouraged.

In the effort of the UN to create a literate world, the Year 2000 was dedicated to world literacy and the government established the Nigerian National Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non-Formal Education in an attempt to extend access to education in and out of school. Since 1960, UNESCO has contributed to the national effort in adult literacy through recruitment and funding of experts, technical Assistance Program Fellowship and Scholarship awards tenable overseas, sponsorship of conferences and seminars in adult non-formal education and literacy.

The Mass Literacy programme funded by the UNDP is supported by UNESCO in the form of cooperating agency to provide technical back-stopping the recruitment of international experts, provision of equipment and materials, monitoring and valuation of the project periodically.

At the end of the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005 – 2014), otherwise called the Decade and the beginning of UNESCO Global Action Programme (GAP) on Education for Sustainable Development, Nigeria needs to scale up so as to expand successful projects and involve more schools and institutions. (Robert, Nonoyama-Tarumi and McKeown, 2016).

One outcome of this is the importance of dynamic quality, modified according to the social, economic and environmental contexts. ESD is generally explained as “integrating the principles and practices of sustainable development into all aspects of education and learning, to encourage changes in knowledge, values and attitudes with the vision of enabling a more sustainable and just society for all.” (McKeown, 2000). Across all levels and types of education – formal, non-formal, informal – ESD is also helping to advance the change in teaching and learning processes, bringing in approaches that stimulate pupils to ask questions, analyse, think critically and make decisions

Conclusions

In conclusion, the vocational and technical education championed and funded by UNESCO created a new literate class of artisans and technicians who enjoyed improved living standards and created opportunities for others. Many Nigerians who were unable to go through normal school system had adult education. They now became literate in English and arithmetic which greatly impacted their trade and improved the economy. Vocational and technical education helped improve living standards by creating new opportunities for Nigerians to be self-employed in the different professions. This created employment and helped reduce social vices across all strata of the society. Many Nigerians were also trained and obtained professional teachers’ certificate which improved the quality of teaching.

UNESCO kick started the technical and vocational education revolution in Nigeria which equally led to the establishment of polytechnics and increase in the numbers of technicians. Emphasis shifted from the heavy focus on the humanities to the sciences. The national curriculum policy now gave preference to the sciences with about 60 per cent intake over that of 40 per cent of the humanities.

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Education and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Analysis of the Contribution of UNESCO, 1960 – 2018 Though people looked down on technicians who graduated from these technical and vocational institutions, including also the diploma graduates of the polytechnics, there developed an over reliance on paper qualifications from the universities to the detriment of proficient technicians and other skilled professionals from the colleges and vocational schools.

The result was that Nigeria began to experience economic growth without development. Since economic growth did not automatically translate into human development, the corollary was the destruction of the middle class and the rise of poverty. The teeming mass of unemployed youths, including the unemployable made up of graduates and drop-outs has indeed become the timing bomb. The greater the number of Nigerians graduating from the universities and other higher institutions, the higher the increase in unemployment followed by a loss of cultural identity. Even in environmental protection and conservation, the nation suffered an alarming deforestation and the destruction of natural resources. However, there appears to be hope on the horizon with the Federal Government’s introduction of entrepreneurial courses in the secondary and tertiary institutions which is more or less to encourage proficiency in the technical and vocational education.

In spite of the challenges confronting UNESCO in the discharge of their duty notwithstanding, it had impacted in no mean measure to the growth and development of education in Nigeria. For the nation to achieve an enduring education for sustainable national development, it is suggested that adequate provision should be made for proper funding of education, remuneration of teachers, and provision of infrastructure, among others.

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019

Environmental Impact Assessment of Gas Flaring on Groundwater Quality in Ughelli North of Delta State, Nigeria.

Mogborukor, Joseph Oghenero Ph.D

Department of Geography and Regional Planning, Delta State University, Abraka Email: [email protected]

Abstract

This study was carried out in Ughelli North of Delta State with a view to unveiling the environmental impact of gas flaring which is a product of oil exploration on groundwater. The study was experimental in nature from which data were generated. Gas flared data were measured through an open-air sampling process using sage thermal mass flow meter. The flared gases measured were carbon monoxide (CO), nitrous oxide and Sulphur oxide. Data on groundwater quality were obtained from two sources (well and borehole). The water samples were collected into sterilized cans and taken to the laboratory for analysis. One hypothesis was tested using multiple regression analysis. The study revealed that most chemical parameters of borehole and well water in Ughelli North communities are lower than the recommended limit by WHO. However, the mean concentration of iron, phosphate and BOD value were higher than the recommended limit value. The study further revealed that gas flaring has a significant effect on the physicochemical properties of the water in Ughelli North. At P<0.05, and r2 value of 0.099 implying that 99% of the water quality in the area is attributed to the presence of SO2. Similarly at P<0.05 and r2 value of 0.98 implies that 98% of the groundwater quality in the study area is attributable to the presence of NO2. It was therefore recommended that an impact prediction and proper assessment of oil companies operating within the area be carried out. This is with a view to touching essentially on the change brought about by gas flaring. All regulatory bodies such as federal environmental protection agency and other agencies responsible for impact assessment should carry out their functions to maximum expectation.

KEYWORDS: Gas flaring, Permissible Level, Water Quality, Well Water and Ughelli North,

Introduction

Many definitions exist in the literature that explains the concept of environment impact assessment. According to Ivbijaro (2012), environmental impact assessments are tools for assessing the impacts of a proposed development policy, plan, programme or project on the environment and people. Another definition by Munn (1979) refers to the need of man to identify and predict the impact to the environment on man’s health, to identify and predict the impact of the project on man’s health and well-being and of legislative proposals, policies, programmes, projects and operational procedures. It is also meant to interpret and communicate information about the impacts of environmental consequences of development actions.

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Environmental Impact Assessment of Gas Flaring on Groundwater Quality in Ughelli North of Delta State, Nigeria.

Environmental impact assessment was established in the United States of America in 1969 and has since spread to other parts of the world. Environmental Impact Assessment was initially an adhoc procedure carried out by local planning authorities and developers, primarily for oil and gas related development, but the procedure started in Nigeria the 1990s. According to Olawapo (2003), if Environmental Impact Assessment had been developed earlier than the 1990s, the consequential effects and environmental degradation resulting from oil spillage in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria could have been minimized.

According to Glasson, Therivel and Chadwick (1999) the process of environmental impact assessment involve many steps which include project screening, consideration of alternatives, scooping, description of the project, description of the environmental baseline, identification of the main impacts, evaluation and presentation of findings.

Human beings are constantly in a state of interaction with the environment, and this could either be positive or negative in nature. One of such interaction involves such activities as the exploration and exploitation of oil resources which eventually ends up in gas flaring as is found in Nigeria. Audu (2013) defined gas flaring as the deliberate burning of large quantity of natural gas leading to the release of large amount of pollutant. According to Ismail and Umukoro (2012), gas flaring is one of the most challenging energy and environmental problems confronting mankind regionally and globally as at today. Nigeria is the world’s biggest flare of gas (Nwaocha and Mbano, 2010). This is due to unsustainable exploration practices coupled with the lack of gas utilization infrastructure. Odiong, Orimwogunje, Ayanlade and Akinkwolie (2010), observed that gas flaring contributes maximally to climate change, food insecurity, low income, loss of vegetation and pollution of water bodies. Succinctly, gas flaring contaminates both surface and ground water resulting to economic loss and environmental degradation.

According to Efe, (2005) water resources either in the form of rain, river or groundwater, is one of the most essential components of the environment that is presently under threat from oil exploitation and pollution in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Oil companies operating in Nigeria has been a major contributor to environmental degradation and pollution of various magnitudes which has resulted in various ecological and human disasters over the last three decades (Avwiri and Ebeniro, 1995). When gases are flared and consequently stored in the atmosphere, it is washed down through rainfall. The emergent effect is acid rain with so much impact on water quality. This has been corroborated by Efe (2010) who observed that most of the residents within gas flare areas complain of high counts of particulate matter in their sources of water supply soon after every down pour.

Despite these consequences the problem of gas flaring in Ughelli North communities has been neglected. It is the realization of the implication of this gas flaring that has informed the need for this study. To achieve this, the following specific objectives were investigated;  Evaluate the volume of flared gas in the study area  Assess the effect of gas flaring on ground water quality in Ughelli North communities  Examine adaptation/mitigation measures to gas flaring. In line with the following objectives one hypothesis was posed as follows; Ground water quality is not significantly affected by gas flaring in Ughelli North communities.

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Materials and Methods

Description of Study Area

Ughelli North is one of the twenty five (25) local government area of Delta State. It is made up mainly of seven main settlements as: Ughelli, Ogor, Agbarha, Orogun, Uwheru, Evwreni and Ehwu. It is located between latitudes 50281N and 50321N of the equator and longitude 50581E and 60031E of the Greenwich meridian (See Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: Delta State Map showing study location

Source: Modified after Ministry of Lands, Survey and Urban Development, Asaba (2008)

The study area is a low-lying plain and constitute mainly of recent unconsolidated sediment. This sediment is partly of marine and of fluvial origin. The land elevation is about 5 metres above sea level and there is the absence of imposing hills that rise above the general land surface. The area is transverse by numerous flat – flowing rivers that drain into the Atlantic ocean. The climate of the area is characterized by high but uniform temperatures. The mean daily maximum temperature is about 300C and a minimum of about 280C all the year round (Efe, 2005). Rainfall distribution ranges between 3000mm3 to 3500mm3. Within the period of the rainy season and the water table is usually very high especially in the valley region. The study area falls within the disturbed lowland rainforest. The ever green tropical rainforest occurs inland from the mangroves with a considerable number of tree species. The rainforest is characterized by trees that

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Environmental Impact Assessment of Gas Flaring on Groundwater Quality in Ughelli North of Delta State, Nigeria. occur at the three storeys namely the emergent upper, middle and lower storeys. The trees normally grow to a height of between 50 – 60metres.

Much of the typical lowland rainforest has been seriously disturbed by anthropogenic factor over the year, thereby resulting in the emergence of secondary forests.

Ughelli North Local Government Area has a total population of 166,029 according to the 1991 population census figure and 321,028 in the 2006 population census (National Population Census, 2006). However, the recent 2016 projected population stands at 441, 600 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2016). This increase in population is as a result of migration into Ughelli main town and other settlements in the study areas. And more also, with the presence of many oil companies situated in most of the settlement has aided in the upliftment of the economic status of the area.

FIG 2: Study Area showing sampled sites Source: Modified after Ministry of Lands, Survey and Urban Development, Asaba (2008)

The data for this study were derived mainly from primary source; the reason for the choice is to adequately capture flared gases and water pollutants. The choice of gas investigated was based

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 primarily on the predominance of such gases and the ability for trapping them. Such gases include (carbon monoxide, nitrous oxide and Sulphur oxide) while water quality data include anions (sulphate, phosphate and nitrate). These gases according to Efe (2005) are predominant in polluted water in any oil exploration area. The study adopted the systematic sampling technique and distances of over 50km from the flare stack in Ughelli. Most of the sampling sites were selected due to closeness to active oil and gas flaring sites. To achieve this, three experimental sites (Afiesere, Agbarha-Otor and Ehriemukowho-Warien) and one control site (Evwreni) were selected for sampling (see Fig. 2). Ughelli was purposely selected due to its gas flare stack. The control site Evwereni, which is over 40km south of the flare site was chosen Odjugo (2007), had earlier observed that the impact of gas flaring on the environment are statistically insignificant beyond 15km and 20km radius of the flare sites.

Gas flared data were measured through the use of safe thermal mass flow meter. This is instruments that possess an advanced sensor with software technology integrated with advanced mobile computers for superior environmental test. It performs an analysis of ambient air through the use of physical properties, with continuous output signal. Gas flare emission measurements were carried out in areas that were congested with high rise buildings where the effect of the wind will not pose a hindrance. A total of sixteen (16) air samples were recorded in the morning and evening for two consecutive times at each of the sample sites. Table 1 shows the Department of Petroleum Resources, Federal Ministry of Environment and World Health Organization (WHO) analytical method adopted in this study.

Table 1: Standards and Methods of Analysis Test Parameter Units Standard test method Description of methods Ph pH ASTM D1293b pH meter Temperature 0C Thermometer Turbidity NTU APHA 214A Turbidity meter TSS mg/l Gravimetric Gravimetric TDS mg/l APHA 2080 TDS meter Conductivity μs/cm-1 APHA 145 Conductivity meter DO mg/l APHA 4500C Iodometric Cl2 mg/l Titration Titration - Nitrate (NO3 ) mg/l APHA 419C Diazotization 2- Sulphate (SO4 ) mg/l APHA 427C Colorimetric Ca2+ Mg/l ASTM 93-77 AAS K+ mg/l ASTM D93-77 AAS Na mg/l ASTM D93-77 AAS Pb2- mg/l ASTM D3559 FAAS CD2+ mg/l ASTM D511 AAS Fe2+ mg/l ASTM D106C FAAS Mg2+ mg/l ASTM D511 AAS Source: Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), 2007

Data on ground water were collected from wells and boreholes. Sample of well water was taken from the well using a plastic bucket while, plastic crops were used to fetch water from the borehole taps. The water samples were collected into sterilized cans, put into cooler of ice blocks

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Environmental Impact Assessment of Gas Flaring on Groundwater Quality in Ughelli North of Delta State, Nigeria. and taken to the laboratory for analysis. The analysis involves the use of means and percentages. The results were presented in tables, percentages and regression analysis.

For purpose of this study, water samples were collected during the month of peak rainfall (July, 2018) and scanty rainfall (December, 2018). This is to enable the capture of immediate effect of the flared gases on the water quality in the study area. Eight samples of water were collected from four sample points. Each sample of water was collected between the early hours of 6 – 7 in the morning and was done after the first and second rain events for the months of July and December 2018.

Result of the Findings

Concentration of gas flared in the study Area

Table 2: Mean concentration of flared gases Pollutants from flared gases in parts per million (ppm) SO2 NO2 CO Mean observed pollutants 0.62±0.086 0.096±0.025 8.59±1.47 WHO standards ±0.00-0.01 ±0.03-0.006 ±3-10

Source: Author’s Fieldwork, 2018

Table 2 indicates that the study area is characterized by high concentrations of gases, with a mean value of 0.62 and 8.59ppm for Sulphur Oxide (SO2), Nitrogen Oxide (NO2) and Carbon Monoxide (CO) respectively. However, the concentration of carbon monoxide is higher than other gases. SO2 and CO gases exceeds the WHO standard limit.

Variation of flared gases in different areas of the communities.

Table 3: Variation in the concentration of flared gases in the Study Areas. Communities Pollutants from flared gases in parts per million (ppm) SO2 NO2 CO Ughelli urban 0.614±0.013 0.101±0.012 8.075±0.500 Agbarha – Otor 0.686±0.046 0.116±0.009 10.137±0.625 Erhwemukhowo-Warien 0.682±0.051 0.109±0.008 9.537±0.539 Evwreni 0.498±0.445 0.588±0.008 6.637±0.770 WHO standards ±0.00 – 0.01 ±0.03-0.06 ±3-10 Source: Author’s Fieldwork, 2018

Table 3 reveals the variation in the concentration of flared gases in Ughelli North. In Ughelli urban, the average concentration of SO2, NO2 and CO2 were 0.614, 0.101 and 8.075ppm respectively. In Agbarha-Otor, the average concentration of flared gases was found to be 0.680, 0.116 and 10.137ppm. In Erhwemukhowo-Warien it was 0.682 for SO2, 0.109 for NO2 and 9.537ppm for CO. The concentration of flared gases in all the four communities of Ughelli North

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 was found to be higher than the WHO recommended limits. The high rate of concentration of gases is as a result of pollution from vehicles, power plants diesel engines and refining flow stations in the various communities.

Water Quality Analysis

Borehole Water Analysis

Table 4: Mean values of the physicochemical parameters of bore-hole water Parameters Mean Values ± Std. Deviation WHO Limits Ph 5.69±0.93 7.0-8.5 Temperature (OC) 28.6±0.51 30 Conductivity (uS/cm) 42.32±7.18 50 Turbidity (NTU) 3.93±3.76 6 BOD 4.34±0.60 2 COD (mg/l) 4.20±0.35 <4.0 TDS (mg/l) 33.92±10.02 500 Magnesium 2.67±1.37 30 Iron (mg/l) 0.65±0.43 0.3 Lead (mg/l) <0.03 0.01 Chloride (mg/l) 26.31±12.31 50 Sulphate (mg/l) 4.16±3.62 200 Phosphate (mg/l) 2.15±1.31 0.5 Nitrate (mg/l) 2.41±1.79 50 Sodium (mg/l) 15.9±6.47 50 Potassium (mg/l) 7.07±3.94 10

Source: Author’s Fieldwork, 2018

Table 4 shows the physicochemical characteristics of bore-hole water in Ughelli communities. The mean pH value of the bore-hole water is 5.69 which is lower than the WHO recommended pH water limit. This implies that most bore-holes in Ughelli North are acidic. This acidic nature of the bore-hole water is attributed to the presence of CO from flared gases in the environment. The mean conductivity value of bore-hole water is 42.32μs/cm which is lower than the WHO recommended limit. The lower values are attributed to high rate of evapotranspiration within the area.

The mean turbidity value is 3.93mg/l, TDS value is 33.92 mg/l, magnesium value is 2.67mg/l, chloride value is 26.31mg/l, sulphate value of 4.16mg/l, nitrate value of 2.41mg/l, sodium value is 15.9mg/l and potassium value is 7.07mg/l falls within the limit recommended by WHO. The mean value of iron content of borehole water is 0.65mg/l, COD is 4.20mg/l, phosphate value is 2.15mg/l and BOD value is 4.34mg/l, therefore are higher that the recommended limit value by WHO.

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Table 5: Mean values of the physicochemical parameters of well water Parameters Mean Values ± Std. Deviation WHO Limits Ph 5.50 ± 0.93 7.0 – 8.5 Temperature (OC) 28.52 ± 0.54 30 Conductivity (uS/cm) 43.42 ±7.64 50 Turbidity (NTU) 3.95 ±3.76 5 BOD 4.30 ± 0.60 2 COD (mg/l) 4.17 ± 0.31 <4.0 TDS (mg/l) 33.66 ±11.32 500 Magnesium 2.87 ± 1.26 30 Iron (mg/l) 0.77 ± 0.37 0.3 Lead (mg/l) <0.01 0.01 Chloride (mg/l) 26.29 ± 12.35 50 Sulphate (mg/l) 4.15 ± 3.64 200 Phosphate (mg/l) 2.11 ± 1.28 0.5 Nitrate (mg/l) 2.40 ± 1.77 50 Sodium (mg/l) 15.91± 6.43 50 Potassium (mg/l) 6.89±.76 10

Source: Author’s fieldwork 2018 and WHO 2018

Table 5 shows the physicochemical characteristics of well water in Ughelli North community. The mean pH value of the well water is 5.50 which are lower than the WHO recommended pH water limit. This implies that the well water in Ughelli North community is acidic. This acidic nature of the well water can be attributed to presence of CO from gas flares in the environment. The mean conductivity value of well water is 43.42μs/cm which is lower than the recommended limit of WHO. The lower values are attributed to high rate of evapotranspiration within the area. The mean turbidity value is 3.95mg/l, TDS value is 33.66mg/l, magnesium value is 2.87mg/l, chloride value is 26.29mg/l, sulphate value of 4.15mg/l, nitrate value of 2.40mg/l, sodium value is 15.91mg/l and potassium value is 6.89mg/l falls within recommended value of WHO. The mean value of iron content of borehole water is 077mg/l, COD of 4.17mg/l, and BOD value of 4.30mg/l is higher than the recommended limit by WHO.

Effect of Gas flaring on water quality in Ughelli North Communities

Table 6: Result of Analysis of the relationship between SO2 and water Quality Model R R Adjusted Std. Error of R Square F Df1 Df2 Sig. F square R Square the Estimate Change Cha Change nge 1 0.94a .999 .987 .0096216 .999 284. 14 1 0.42 357 a. Predictors: (Constant), Potassium, TDS, Temperature, Turbidity, COD, Iron, pH, BOD, Phosphate, Magnesium, Sodium, Conductivity, Nitrate, Chloride

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Table 6 shows the effect of emitted gas (SO2) on the ground water quality in Ughelli North communities. There is a strong positive correlation between SO2 and ground water physicochemical properties in Ughelli North R = 0.94. Similary, with an r2 value of 0.99, this implies that 99% of the ground water quality in Ughelli North Communities. The table shows that SO2 has a significant effect on the pH of the water SO2 reacts with water more by making it more acidic.

Table 7: Result of Analysis of the Relationship between NO2 and ground water quality Model R R square Adjusted Std. Error of R F Change Df Df2 Sig. F R Square the Estimate Square 1 Change Change

1 .993a .985 .779 .0115244 .985 294.787 14 1 .015 a. Predictors: (Constant), Potassium, TDS, Temperature, Turbidity, COD, Iron, pH, BOD, Phosphate, Magnesium, Sodium, Conductivity, Nitrate, Chloride

Table 7 shows the effect of flared gases (NO2) on ground water quality in Ughelli North communities. There is a strong positive correlation between NO2 and physiochemical properties of ground water in the study area at R = 0.99 with an r2 value of 0.98, implying that 98% of the poor water quality in the study area is attributed to the presence of NO2. At P<0.05, from the analysis it thus shows that NO2 has a significant effect on the water quality in the communities. The coefficient table shows that NO2 has a significant effect on the pH of the water. NO2 reacts with water more making it more acidic.

Table 8: Result of Analysis of the relationship between CO and ground water quality Model R R square Adjusted Std. Error of R F Df Df2 Sig. F R Square the Estimate Square Change 1 Change Change

1 .995a .990 .852 .55368 .990 7.184 14 1 .285 a. Predictors: (Constant), Potassium, TDS, Temperature, Turbidity, COD, Iron, pH, BOD, Phosphate, Magnesium, Sodium, Conductivity, Nitrate, Chloride

Table 8 shows the effect of emitted gas (CO) on ground water quality in Ughelli North communities. At P>0.05, the coefficient analysis is not significant, thus, the CO has no significant effect on the ground water quality in the studied area.

The study further revealed that gas flaring has a significant effect on the physicochemical properties of the water in Ughelli North. At P<0.05, and r2 value of 0.99, implying that 99% of the poor water quality in Ughelli North is attributed to the presence of SO2. The presence of SO2 reacts with water, thus making it more acidic. Similarly, at P<0.05, and r2 value of 0.98, it implies that 98% of water quality in Ughelli North is also attributed to the presence of NO2. The physicochemical characteristics of water in Ughelli North were highly affected by the presence of flared SO2 and NO2.

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Environmental Impact Assessment of Gas Flaring on Groundwater Quality in Ughelli North of Delta State, Nigeria.

Conclusion

This study examined the effect of gas flaring on ground water quality in Ughelli North communities. Findings from the study show that the physic-chemical properties of borehole and well water are influenced by increase in gas flaring activities. Parameters such as pH, and temperature were lower in the peak of the rains. The physicochemical concentration of these parameters in the boreholes, are shown in the result analysis. The findings further showed that SO2, and NO2 has a significant effect on the water quality in Ughelli North as the sources of water supply were acidic. The result also showed that sampled water was polluted by this flared gases which signifies that the source of water pollution is from the non-point which is gas flaring.

Recommendations

Based on the findings of this study, the following recommendations were made to achieve a suitable water quality as follows:

 There should be consistent water monitoring and proper regulatory guidelines to check pollution status.

 The general public should be sensitized on the dangers of drinking water due incessant gas emission and the need for water treatment in order to minimize the risk of water related problems.

 The inhabitants of the study areas should be informed of the necessity to treat their water through disinfection, filtration and boiling before consumption. Not only that, gas collector chambers should be built to trap flared gases.

 Appropriate laws should be enacted in order to reduce gas flaring in the area. In order to achieve this, strong legislation on water pollution be made in which polluters pay high penalty and more so, they should be made to adopt good practice in gas flaring.

 Based on the result from this study, an impact prediction and proper assessment of oil companies operating within the areas should be carried out by regulatory bodies such as the Federal Environmental Protection Agencies and Department of Petroleum Resources.

References

Audu, E.B. (2013). Gas flaring: A catalyst to Global Warming in Nigeria. International Journal of Science and Technology, 3(1), 6-10.

Avwiri, G.O. and Ebeniro, J.O. (1995). Environmental Impact of Gas Flaring at Obrikom Area of Rivers State. Nigerian Journal of Physics, 7(3), 33-48.

Efe, S.I. (2005). Urban Effects on the Amount, Distribution and Quality of Rainwater in Warri Metropolis. (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis). Department of Geography and Regional

Planning, Delta State University, Abraka.

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Efe, S.I. (2010). Climate change and food security in Africa: Delta State, Nigeria Experience. In Ayadike R.N.C, Madu, I.A. and Ajaero, C.K.(ed). Conference Proceedings on Climate Change and the Nigerian Environment. Department of Geography, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

Glasson, S., Therivel, R., and Chadwick, A. (1999), Introduction to Environmental Impact Assessment. UCL Press Ltd, London.

Ismail, O.S. and Umukoro, O.E. (2012). “Global Impact of Gas flaring”. Energy and Power Engineering, 4: 290-302.

Ivbijaro, M.F.A. (2012). Environmental Impact Assessment and practice in Nigeria. In Ivbijaro, M.F.A and Akintola, F. (ed), Sustainable Environmental Management in Nigeria.

(Pp.409-431). Book Builders. Editions Africa. Ibadan Nigeria.

Mum, R.E. (1979), Environmental Impact Assessment Principles and Procedures. NewYork John Wiley.

National Population Commission, Nigeria (2006).

National Bureau of Statistics (2016).

Nwaocha, E.E. and Mbano, E.C. (2010). Effect of Gas flaring on built environment. Tropical Built Environment Journal, 1(1), 83-86.

Odiong, A.U., Orimwogunje, O.O., Ayanlade, A. and Akinkwolie, T.A. (2010). Perception of effect of Gas flaring on the Environment. Research Journal of Environment and Earth Sciences, 2(4), 188-193.

Odjugo, P.A.O. (2007). Global Warming and Food Production: A Global and Regional

Analysis. African Journal of Environmental Studies, 2(2), 85-91.

Olawapo, R.A. (2003), “Environmental Impact Assessment. Techniques and Framework for sustainable Development’. In Jimoh (ed), Techniques in Environmental Studies. Pp 223- 240.

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The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) on the Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State

Orogbemi Elias Olajide

Department of History and International Studies, Nigeria Police Academy, Wudil, Kano State. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

The activities of Multinational Oil Corporations centres mainly on oil exploration and exploitation. Oil exploration and exploitation in Nigeria is solely carried out in the Niger Delta region which Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State is part of. The oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations have impacted both negatively and positively on the socio-economic and political life of the people of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State. This paper examines the positive impact of multinational oil corporation’s activities in Nigeria. The main focus is on the positive impact of oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations on the socio-economic and political wellbeing of the people of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State. Though much have been done by scholars about oil exploration and exploitation activities in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, not much has been done in the study area taken into cognizance the positive socio-economic and political impact of oil exploration and exploitation activities by multinational oil corporations. It is the only local government area in the entire southwest geopolitical zone where oil exploration and exploitation activities is being carried out. The research design adopted is the historical research design. The study used qualitative research method which involve the use of both primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources include both interview and observation. The semi- structured interview schedule was used to elicit information for the study. The study revealed that oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations impacted positively on the people of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State.

Keywords: Multinational Oil Corporations, Niger Delta Development Commission, Oil Exploration, Oil Exploitation, Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission.

Introduction

Nigeria is recognized as a country with the most known reserves of petroleum and gas in Africa (Nwosu, 2016). Since 1970s, Nigeria's rise to the position of prominence in the international arena could be ascribed to the enormous revenues accruing to the country from oil exploration and exploitation activities carried out by Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs), compared to agriculture which once kept the country's economy afloat prior to the discovery of oil (Afolabi, 2015). With the advent of oil discovery, agriculture which was once the economic mainstay of the country was relegated to the background (Adigun, 2015). Interestingly, it is not a contestable fact that this giant stride is accomplished as a result of the availability of crude oil deposit in the nine

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 oil producing states that make up the Niger Delta region, including Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State.

Oil has become a sensitive factor in defining the politics and diplomacy of states (Uche, 2014). This fact is reiterated in a public lecture entitled "Oil in World Politics" delivered by a former Secretary of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), late Chief M.O. Feyide, when he asserted that "all over the world, the lives of people are affected and the destiny of nations are determined by the result of oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations" (Nwosu, 2016).

Oil plays a pivotal role in sustaining industrialized countries and equally provides the revenue needed by oil exporting countries to carry out their multifarious socio-economic and political development plans both at home and abroad. The pace at which the world progresses would have been slowed down and life itself would not have been comfortable if not for the advent of oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations (Afolabi, 2015). That is why oil has become a sensitive issue which governments of various countries do not joke with, an important ingredient of their politics, and also a crucial factor in their political and diplomatic strategies.

However, for the past five decades, Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State had been experiencing increased activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) in the area of oil exploration and exploitation (Ebimomi, 2013). Oil exploration simply means sourcing for, in order to locate or discover where oil is naturally deposited especially in a quantity which can be meaningfully and commercially exploited. On the other hand, oil exploitation involves the actual extraction through drilling of the explored or discovered reservoir of oil and gas (Akinloye, 2015). The offshore oil exploration started in Meren, in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State in November, 1968 (Ebisemiju, 2016). This is what is known today as Meren Oil Field. An oil field refers to a region having many oil wells where crude oil is being extracted from beneath the ground (Collins, 2017). This is due to the fact that oil reservoirs usually extend over a large area, possibly several hundred kilometres across. Therefore, full exploitation requires multiple wells scattered across the region (Akinloye, 2015).

Since 1968, other oil fields have been developed for oil production in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State. For instance, Parabe and Malu Oil Fields came into existence in February and March, 1971 respectively. Esan Oil Field was developed in February, 1972. Opolo and Ewan Oil fields commenced production in March, 1977, while Opoakaba flow station was flagged of on the 16th October, 1993, by the then Governor of Ondo State, Evangelist Bamidele Olumiluwa (Ebisemiju, 2016). The dotted oil wells are connected with pipes to central fields referred to as flow stations for further transportation to a larger designated plants such as the refinery for final processing, distribution and utilization by the final consumers (Collins, 2017).

The oil exploration and exploitation activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) operating in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State, have produced myriad of positive impact on the socio-economic and political wellbeing of the local communities hosting their operations (Iyaomiye, 2017).

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The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) on the Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State Description of the Study Area

Ilaje is a sub-ethnic group within Yoruba race. They inhabit the Western Niger Delta and coastal area of Southern Nigeria. Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State lies along the Atlantic Coast of Nigeria, and it is situated 133 kilometres south of Akure, the State capital. The entire area lies between longitude 4o28' and 5o1' East of the Greenwich Meridian and latitude 5o51' and 6o21' North of the Equator (Ikuejube, 2005). It is bounded to the North by the Ikale people of Okitipupa Local Government Area of Ondo State, and to the South by the Atlantic Ocean, to the West by the Ijebu people of Ogun waterside Local Government Area of Ogun State, and to the East by the Itsekiri and the Ijaw people of Warri-West Local Government Area of Delta State (Ebisemiju, 2016).

Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State is made up of about two hundred small towns and villages, with the prominent ones including Igbokoda (the local government headquarters), Mahin, Ayetoro, Ugb-Nla, Atijere, Oroto, Molutehin, Ajegunle, Awoye, Odun-Igo, Ilepete, Odofado, Ojumole, Odo-Nla, Ilowo, Idiogba, Erunona, Yaye, Odun-Beku, Ugbo, Jiringho, Mogonhen, Obe-Rewoye, Obe-Adun, Apata, Obe-Nla, Bijimi, Ikorigho, Agerige, Obe-Rebimino, Yonren, Ubale-Nla, Zion-Pepe, Akata, Ubale-Kekere, Orerara, Araromi, Orioke-Iwamimo, Upare, Idi-Egben, Ogogoro, Seluwa, Kugbanre, Magbehinwa, Asumaga, Mese, Etugbo, Gbabijo, Aboto, Odun-Ogun, Ehinmore, Abe-Alala, Oke-Siri, Obi-Nehin, Seja-Oke, Odun-Ogun, Ebighan, Seja- Odo, Ogungbeje, Ibila, Legboro, Ilu-Abo, Zion-Igbokoda, Idiogba-Alagban, Fagbin, Arenegho, Odo-Ikorigho, Oretan, Orisabinone, and Zion-Oropo. The 2006 population census of the Federal Republic of Nigeria put the population of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State at about 290,615 (Ebimomi, 2013). This local government is inhabited majorly by Ilaje people, a Yoruba sub-ethnic group.

Geographically, Ilajeland could be easily divided into two sections. The northern section is comparatively drier and higher in relief than the area of the swampy land of the south. Even in the lowland belt, the dark and humid surroundings are interspersed with vast stretches of dry land, a maze of Islands intersected by creeks and rivers. The coastal part of the local government area which forms about seventy percent of the total land area consists mainly of mangrove swamps and rivers, and is flooded during the rainy season.

Transportation in Ilajeland has been largely restricted to the use of canoes and powered engine boats. Ilajeland is the only oil rich local government area in the entire south-west geopolitical zone. On the whole, the Ilaje people live mostly along the Coast, and spread from the Western Niger Delta region to part of Ogun and Lagos states respectively (Iyaomolere, 2011). Most Ilaje people especially in the swamp and coastline built their houses on stilts since during the wet or rainy seasons, the whole area is usually flooded (Omoyele, 2011). The inundation which more often than not wreak appalling havoc, support fishing activities of the people (Ebisemiju, 2016).

A History of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State.

Oil was first discovered in Nigeria in 1908 by the German Bitumen Corporation at Araromi, a fishing coastal community in the present Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State (Akinloye, 2015). Lending credence to this reality, the British Colonial Government gave Britain

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This monopoly power was further entrenched with the amendment of the Ordinance in 1925, which prevented the participation of non-British companies. These remarkable pioneering efforts were disorganized as a result of the outbreak of the First World War, the concomitant global economic recession of 1929-1934, and the Second World War of 1939-1945 (Akinloye, 2015).

The British Colonial Government gave Shell-D'archy company concession to operate from its base in Owerri in 1952. After the Second World War, the company was motivated to embark on a more extensive activity in the then Eastern Region which resulted in the successful exploration in much more commercial quantity at Oloibiri in the present Bayelsa State in 1956 (Akinloye, 2015). Moving towards the west, by 1960s, multinational oil corporation activities have generated intensive momentum in the Western Niger Delta. During this period, Gulf (the progenitor of Chevron) commenced aggressive oil exploration in the Western Niger Delta, by searching for oil deposit in commercial quantity at Ijaw and Itsekiri land passing through Forcados, Escravos, and finally entered into Ilaje territory in Ondo State (Ebisemiju, 2016). Since then, several multinational oil corporations including Chevron, Exxon Mobil, Agip, Express, and other oil giants have taken over the whole of Ilajeland including Araromi (Adeniji, 2017). Currently, Ondo State ranks fifth among the nine oil producing States in Nigeria, thereby accounting for about eight percent of the total crude oil production in the country (Ebisemiju, 2016).

The Civil War that took place in Nigeria between 1967 and 1970 altered the initial federal arrangement in favour of the Federal Military Government. The resultant effect of this is that, the new arrangement arrogated to the Federal Military Government the exclusive control over mineral matters (Akinloye, 2015). At the end of the civil war, the Federal Military Government promulgated Decree No. 9 of 1971, which gave the Federal Military Government the monopoly over royalty from offshore production at the expense of the oil producing states in the country (Akinloye, 2015).

The reasons adduced for this development by the Federal Military Government was that, the line of decision was taken in order to have full control over the fund generated from this source, with the sole aim of prosecuting the postwar 3Rs policy of Reconstruction, Rehabilitation, and Reconciliation (Collins, 2017). Decree No. 9 of 1971 which excluded offshore oil producing states like Ondo and Akwa Ibom from benefiting from oil royalties, had negative impact on the financial status of the affected states (Leke, 2017).

However, the white paper of the Obasanjo/Yar'adua Federal Military Government on the Maman Nasir Boundary Commission in 1976 which affirmed Opuama and Sekelewu as part of Ondo State against the then Bendel State, gave succour to the yearnings and aspirations of Ondo State. Consequently, the Chief Adekunle Ajasin civilian government of Ondo State was greatly credited with some oil revenue allocation in 1980, due to the onshore oil production at Opuama and Sekelewu area by Shell.

In fact, the Ondo State government did not relent in its agitation for recognition as an oil producing state due to its offshore oil production, in spite of the fact that some of its offshore oil wells were credited to neighbouring Bendel State. By early 1990, the agitation of Ilaje people in

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The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) on the Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State Ondo State was intensified, especially as the environmental effects of multinational oil corporation’s activities could no longer be condoned by the inhabitants of the oil producing communities due to sea incursions and coastal erosion (Ebiseni, 2018). Decree No. 23 of 1992 puts an end to Decree No. 9 of 1971 which brought into existence offshore/onshore dichotomy. With the phasing out of Decree No. 9 of 1971, and the promulgation of Decree No. 23 of 1992, Ondo and Akwa Ibom States that were offshore oil producing states, were effectively and officially recognized to be part of oil producing states, and equally as members of Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) (Ebietomiye, 2018).

With this new development, several multinational oil corporations which include Chevron, Exxon Mobil, Express, Conoil, Cavendish, and some of their contractors or subsidiaries which had been operating initially in Ilajeland, saw the urgent need to enter into agreement with both the Ondo State Government and the oil producing communities hosting their operations in Ilajeland (Ebisemiju, 2016).

Consequently, Chevron entered into territorial agreement in 1995, based on its onshore operations at Opuakaba, Conoil which commenced operations at Bella oil wells around 1992 only accommodated in 1995 some of the communities which host its operations. In 1998, there was fierce hostility between Chevron and Ilaje youths over the refusal of Chevron to recognize Ilaje as its host over its operations at Parabe. This violent hostility between Chevron and Ilaje youths led to the death of two Ilaje youths, which eventually led to litigation against the Chevron in the United State, its country of origin. The series of struggles carried out by the Ilaje people against Chevron, later compelled Chevron to embark on an aerial survey of its facilities in 1999. The aerial survey carried out by Chevron revealed that Chevron's operations cut across the whole Atlantic jurisdiction of Ondo State (Ogeloyinbo, 2017).

Research Methodology

Historical Research Design

Any researcher that has it in mind to delve into what had happened in the past for the purpose of analyzing current events, and also projecting into the future, needs to embrace and utilize historical research design for its study (Bell, 2018). This is why Akindele (2019) sees history as the study of the past by the present for future use. Historical research design entails studying, understanding, and interpreting past events (Harding, 2018).

Research Instrument

The research instruments used in this study are semi-structured interview schedule, direct observation, and documentation.

Semi-Structured Interview

Semi-structured interview adopted in this study contains a list of vital questions raised by the researcher as regards positive impact of oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations in the study area. They adequately provided answers to the interviewees.

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Direct Observation

Direct observation involved many visits by the researcher to the study area for the purpose of verifying the various positive impact of oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations.

Documentation

Document refers to 'any written materials that was already in existence, which was produced for some other purpose other than the benefit of the investigator'. The written materials used mainly in this study are textbooks.

Result of Findings

The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations on Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State.

The positive impact of oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporation in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State could be seen in the area of socio- economic and political development of the area. With the advent of multinational oil corporation, the inhabitants of the local government area experienced the creation of many indigenous associations by oil host communities which were duly recognized by multinational oil corporations. These associations were formed mainly to serve as go-between the oil host communities and multinational oil corporations in the area. These associations include; Ilaje Regional Development Council (IRDC), Ilaje Ugbo Coastal Oil Management Association (ILUCOMA), Obe Confederation, Association of Oil Producing Communities (ASCOPIC). Uproar (this is an indigenous oil association formed by the people in the study area), and AICECUM which serves as umbrella body for the under-listed indigenous oil associations such as Actual, Indigenous, Concessional, Eight United, Core, Ultimate, and Major (Ayemoro, 2018).

Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State have benefited tremendously from multinational oil corporations operating in various oil bearing communities through these indigenous oil associations Such benefit includes both permanent and casual employment of people from host communities. Those employed by the multinationals were far better remunerated compared to their counterparts with the same academic qualifications who were employed by federal government, state government, or local government. Not less than three thousand indigenes of the study area were employed by multinational oil corporations as both casual and permanent staff. The casual workers who possess secondary school certificate examination results received not less than ₦150,000 as their monthly salaries, as against their counterparts who are federal and state government employees who received ₦30,000. Some people from the local government area who were not given employment by multinational oil corporations equally benefited from these multinational oil corporations through the huge amount of contracts that were awarded to them by these multinational corporations. Some people also engaged in supplying the materials needed by these multinational oil corporations. In addition, multinational oil corporations operating in this local government give out scholarships on annual basis to students in primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions. These scholarships are extended to postgraduate students and more than fifty thousand students have benefited from it. Skill acquisition programmes initiated by multinational

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The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) on the Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State oil corporations is another area where people feel the positive impact of these corporations. Such skill acquisition programmes include barbing, hair dressing, tailoring, joinery, welding and fabricating, electrical installation, and others. These multinational oil corporations also improved the quality of education in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State by building both primary and secondary schools. These schools were fully stocked with laboratory equipment, books, chairs and tables by these oil corporations. Many health centres were also built in the local government by multinational oil corporations. Potable water was also provided by multinational oil corporations in some communities. In addition, during the Ijaw-Ilaje crisis that spanned 1998- 2000, multinational oil corporations disbursed relief materials which range from clothes, food materials, money, etc to the Ilaje people who were displaced by the crisis (Ayebogbon, 2018).

Another area through which people from Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State feel the positive impact of multinational oil corporations is the creation of intervention agencies by both the Federal Government and the Ondo State Government. These intervention agencies were created mainly to add value to the socio-economic situations of the people in oil communities hosting the oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporations. Some of these intervention agencies created by the Federal Government include the defunct Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC), and Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), while the intervention agency created by Ondo State Government is known as Ondo State Oil Producing Areas Development Commission (OSOPADEC).

The poor performance of OMPADEC could also be ascribed to the ineffectiveness of the regulatory mechanisms put in place to properly monitor its day-to-day activities. In the first three years of its establishment, OMPADEC embarked on projects worth of $500 million, but the money was said to have been paid to contractors whose addresses could not be traced. In order to put the commission on a very sound footing, the federal military government overhauled the commission three times and replaced its Director (Opia from Delta State) with an Assistant Inspector General of Police, Alhaji Bukar Ali, from Northern Nigeria. All energy dissipated by the federal military government for the purpose of sanitizing the commission yielded no meaningful result (Afolabi, 2015). Eventually the commission was scraped in 1998.

In spite of the failure of OMPADEC to meet its aims and objectives, and the subsequent scraped of the commission by the federal government, the federal government remains undaunted in its commitment to the development of the Niger Delta region in general, and oil producing communities in particular.

The failure of OMPADEC to significantly contribute towards the development of the Niger Delta region necessitated the significant search for alternatively institutional measures culminating in the establishment of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC).

With the demise of OMPADEC, Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) Act 2000 was conceived and enacted by the Chief Olusegun Obasanjo's civilian Federal Government following the federal government initiation of a master planning process for physical and social development to achieve speedy and meaningful transformation of the Niger Delta region into a zone of equity, prosperity and tranquility. NDDC was established mainly to facilitate the development of oil producing communities (Uche, 2014).

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Since its establishment, NDDC has embarked on both human and infrastructural development programmes. These programmes designed for the welfare of the youths and people of the oil producing communities include sponsorship of students abroad annually for postgraduate programmes such as Masters and Ph.D Degrees, construction of both primary and secondary schools classrooms, free distribution of chairs and tables to both primary and secondary schools, skill acquisition, computer literacy, NDDC Assisted Mass Transit Scheme, provision of electricity transformers across the whole eighteen local government areas of Ondo State, etc (Adedoyin, 2018).

The intervention agency established by the Ondo State Government is known as Ondo State Oil Producing Areas Development Commission (OSOPADEC). The availability of crude oil deposit in commercial quantity in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State attracts multinational oil corporations which started carrying out oil exploration and exploitation activities in this oil rich region since 1968.

Also, the availability of crude oil deposit in commercial quantity in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State accounts for why Ondo State is constitutionally recognized by the Federal Government of Nigeria as being eminently qualify for membership of Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), and by extension an oil producing state within the fiscal framework of Nigeria.

In recognition of special fiscal allocation accruing to the Ondo State Government from the federation account by virtue of crude oil deposits in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State, and also because of the constant and heated agitation from the inhabitants of oil producing communities in Ondo State concerning their socio-economic and environmental situations, the Ondo State Government established the Ondo State Oil Producing Areas Development Commission (OSOPADEC). This commission was established by the law of Ondo State under the governorship of Chief Adebayo Adefarati in 2001, as an intervention agency saddled with the responsibility to catering specifically for human and infrastructural development of the oil producing areas of the state (Adolo, 2018).

OSOPADEC was established mainly to bring about positive development in the oil producing communities of the state, with the receipt and autonomous administration of the forty percent of the thirteen percent oil derivation fund accruing to the Ondo State Government from the federation account. The constitution that established OSOPADEC stated unequivocally that the occupations of the positions of both the Executive Chairman and the Secretary of the commission who are on full-time basis should be the exclusive rights of the indigenes of oil producing areas of the state.

The exploration and exploitation of crude oil by multinational oil corporation in the Niger Delta States brings additional income on a monthly basis to the nine states that make up the Niger Delta region, apart from the statutory allocation from the federation account to these states. This additional income accruing to these states on a monthly basis from the federal purse is known as thirteen percent oil derivation.

OSOPADEC is an intervention agency established by the Ondo State Government mainly to manage the forty percent of the thirteen percent of the oil derivation which Ondo State Government

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The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) on the Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State gets on monthly basis from the federation account. The forty percent of the thirteen percent of the oil derivation which the state gets from the federation account is allocated mainly to the oil producing areas of the state. The forty percent allocated to oil producing areas of the state is being managed by OSOPADEC for the purpose of the human and infrastructural development of the oil producing areas of the state (Malumi, 2018).

Like the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), most of OSOPADEC's interventions are in the area of social and economic development of the oil producing communities, such as health services delivery, construction of roads, electrification, water supply, housing facilities, construction of wooden jetties, construction of walkways, construction of schools, classrooms and staff quarters. OSOPADEC also gives yearly bursary and scholarship awards to students in tertiary institutions who hail from the oil producing areas. Grants and facilities such as, laboratory equipment, computer and generating sets, were also donated to secondary schools in the oil producing areas.

OSOPADEC has also provided succour to the people living in the oil producing areas by alleviating the problems associated with health services delivery in the oil producing areas by constructing forty seven modern health centres and staff quarters in strategic locations in the oil producing areas mainly to put an end to the risk and deadly experience of moving the sick over a distance of fifty kilometres for medical attention at the local government headquarters at Igbokoda.

OSOPADEC has embarked on extensive preventive medical services such as, eye screening, donation of eye glasses, hypertension screening and treatment, and several preliminary medical investigations such as diabetics and cancer. OSOPADEC has also collaborated with the Ondo State Government in facilitating mass devouring exercise, as a way of eradicating diseases in the commission's mandate areas. The various programmes designed for the health benefits of the people residing in the oil producing communities show that OSOPADEC places a high priority on the health of the people.

Moreover, OSOPADEC has recorded laudable achievement in its contribution towards the improvement of education in the oil producing areas. The commission has made visible and tremendous progress in the area of capacity building and infrastructural development in the sphere of education. According to Mr. Wale Monehin, the commission has completed the building of fifty-one blocks of classrooms in numerous oil producing communities, and thirty five blocks of staff quarters. OSOPADEC also embarked on the provision of education enhancement scheme such as funding of schools, quiz competitions and debates, provision of running grants to both primary and secondary schools, purchasing of textbooks for schools, funding of sporting activities, and the provision of financial assistance through scholarships and bursary scheme to students in tertiary institutions who are indigenes of oil producing communities. OSOPADEC gives ₦40,000 to university undergraduates, students in polytechnics, students in colleges of education, students of school of health technologies, ₦100,000 to master students, and ₦150,000 to Ph.D students on a yearly basis (Monehin, 2018).

In addition, in the area of local empowerment programmes, OSOPADEC has extended its support to aquaculture development and artisanal fishing support scheme through the provision of more than three hundred outboard engines and boats, granting of loans to fishermen, and training in fish pond cultivation were equally provided. Employment opportunities were provided for more

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 than two thousand indigenes of the oil producing areas in the commission, and a reasonable number of youths of the oil producing communities were sent to the Petroleum Training Institute (PTI) at Warri, Delta State, on apprenticeship to acquire various skills, ranging from plumbing, and pipe- fitting, wielding, carpentry to joinery. OSOPADEC also targets barbing, hairdressing, and sport development (Ikuemola, 2018).

Conclusion

Base on the foregoing, Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State is the only local government in the entire southwest geopolitical where oil exploration and exploitation activities of multinational oil corporation is being carried out. Due to the presence of crude oil deposit in commercial quantity, Ondo State becomes one of the nine oil producing state in the Niger Delta region. Since the advent of multinational oil corporations in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State, the inhabitants of the local government has been enjoying positive turnaround in their human existence which ranges from health services delivery, construction of roads, electrifications, construction of walkways, awards of bursary and scholarships to students from primary schools to tertiary institutions, etc.

References Adedoyin, H.O. (2018). Interview with Chief Adedoyin, a retired police officer at Okitipupa, Ondo State on 23rd February, 2018. Adeniji, A. (2017). Interview with Mr. Adeniji, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 2nd November, 2017. Adigun, A.S. (2015). Petroleum and the Nigerian Economy, Akure: Gbemisola Press. Adolo, F.O. (2018). Interview with Mr. Adolo, a retired police officer at Okitipupa, Ondo State on 26th February, 2018. Afolabi, E.O. (2015). Multinational Oil Corporations and the Development of the Nigerian Economy, Abuja: Abidemi Publishers. Ajimakin, L. (2017). Interview with Mr. Ajimakin, a retired police officer at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 26th October, 2017. Akinloye, Z.O. (2015). The Genesis of Crude Oil Discovery in Nigeria, Abuja: Omolara Press. Ayebogbon, A.K. (2018). Interview with Chief Ayebogbon, a retired police officer at Okitipupa, Ondo State. On 4th February, 2018. Ayemoro, P.O. (2018). Interview with Mr. Ayemoro, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 8th January, 2018. Collins, S.O. (2017). Petroleum in Nigeria, Abuja: Adeoye Publishers. Durotoye, F.O. (2018). Interview with Chief Durotoye, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 23rd January, 2018. Ebietomiye, A.B. (2018). Interview with Chief Ebietomiye, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 27th January, 2018.

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The Positive Impact of Oil Exploration and Exploitation Activities of Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs) on the Inhabitants of Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State Ebimomi, K.O. (2013). Environmental Protection and Fisheries Development in Oil Producing Areas of Ondo State, Okitipupa: Alade Press. Ebisemiju, F. (2016). Ilajeland: People, Environment and Development, Okitipupa: Gokmantech Press. Ebiseni, S. (2018). Interview with Barrister Sola Ebiseni, a former Cabinet Commissioner for Environment and Mineral Resources in Ondo State on 5th January, 2018 Emorioloye, A. (2017). Interview with Chief Emorioloye, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 25th October, 2017. Ikuejube, G. (2005). Ilaje: The Yoruba Speaking People of the Niger Delta, Ondo: Adeolu Press. Ikuemola, R.O. (2018). Interview with Chief Ikuemola, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State, on 10th March, 2018. Iyaomiye, F. (2017). Interview with Chief Iyaomiye, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State, on 28th October, 2017. Iyaomolere, T. (2011). The Ilaje Country of Mahin, Akure: Alabi-Eyo & Co. Ltd. Leke, S.A. (2017). Interview with Mr. Leke, a retired teacher at Igbokoda, Ondo State on 24th December, 2017. Logo, S.O. (1989). Mahin-Ugbo Relations: A Study in Inter-Communal Relations in Ilajeland, B.A. Hons, Research Project Submitted to the Department of History, Ondo State University, Ado Ekiti. Malumi, J.O. (2018). Interview with Prince Malumi, a retired teacher at Okitipupa, Ondo State on 27th February, 2018. Monehin, M.W. (2018). Interview with Mr. Monehin, a retired teacher at Okitipupa, Ondo State, on 5th March, 2018. Nwosu, J.E. (2016). Impact of Petroleum Revenue and the Economy of Nigeria, Onitsha: Molokwu Press. Ogeloyinbo, J.K. (2017). Interview with Mr. Ogeloyinbo, a retired teacher at Okitipupa, Ondo State on 30th December, 2017. Omoyele, E.O. (2011). History of Ugbo Kingdom, Lagos: Capstone Investment Ltd. Uche, J.K. (2014). The Role of Oil in Nigeria Politics, Abuja: Optimum Publishers.

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State.

The Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State.

1Umar Saleh Baba, 2Lawan Abubakar Lawu and 1Ali Garba Kolo

1Department of Sociology Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. 2Institute of Human Virology, Nigeria. Email:[email protected]

Abstract

This study investigates the sociological impact of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS among pregnant women attending antenatal care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. 334 respondents participated in the research. The respondents were selected through simple random sampling methods to collect data from women attending antenatal care. The tool used for data collection was self-administered questionnaire. The data collected was analyzed using descriptive statistics. The findings from the study reveal that, most of the respondents are not knowledgeable of the disease HIV/AIDS and also have no knowledge about the transmission from mother to child. The study revealed that most of the respondents knew the use of drugs in pregnancy and avoidance of breast feeding as a way of preventing transmission. The study recommends, among others that practice and counseling of pregnant women before testing for HIV should be further encouraged and sustained also the government, teachers, nurses and pharmacists should double their efforts towards HIV/AIDS awareness to both HIV victims and non-victims in order to prevent it spread transmission in society.

Key words- Antenatal care, Prevalence of HIV/AIDS, Pregnant Women, Sociological Impact, Specialist Hospital

Introduction

The sociological impact of Human Immune Deficiency Virus (HIV) and Acquire Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) has continued to be the major concern not only to Damaturu, Yobe State but the Nigerian Government and the entire world at large. Globally, the pandemic of HIV and AIDS has continued to constitute serious health and socio-economic challenges for more than two decades. In underdeveloped and developing countries, it has reversed many of the health and developmental gains over the past three decades as reflected by indices such as life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rate among others. About half of those living with HIV and AIDS are women and the majority of them are of child-bearing age. In sub-Saharan Africa, where the HIV disease is most severe, more than 60% of adults living with HIV are women and the risk of HIV acquisition is concentrated among women of reproductive age (UNAIDS Report, 20008). Prevalence of HIV is higher among young women in antenatal care, and pregnancy is common among both HIV-infected women and women at risk of HIV infection throughout sub-Saharan Africa Pethfor (2015). A substantial amount of HIV research to date has concentrated on prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT), as well as on the impact of PMTCT on

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 subsequent maternal responses to highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART). However, such research typically concentrates on pregnant women exclusively with primary outcomes that are not focused on maternal health but rather infant or child outcomes (Myer, 2010).

With a total population of over 180 million people, Nigeria is currently estimated to have the highest number of persons living with HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa, with the exception of South Africa. As of the end of 2003, about 5.4% of Nigerians ages 15–49 were estimated to be HIV-positive a steady increase from an estimated 1.8% of the adult population 15 years ago (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS and WHO, 2007). HIV in pregnant women is an important public health concern. Antenatal screening for HIV should routinely be offered to all pregnant women, as early diagnosis and management is important both to prevent transmission to the child and the mother’s health (World Health Organization, 2010).

A more serious challenge today, is the growing infection rates among the adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa. There is great concern about the spread of HIV epidemic in or within the adolescent population. According to Berlin (2009), most youths become sexually active before marriage, many while still in their teens had begun sexual activity. HIV in pregnant women is an important public health concern. Antenatal screening for HIV should routinely be offered to all pregnant women, as early diagnosis and management is important both to prevent transmission to the child and the mother’s health. The pandemic is having a ruinous effect on the reproductive health of women in Nigeria. The number of HIV-positive women has increased, with an attendant alarming increase in the number of HIV-positive children in recent years. In 2007, around 370,000 children under 15 became infected with HIV, mainly through mother-to-child transmission. About 90% of these MTCT infections occurred in Africa where AIDS is beginning to reverse decades of steady progress in child survival. In high income countries of the world, MTCT has been virtually eliminated thanks to effective voluntary testing and counseling, access to antiretroviral therapy, safe delivery practices, and the widespread availability and safe use of breast-milk substitutes. If these interventions were used worldwide, they could save lives of thousands of children each year. Hence, there is an urgent need to combat this menace. (NIH, 2001).

Nigeria Demographic Health Survey of 2004 showed that among pregnant women attending antenatal care clinics only 24.3% (44.4% urban and 16.2% rural) had been counselled about HIV; 79.2% of women and 82.5% of men had never been tested for HIV; and, 46% of women as compared to 56.4% of men knew that mother-to- child transmission is possible. In addition, 60% of pregnant women (83% of urban and 51% of rural women surveyed) made use of antenatal care services, while 2.5% had visited traditional birth attendants (TBAs). But only 32.6% (54.2% urban and 23.8% rural) had their babies delivered in a health facility, while 66.4% had delivered at home (National Population Commission and ORC Marco, 2004). Antenatal VCT is one of several interventions used to reduce MTCT. In a survey of health and laboratory facilities in all six zones of Nigeria, the data that were collated and analysed concerning an individual’s reason for HIV testing at the surveyed laboratory facilities showed that only 16.3% of those surveyed had used voluntary testing services (Idigbe, Ibrahim, Ubane, Onwujekwe, Esan, Otoh and Ade-doyin, 2000). However, accurate data on the acceptability of HIV testing among pregnant women in Nigeria are scarce, but given the trend of rising HIV infection among pregnant women and the promotion of exclusive breastfeeding in the country, one would expect a high incidence of mother-to-child HIV transmission. Even so, the success of antenatal VCT is dependent upon women’s and communities’ knowledge and perceptions of HIV. Despite increasing HIV

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. prevalence among women using antenatal clinics in Nigeria (National AIDS/STDs Control Programme, 2002), very little is known about their knowledge and perceptions of HIV. Such information is important for understanding and determining the likelihood that pregnant women will accept and seek VCT-which would contribute to preventing MTCT, through increased acceptability and demand for confidential antenatal HIV testing, and so prepare for the scaling-up of Nevirapine therapy in the country.

Statement of the Problem

Despite improvements in PMTCT services over the years, MTCT of HIV infections is high especially in Nigeria. Despite increasing HIV prevalence among women using antenatal clinics in Nigeria, very little is known about their knowledge and perceptions of HIV. Such information is important for understanding and determining the likelihood that pregnant women will accept and seek VCT-which would contribute to preventing MTCT, through increased acceptability and demand for confidential antenatal HIV testing, and so prepare for the scaling-up of Nevirapine therapy in the country. The United Nations AIDS (UNAIDS) and World Health Organization (WHO) estimate that, there were 17.5 million women worldwide with HIV infection (UNAIDS/WHO AIDS). Close to 600,000 children are infected with the virus each year by Maternal to Child Transmission (MTCT), and the majority of these cases are in developing countries like Nigeria. About 90% of the HIV-infected children acquire the infection from their mothers during pregnancy and childbirth (CDC, HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 2003 (Vol. 15). The estimated rate of MTCT of HIV without intervention is 25-45% (during pregnancy - 5-10%, during delivery - 15-20%, during breast feeding - 5-15%); and the risk factors include high levels of maternal viral load, vaginal delivery, prematurity and breastfeeding, among others (Newell, 2003). The prevalence of HIV and AIDS among pregnant women appears to be alarming in Nigeria. Therefore, this study investigates the sociological impact of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS among the pregnant women attending antenatal care in General Sani Abacha Specialist Hospital Damaturu. The objectives of the study is to investigate the sociological impact of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS among pregnant women attending antenatal care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu Yobe State.

Literature Review

The Concept of HIV/AIDS

In the world today, Nigeria accounts for about 10% of all HIV/AIDS cases. Women constitute 57% of adults infected with HIV in Nigeria, a prevalence which is higher than that of the global figure of 48%. Sixty percent of new infections occur in the 15 - 25-year-old age group but the prevalence is highest among productive young people between the ages of 20-29 years. Heterosexual transmission accounts for 80% of all infections. According to Karim (2011), HIV stands for human Immune Deficiency virus which is the virus that causes AIDS. The virus has an effect to human body causing an infection of the immune system by weakening the entire system and destroy the body ability to fight infection. Human Immuno-deficiency Virus (HIV) is easily transmitted through unprotected (i.e. without condom use) anal intercourse than other sexual activities. It is also more likely to be transmitted to the receptive partner than the transmitting partner in both vaginal (8/10,000 exposures) and oral (138/10,000 exposures) intercourse

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HIV has been isolated in biological human fluid such as blood, semen and vaginal secretion, empirical; the disease can be acquired mainly through sexual intercourse with infected partner. People can be infected with HIV and have not been sick but they can still transmit the virus.

Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission (MTCT) of HIV Programmes

This programmes include pre and post-test counselling on women/couples wanting to have a baby and all pregnant women are pre- and post-test counselled on HIV in order to make an informed decision on whether to conceive or to keep the pregnancy to full-term or not, or join the PMTCT programme and choose an appropriate infant feeding method. The women are counselled on the recommended infant feeding methods (Karim, 2010). HIV-positive women not willing to use formula replacement feeding are advised to exclusively breast-feed their children for 3 to 6 months with abrupt cessation at 3 to 6 months and to immediately introduce formula milk feeding for a period of 1 year. The other recommended feeding method is exclusive formula feeding for 3 to 6 months with introduction of supplementary feeding at 3 to 6 months. HIV-negative mothers are encouraged to breast-feed for 3 to 6 months, introduce other foods after 3 to 6 months, and continue breast-feeding for 1 to 2 years or as desired by the mother (Karim, 2010).

The programme also provides free formula milk to HIV-positive mothers enrolled in the PMTCT programme who opt to formula feed and those who practise exclusive breast-feeding for the first 3 to 6 months and want to change to formula milk replacement feeding thereafter.

The Programme also entails that:

i. HIV-infected pregnant women are supplied with free Zidovudine (AZT) antiretroviral therapy from 28 weeks’ gestation throughout pregnancy and every 3 hours during delivery to prevent MTCT of HIV. ii. All HIV-positive pregnant women are put on Isoniazid preventive therapy for 1 year after delivery to prevent tuberculosis (TB), (another most) common opportunistic infection in HIV-positive persons. iii. Babies born from HIV-positive mothers are put on Zidovudine (AZT) syrup for 1 month to prevent replication of HIV contracted from the mother. iv. The PMTCT programme also closely monitors the health, growth and development of babies born from HIV-positive mothers for 2 years as well as to determine the number of children who seroconvert. Seroconvertion relates to the HIV-negative babies born from HIV-positive mothers who become HIV positive after delivery. An HIV test is done at 18 months. Unless there are suspicions of HIV infections earlier in their developmental stage the test would be done earlier to assess the HIV status of the children born from HIV- positive mothers. v. Babies born from HIV-positive women are also supplied with cotrimazole three times a week for six months to prevent pneumocystic carinii pneumonia (PCP), another common HIV opportunistic infection in HIV positive individuals. vi. All HIV-positive babies and pregnant women enrolled in PMTCT programme with a CD4 count of less than 200 or with one or two opportunistic infections are started on Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART) (Rutenberg, Baek, Kalibala and Rosen 2003b, p.25)

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. Factors associated with HIV transmission in breast-feeding

Okonkwo, Reich, Alabi, Umeke and Nachman (2007) state that the individual’s knowledge of MTCT of HIV influences their decisions on the infant feeding method and may put the child’s life at risk of HIV infection. Prolonged breast-feeding, longer than 12 months is associated with an increased risk of HIV/AIDS transmission of 14% to15%. Mixed feeding for 6 months is associated with a 5% risk. The other factors are a high viral load; poor attachment to the breast, oral infant pathologies like oral thrush and immature immunity status of the infant (AIDS Helpline 2004). This means that avoidance of breast-feeding in these conditions may reduce the risk of HIV transmission.

Aspects that influence transmission of HIV during breast-feeding include:

(a) High maternal viral load: In Durban, South Africa, Nigeria and in Malawi, Van et. Al., (2012) found HIV ribonucleic acid (RNA) in breast milk. This substance is found in the nucleus of living cells including HIV and in breast milk. The presence of this RNA in breast milk increased the risk of HIV transmission five-fold. The level of HIV in breast milk was found increased in mastitis, which was associated with increased risk of HIV transmission. The risk of HIV transmission was also found to be high in the acute stage (recent infection) of AIDS or advanced stage where the CD4 cell count is low.

(b) Breast conditions: The following breast conditions are associated with an increased risk of HIV transmission: inflamed breasts during clinical mastitis, sub-clinical mastitis or breast abscess, cracked nipples, fissures, sores on the breast and bleeding from the nipples.

Therefore, women are advised to identify fissures, cracks on the breast, breast abscess and mastitis that may be a mode of entry of HIV to the baby and avoid breast-feeding during these conditions, babies born from HIV-positive mothers can also get HIV from the breast milk itself, as studies have confirmed the presence of HIV in breast milk with high concentration in the colostrum.

(c) Integrity of infant mucous membrane: Conditions that damage the gastro-intestinal tract like oral thrush may be associated with increased risk of HIV transmission. This may result from feeding with cow’s milk, allergic reactions to complementary feeds and other oral infection.

(d) Sex of infant: According to French and Brocklehurst (1998), male infants who were breast-fed on HIV-positive mothers with a CD4 cell count of less than 200 mm 3 had a 60% chance of being infected while their female counterparts had a 40% risk of being infected.

(e) Premature infants: Premature infants are at high risk of HIV transmission due to an immature immune system, which cannot easily fight infections. In addition, the premature skin can easily be damaged during breast-feeding and allow HIV to enter the baby’s blood stream

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Methods of Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission of HIV

Prevention before Delivery

In the pre-delivery phase of pregnancy, the use of ARTs is the major way of reducing MTCTs. Treatment of women and their children with anti-retroviral during the course of pregnancy and breastfeeding has dramatically lowered the risk of MTCT, by reducing maternal viral burden and by providing prophylaxis to the infant. There is a positive link between maternal prenatal viral load and the risk of both in utero and intrapartum transmission. Mirochnick (2004) affirms that ARV drugs suppresses viral replication in the body assisting the individual's immune system to strengthen and regain the capacity to fight-off infections. WHO recommends that, antiretroviral treatment should begin as soon after diagnosis as possible for those who have HIV infection. Providing ART to all pregnant and breast feeding women living with HIV serves three synergistic purposes: improving individual health outcomes, preventing MTCT of HIV, preventing the horizontal transmission of HIV from the mother to an uninfected sexual partner (WHO, 2015).

It is recommended that pregnant women currently not on antiretroviral therapy start after gestation week 14 and the assessment criteria are same as those for non-pregnant patients. Before starting therapy, consideration should be given to: the patients consent and willingness, the current HIV viral load, state of her immune system as shown by a CD4+ cell count, and medical history. Socioeconomic factors should also be considered to assess the risk of catching opportunistic infections and, the prevention of drug resistance. Improvement of overall maternal health, quality of life and outlook should be the primary goal of HIV therapy. [if any reason ART is stopped, all antiretroviral medications should be stopped and restarted at the same time. The main way to monitor response to ART was through either clinical or immunological (CD4 cell count). (WHO 2015.)

Prevention During Delivery

Elective caesarean section (ECS) before the onset of labour has decreased the risk of-HlV transmission by approximately 50% (Andersson, Sandström, Mola and Amoa, 2003). ECS reduces MTCT rates by preventing the neonate from coming into direct contact with infected maternal fluids and secretions during labour since the majority of HIV transmission appears to occur near or at the time of delivery when foetal exposure to maternal body fluids is most likely. The recommendation is that ECS is carried out before the mother goes into labour and membrane rupture and this is tq take place at 2-3 weeks before expected dale of delivery. All ARTs should still be taken in regular doses before the operation and antibiotic prophylaxis is same as in non HIV infected mothers. ECS is beneficial compared to vaginal delivery because the risk of transmission may increase during complicated vaginal delivery, for instance when instrumental procedures are necessary, when labour is prolonged, or when a long time passes between the rupture of the membranes and delivery. These complications are more common in first time deliveries. Practicalities such as the possibility of prior planning, daytime delivery and the availability of experienced staff, are factors in favour of an elective caesarean section.

Vaginal delivery is not recommended for HIV infected mothers however given the cost and risk of complications such as thrombosis, infection and hemorrhage involved in any major operation, and the lack of resources to manage such complications especially in developing

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. countries, the routine use of caesarean sections may not provide an increase benefit when post- operational mortality rates are taken into account In such inevitable cases ways to increase the safety of vagina! birth are of particular relevance. The requirement is that the mother should have no history of previous uncomplicated vaginal deliveries, and should be on a well-functioning antiretroviral treatment, with undetectable viral load and no obstetric risk factors. Reducing the viral load in the vaginal canal during vaginal birth significantly reduces the risk of intra-partum transmission of HIV. HAART has proven to significantly lower the level of HIV viral load in vaginal discharges hence reduces the risk of transmission. In effect, discussions have taken place to determine whether elective caesarean section is still necessary to mothers who have had HAART and have a possibly lower transmission rate because of undetectable viral load that has been reached through HAART regimes.

Prevention After Delivery

WHO (2010) recommends all mothers, regardless of their HIV status to practice Exclusive Breastfeeding (EBF) "which means no other liquids or food are given - in the first six months of life to achieve optimal growth, development, and health". Thereafter infants should receive nutritionally adequate and safe complementary foods while breastfeeding continues up to 24 months or beyond. However, given the need to reduce the risk of HIV transmission to infants and minimizing the risk of other causes of morbidity and mortality, the guidelines also state that "when replacement feeding is acceptable, feasible, affordable, sustainable, and safe", Exclusive Formula Feeding (EFF) which implies avoidance of breastfeeding by HIV-infected mothers is recommended (WHO, 2010). Hence in the developed countries where healthy and affordable replacement formula feeding is available HIV positive mothers are strongly counselled not to breastfeed their infants. Thus infants are fed with formula milk or donated breast milk while at the same time the mother receives anti-lactation medication. This seems to be the surest way to prevent infants from contacting maternal virus in breast milk.

On the other hand, in developing countries where there is societal context of unsafe water and unsanitary or nutritionally deficient home-modified animal milk substitutes resulting in risks of infant death due to diseases such as diarrhea and malnutrition coupled with high costs of breast prohibitive milk substitutes as well as risk of stigmatization that accompanies not breastfeeding, EBF has been recognized and remains the only feasible and sustainable option for the infant to receive the nutrients and antibodies needed to survive. For an individual HIV-infected mother, it is a very challenging situation to balance the risks and benefits. Postpartum counselling for HIV- positive women which includes information about the risks and benefits of various infant feeding options based on local assessment and guidance in selecting the most suitable option for their situation. Proper feeding techniques, management of complications such as subclinical mastitis as well as psychological support and coping strategies should be covered in these postnatal counseling sessions (Karim, 2011). Enforcing treatment of clinical mastitis with antibiotics, and expressing and discarding breast milk from the affected breast while also continuing feeding from the unaffected breast, and treating infant oral thrush or nipple candidiasis with nystatin can all help reduce MTCT of HIV, HIV viral component in breast milk could also be inactivated either by chemical means or heat. A precfinical study of treating breast milk with Sodium dodecyl sulphate has shown some promise. Boiling or pasteurization of breast milk appears to decrease HIV infectivity of milk. Pretoria pasteurization, in which breast milk in a glass jar is placed in boiling

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 water for 12-15 minutes, is a simple method for maintaining breast milk at 56-62.5°C by heat transfer. This method, which can be done in the home has been shown to reduce bacterial contamination of unrefrigerated breast milk for up to 12 hours (Mirochnick, 2004).

Materials and Methods

In this study, quantitative approach with correlational research design were employed to examine the sociological impact of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS among pregnant women attending antenatal care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State The population of this study consist of all the women attending antenatal care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu and they are estimated at about 1,190 women (NPC, 2006). To derive the sample size of the study, statistical apparatuses and equations of Cochran, (1977) were utilized by the researchers in which a sample of 334 respondents were gotten from the population of the study. Simple random sampling technique was also employed. The basic requirement for this sampling techniques was that 334 respondents one out of two was selected within the child bearing age (17- 45) years were used to conduct the research. The instrument was validated by the experts in the field in order to measure what it intend to measure so as to ensure clarity of the items, appropriateness of the choice of words and expression to respondents and relevance to the purpose of the study. In collecting the data, the instrument (questionnaire) was distributed to all the selected respondents. The respondents were also informed about the purpose of the study and at the same time the researchers assured them confidentially in all the process. The collected data were analyzed by using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS).

Result and Discussions

They were 334 respondents in the study. Their ages ranged from 17-45years, with a mean of 28.3-± 5.8 years and a mode of 28.0 years. Their parity ranged from 0 to 8 with frequencies of 77 (23.1%) for para 0, 246 (73.6%) for para 1–5, and 11 (3.2%) for para 6–8. The majority of the women (88.9%) were Muslims with minority of Christians (11.91%). Two hundred and three (203) out of the 334 patients (60.8%) had attained only primary education; 89 (26.6%) had secondary education; 9 (5.7%) tertiary education and 23 (6.9%) had no formal education. The occupations of the 334 respondents fell into three broad groups: Skilled 34 (10.2%), Semi-skilled 259 (77.5%), and Unskilled 41 (12.3%). The majority of the women (96.4%) were married including 5.1% who were in polygamous marriages. Eight women were single while four of the male partners were out of the country at the time of the study.

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. Table 1. Respondents level of awareness about HIV/AIDS (N = 334)

Responses N % What is HIV/AIDS? STI (sexually transmitted infection) 334 100.0 Life-threatening disease 290 86.8 Blood disease 100 29.9 Other (e.g. curse, punishment) 5 1.5 How did you hear/learn about HIV/AIDS? Radio 300 89.9 Television 260 77.8 Church/Mosque 236 70.7 Friend 198 59.8 Health worker (Doctor/Nurse/Pharmacist) 170 50.9 Newspapers 130 38.9 How is HIV transmitted? Heterosexual intercourse 334 100.0 Injections (unsterile needles) 210 62.9 Blood transfusion 200 59.9 Unsterile instruments (barbers, manicure, pedicure) 180 53.9 Transplacental (in the womb) 32 9.6 Homosexual intercourse 18 5.4 Breast milk (breast-feeding) 11 3.3 Other (e.g. spiritual, witchcraft) 6 1.8 How long does it take from infection to appearance of symptoms? No idea 137 41.0 ≤ 1year 60 18.0 >1year to ≤ 5years 88 26.3 >5years to ≤ 10years 37 11.1 >10years 11 3.3 Same day 1 0.3 What are some of the symptoms/signs of AIDS? Weight loss 290 86.8 Prolonged fever 270 80.8 Chronic diarrhea 105 31.4 Recurrent boils 102 30.5 Rashes 90 26.9 Chronic cough 85 25.4 Herpes zoster (ananse)* 75 22.5 What is the cure/treatment for AIDS? No cure 299 89.5 No cure but palliative 35 10.5 /compassion/prayers How can HIV be prevented? Being faithful to partner 311 93.1 Abstain from sexual intercourse 297 88.9 Not sharing sharps 89 26.6 Condom use 65 19.5

Source: Field survey, 2018.

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The above table indicates that the awareness of HIV/AIDS is almost universal (99% for men and 98% for women) and the most common source of HIV/AIDS information is the radio and other sources include TV, newspapers, friends and churches. This high level of awareness is borne out in this study where almost all respondents identified HIV/AIDS as a life threatening condition. The three major sources of information were radio, TV and churches/mosques. The Demographic Health Survey of the Ministry of Health (1998) reported that 89% of pregnant women attended antenatal care with a median of 4.6 visits. 75% of women were seen before the third trimester. This high antenatal clinic coverage gives the opportunity to carry out VCT and start anti- retrovirals. Stigmatisation and discrimination constitute a big challenge, 30 to 40% of respondents said that the government should quarantine or isolate people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHAS). In this study, 73.9% of the women who had not done HIV test (193/290) were willing to do it only if anonymity is strictly ensured. The HIV prevalence among pregnant women to be greater than 40% in various settings. Although some have reported a much lower prevalence of 3.4% in pregnant women, there should be no complacency since the situation may worsen if appropriate interventions are not put in place. It is noted that the women in this study were aware of common symptoms/signs of AIDS such as weight loss, prolonged fever and chronic diarrhea. It is likely they have seen patients suffering from AIDS or seen such images on TV or in the newspapers. They were also aware that there is currently no cure for AIDS. Being faithful to one's partner or abstaining from sex were preventive measures stated but condom use was rarely mentioned perhaps because these were women who desired to be pregnant in the first place. Areas of concern include the low level of acquisition of knowledge directly from health workers. There is a worrying lack of knowledge about the transplacental and breastfeeding routes of transmission particularly as the subjects were pregnant women. Awareness that HIV/AIDS could be passed from infected mother to her baby was relatively low (173 out of 334 or 51.8%). Only 125 out of 334 or 37.4% of women correctly said it takes between 1 to 10 years from infection to the appearance of symptoms of AIDS. These areas should form part of the talk given before each antenatal session and should be strengthened with the use of audio-visual aids. The decision to do the HIV test is based on many factors including perceived benefits such as availability of drug treatment for the mother and baby. The advent of therapy in industrialized countries has greatly increased motivation for people to be tested for HIV, and has reduced the stigma associated with the disease. Where there are real benefits in terms of ART, women are more likely to accept VCT in pregnancy, followed in positive cases by a short course of antiretroviral treatment in other to reduce mother- to child transmission of HIV even in breastfeeding populations.

People may not perceive themselves to be at risk. Sexually active people may recognize personal risk but not appreciate the risk derived from high-risk behavior of a partner. Denial of risk is a common coping mechanism as demonstrated by 20 of the women in this study. Thirty- four of the women (10.2%) were required to do the test prior to marriage in the mosque or church. This finding compares with the study, two out of fifteen couples (13.3%) interviewed said that they were required by the Mosque or Church to test prior to marriage (mandatory testing). Women may also seek partner consent prior to testing as shown by the 21 out of 261 (8.0%) in this study. There is anecdotal evidence that spousal consent affects uptake of PMTCT services in Damaturu. It is suggested that further studies are done to elucidate the relationship between knowledge of vertical transmission and attitude to MTCT and VCT as these will ultimately influence policy and planning.

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. Table 2. Knowledge of Respondents about Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission of HIV (PMTCT) Services. Knowledge of PMTCT No. % Can an HIV positive woman transmit HIV to her baby? (n = 334) Don't know 157 47.0 Yes 173 51.8 No 4 1.2 For those answering yes (n =173) When does transmission from infected mother to her baby occur? Before birth (in the womb) 159 91.9 During labour 5 2.9 During breast feeding 9 5.2 How can HIV transmission from a positive mother to her baby be prevented? No idea 161 93.1 Giving drug to pregnant woman 3 1.7 Not breast-feeding 9 5.2

Source: Field survey, 2018.

Table 2 summarizes the knowledge of the women about MTCT. About 50% of respondents said an HIV positive woman could transmit HIV to her baby before birth but had no idea of any means to prevent this. Teachers, nurses and pharmacists were aware that HIV could be transmitted during labour or breastfeeding and this could be prevented. They also knew of the use of drugs in pregnancy and the avoidance of breast-feeding as ways to prevent transmission.

Conclusion

The purpose of this study is to investigate the sociological impact of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS among pregnant women attending antenatal care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu Yobe State. Based on the findings of this research it can be concluded that awareness of HIV/AIDS is almost universal in which (98%) of the respondents indicated that they were aware of the HIV/AIDS existence and the most common source of HIV/AIDS information sources were radio, TV and churches/mosques. This high level of awareness is borne out in this study because almost all the respondents identified HIV/AIDS as a life threatening condition. On the knowledge about HIV/AIDS prevention 50% of respondents said an HIV positive woman could transmit HIV to her baby before birth but had no idea of any means to prevent this.

Recommendations

It is recommended based on the findings of this research that:

i. The practice and counseling of pregnant women before testing for HIV should be further encouraged and sustained. ii. Pregnant women should acquire accurate knowledge of the means of transmission and non-transmission of HIV from mother to child,

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iii. there is need to further intensify the enlightenment programme on the mode of HIV infection as this will go a long way to help reduce self-stigma among pregnant women with HIV/AIDS. iv. Health managers and administrators should provide all the necessary and appropriate equipment and supplies to enable the staff carryout their duties with minimum risk of occupational exposure. v. Government, teachers, nurses and pharmacists should double their efforts towards HIV/AIDS awareness to all HIV victims on the HIV transmitted during labour or breastfeeding in order to prevent massive transmission in the society.

References Andersson. M., Sandström. C., Mola. G., Amoa, A.B. and Andersson, R. (2003). Awareness of and attitudes towards HIV among pregnant women at the Antenatal Clinic, Port Moresby General Hospital. P N G Med J.

Addo, V.N. (2005). Pregnant Women's Knowledge of and Attitudes to HIV Testing at Anokye Teaching Hospital, Kumasi. Ghana Medical Journal. 39: 50-54.

Berlin, J.U.A. and Ellenberg, S.S. (2009). Inclusion of Women in Clinical Trials. BMC Med 7: 56.

Cochran, W. G. (1977). Sampling Techniques (3rd Ed.). New York: John Wiley & Sons. French, R. and Brocklehurst, P. (1998). The effect of pregnancy on survival in women infected with HIV: A systematic review of the literature and meta-analysis. Br J Obstet Gynaecol 105: 827-835.

Hesketh, T., Duo, L., Li, H., Tomkins, A.M. (2005). Attitudes to HIV and HIV testing in high prevalence areas of China: informing the introduction of voluntary counselling and testing programmes. Sex Transm Infections.

Idigbe, K. and Ibrahim, G. (2000). Antenatal VCT as one of the several intervention used to reduce MTCT in Nigeria. Enugu press.

Karim Q. A, Kharsany AB, Frohlich JA, Werner L, Mashego M. (2011) Stabilizing HIV prevalence masks high HIV incidence rates amongst rural and urban women in KwaZulu- Natal, South Africa. Int J Epidemiol 40: 922-930.

MacCarthy, S., Laher, F., Nduna, M. and Farlane, L. (2009). Responding to Her Question: A

Review of the Influence of Pregnancy on HIV Disease Progression in the Context of Expanded Access to HAART in Sub-Saharan Africa. AIDS Behav, 13 Suppl 1: 66–71. Myer, L., Carter, R.J., Katyal, M., Toro, P., El-Sadr, W.M. (2010). Impact of antiretroviral therapy on incidence of pregnancy among HIV-infected women in Sub-Saharan Africa: a cohort study. PLOS Med 7: e1000229. PubMed: 20161723.

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Sociological Impact of the Prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Care in General Sani Abatcha Specialist Hospital Damaturu, Yobe State. National AIDS Agency (NACA) central statistics office (2004) HIV prevalence rates of pregnant women in Swaziland and Nigeria

National Institutes of Health (2001). NIH Policy and Guidelines on the inclusion of women and minorities as subjects in Clinical Research – Amended, October (2001). MD: Bethesda.

National Population Commission (2004) Nigeria demographic health survey of pregnant women with HIV/Aids.

National AIDS/STDs control programme (2000). The success of Antenatal VCT upon women and communities and perception of HIV Nigeria. Okonkwo, K.C., Reich, K, Alabi, A.I., Umeike, N. and Nachman, S.A. (2007). An Evaluation of Awareness: Attitudes and Beliefs of Pregnant Nigerian Women Toward Voluntary Counselling and testing for HIV. AIDS PATIENT CARE and STDs. Rutenbery, N. (2003). Report on HIV/AIDS on Transmission during pregnancy in Kenya clinic and Zambian Clinics

Schwartz. S., Mehta, S., Taha, T., Rees, H. and Venter. F. (2011). High Pregnancy Intentions and Missed Opportunities for Patient-Provider Communication About Fertility in a South African Cohort of HIV-Positive Women on Antiretroviral Therapy. AIDS Behavior.

United Nation Aids/World Health Organization (2007). Ids Epidemic Update: 2007. Geneva.

United Nation Aids/World Health Organization (2008). 2008 Report on the global AIDS epidemic. Available:http://wwwunaidsorg/en/KnowledgeCentre/HIVData/GlobalReport/2008. Geneva.

Van, H. J. G., Andrew, M. A., Hebert, M. F., Vicini, P. (2012). The Status of Pharmacometrics in Pregnancy: Highlights from the 3(rd) American Conference on Pharmacometrics. Br J Clin Pharmacol, 74: 932–9.

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Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State.

Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State

1Buba Samaila, 2Samaila Kunden Ishaya and 2Marcus N.D.

1Department of Geography, Faculty of Humanities, Management and Social Sciences, Federal University of Kashere, Gombe State. 2Department of Geography, Faculty of Environmental Sciences, Nasarawa State University, Keffi. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

Mining sector is very important because it provides foreign exchange earnings, jobs and socio- economic development. It also serves as a source of energy or fuel to some industries. However, coal mining activities are often associated with environmental degradation (water, soil, air and even noise pollution). Maiganga coal mine is not an exception to the effect of coal mining activities. The study examines the impact of coal mining on water quality in Maiganga communities. The physical and chemical concentrations in water samples were analyzed for trace metals. The results were compared with World Health Organization (WHO) standard. Both primary and secondary sources were used to collect data. The collected data were analyzed using tables and graphs. The result shows that all the sources of water are acidic (from pH of 6.18 - 6.63). The Total Suspended Solid (TSS) exceed the permissible limit (10mg/l) and Total Solids (TS) is high and ranges from 173mg/l - 414mg/1. These indicates that the water has a lot of suspended solids and various metals, which are likely to cause ailment like nausea, vomiting, diarrhea etc. The normal value for Manganese required for human growth and development is 19-20g/kg, but in all the study area, the Manganese content ranges between (0.04-0.07mg/l). Copper (Cu), Arsenate (As) and Zinc were detected in small quantity in Kantagari well and Garin Alhaji Shugaba borehole. The results of the study have revealed that in all the water sources, there are concentrations of metals which affect the water pH. This makes the water acidic and can cause different challenges on human health. The results also show high concentration of TDS, TSS and TS which signifies the presence of dissolved metals which affect the water quality with potentials of causing diseases like nervous system disease which can affects the brain and spinal cord.

Keywords: Borehole, Coal mining, Hand dug well, Heavy metals, Water pollution, Water quality

Introduction

According to a report by the World Health Organization in 2008, coal particulates pollution is estimated to shorten approximately 1,000,000 lives annually in the World (Din, Yahya, and Abdullahi, 2013). The United State Environmental Protection Agency pointed out that coal burning affect 24,000 lives every year in the United State (Jin, and Bian, 2013). Apart from the importance of coal, the mining processes, especially as shown by the artisanal and small scale miners has great disadvantages on the environment, either during the mining operations or many years after the mine has been closed down. The impact has led to most of the world’s nations adopting regulations to moderate the effects of mining activities on the environment.

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These environmental issues and concerns include: erosions, formation of sinkholes, and loss of biodiversity and soil contamination of underground and surface water by metals from mining activities which cause safety and health challenges to the miners and the communities around the mine (Bian, Zhang and Le, 2011).

Coal seam fires may burn underground for many years, which cause destruction of forest vegetation, houses, roads and other infrastructural facilities. In New York, winds deposit mercury from the coal-fired power plants of the mine, polluting the waters of the Catskill Mountains (Mokhter et al, 2014). China has the highest number of coal mining related deaths in the World. It claimed 6,027 deaths in 2004, while only 28 deaths were reported in the United States in 2004. Coal production in China is twice that of the United States (Shahbaz, 2015). According to Deswart and Casy (1993), Onyeama coal mine in Enugu started production in 1956. And the mine was active between 1916 -1996. He reported that the coal is a valuable source of wealth to Nigeria but with high environmental impacts that affects the quality of drinking water, and caused soil pollution and degradation.

Crook and Fritz (2002) pointed out that coal mining activities deteriorates the quality of the land, surface and ground water. Davies, Gore and Khan (2015) pointed out that among other mining activities; coal mining has the highest impact on environmental degradation. Those toxic pollutants contained in coal and others formed during combustions are set free into the air, water and soil. Lalor (2008) noted that some of the pollutants can cause cancer and can affect reproduction in human being. It can also affect water pH which is likely to be corrosive to metals even in our homes and may results to leaching of water container. Li and Zhang (2010) pointed out that heavy metals from coal mining activities can affect the natural constituents of river sediments. Lalor, (2008) pointed out that high arsenic in drinking water can lead to liver disease called cirrhosis.

Metals are very important pollutants in surface waters, which cause persistent environmental hazards that can seriously affect human being and ecological health (Cook and Fritz, 2002). Metals are present in surface water in various forms, which can be classified as soluble (compounds or free ions) and particulate (colloidal or adsorbed to suspended solids). Different forms of the metals exhibit different biological toxicities and environmental behaviors. The free hydrated ions of many metals can lead to chronic toxicity in aquatic organisms. Suspended solids are the dominant carriers of some metals in surface waters, and can cause 60%– 97% of the total metal concentrations (Alti and Canli, 2016). The metals in drinking water which are mostly poisonous to humanbeings are cadmium, lead, copper, zinc, chromium and iron among others. They are required by the human body in small quantity, but can also be harmful if found in large quantity.

The discovery of coal in Maiganga has led to the establishment of coal mining industry in Maiganga, Akko LGA, Gombe State. The mining area has a coal reserve which is estimated to be 4.5million tons to be mined so as to provide fuel for Ashaka cement factory at Bajoga, Gombe State. This coal reserve will provide the Ashaka cement industry with fuel for the next 25years. Hence, coal mining in Maiganga is done at industrial and large scale which can cause environmental degradation, water, land and air pollution, with potential health hazards to human beings.

Ristovic (2011), James (2005) and Cook (2005), have outline the problems of coal mining to includes loss of biodiversity, soil contamination, pollution of underground and surface waters from mining activities. Again, Shahbaz, Farhani and Ozturk, (2015) have also pointed out that mining activities can lead to significant environmental degradation. It is against this background,

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Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State. that the study addressed the following research questions: What are the concentrations of physical properties of water in the study area? What are the concentrations of chemical properties of water in the study area? What are the concentrations of heavy metals in the water supply sources in the study area? Is the water suitable for domestic uses?

The aim of the study is to assess the impact of coal mining on water quality in Maiganga, Gombe State. This aim would be achieved through the following specific objectives: To determine the physical properties of water source in the study area. To examine the chemical composition of water supply in the study area. To determine the concentration of heavy metals in the water quality in the study area. To evaluate the suitability of the water sources for domestic uses in the study area.

Description of the Study Area

The study area is Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area of Gombe State. It is located between longitude 090 591 N to longitude 11o 091. Maiganga covers a land area of about 48.16km2(Fig. 1). It is bounded to the South by Billiri and to the West by Kumo town, the local government headquarters of Akko Local Government Area. The LGA is located between longitude 90 59I N and 9 59IN and latitude of 110 8IE and 110 9I E.

Maiganga lies within the tropical continental type of climate. It has both wet and dry seasons. Rainfall ranges from 850mm to 1000mm. Temperature in the study area is relatively high for most part of the year (Oruonye, Iliya and Ahmed, 2016). The mean maximum monthly temperature is 37oC from March to October, but reduces to 21oC in December to February.

Maiganga community is majorly dominated by Tangale, Fulani, and Jukun with few other minor tribes. The population of Maiganga is 3520 people based on 2006 National Population Commission census, and projected using 3% growth rate to 39,881.6 people in 2017. The main economic activities of the people are small scale farming; cultivation of crops like millet, maize, guinea corn, rice, soya beans, ground nut, sorghum, beans among others. They also practice open grazing in a small scale because mining activities has affected the vegetation cover in the study area.

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Fig.1 Map of Gombe State

Source: Google earth/Arcgis Analysis 2018

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Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State.

Fig.2 Map of Akko Local Government Area

Source: Google earth/Arcgis Analysis 2018

Materials and Methods

Data collection

The water samples were obtained from boreholes and hand dug wells during fieldwork in the five communities affected by Maiganga coal mining activities in the study area. These communities are Maiganga, Kayel Baga, Kantagari, Tudun Kuka and Garin Alhaji Shugaba.

The procedure for water samples collection

The study took 2 water samples in the rainy season in each of the five settlements (1 sample from a well water and another 1 sample from borehole). This gave 10 water samples for rainy season only. The water sample collected, were fed into 2 litres plastic container and labelled so as to have enough water samples for laboratory analysis. The plastic containers which were used for the collection of the water samples were thoroughly washed and distilled to avoid contamination. In collecting the borehole water sample, the boreholes were pumped severally to allow the collection of fresh water from the aquifer. In collecting water samples from the well, a plastic distilled fetcher (using plastic container tied with long plastic/rubber robe) was deepen into the well which collected the water sample and put into the distilled plastic container severally before collecting the water in the container. After that, the water samples were then finally fed into the 2 litres distilled plastic container, then 3 mills nitric acid were added into each collected water sample to avoid biochemical reaction that may likely occurred before laboratory analysis. Each water sample was labelled for laboratory analysis. At the points of water sampling, the coordinates of the wells and the boreholes from which the samples were collected, were recorded using a hand help Geographical Positioning System (GPS).

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Water analysis. The following standard analytical procedures for physical, chemical and heavy metals of water properties were used to analysed the collected samples and compared with World Health Organization (WHO). a. Thermometer was used to measure temperature (Jackson, 1958); Turbidity by the use of Turbidity Meter; Electrical Conductivity (EC) and Total Dissolved Solid (TDS) were determine by the use of Conductivity Meter (Wilcox, 1950). Total Suspended Solid (TSS) was determined by Gravimetric method (Black, 1965). b. Water pH was determined by pH Meter; Total Solid (TS) by Gravimeter; Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) was determined by BOD Track method; and lastly the Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) was determined by Photometric method (Jackson, 1958). c. Also heavy metals like Iron (Fe), Manganese (Mn) and Chromium (Cr) were determined by Photometry method (Jackson, 1958). Copper (Cu), Total Arsenate (TAs), Cadmium (Cd) and Zinc (Zn) were determined using Metalyser method (AOAC, 1950). However, a field sheet was used to record all information such as sampling points, coordinates, Geographical Positioning System (GPS), and so on. The data were analysed using statistics presented in mean, tables and figures

Results of the Findings

Physical Parameters of Water Samples

Temperature (oC)

The highest temperature is found in water sample from Tudun Kuka borehole (34.6oC), followed by Kayel Baga well (34oC). The least temperature is recorded in Kantagari borehole (30.5oC), followed by the well water at Garin Alhaji Shugaba (30.5oC).

Turbidity (NTU )

The result of the findings reveals high turbidity in Maiganga borehole (274 us/cm), followed by the borehole water at Tudun Kuka Borehole (191 us/cm). While the least turbidity is recorded in Kayel Baga well (5 us/cm) followed by Tudun Kuka well (9 us/cm) which make water moderately suitable for drinking since it is not too far from the WHO Standard (5 us/cm). This shows that in all the water sources, there is evidence of concentration of some dissolved metals that are harmful to human health.

Conductivity (us/cm)

The highest conductivity was recorded in Kayel Baga borehole (746 us/cm) followed by Tudun Kuka borehole (669 us/cm). The least conductivity was recorded at Kantagari well (166 us/cm) and Garin Alhaji Shugaba (189us/cm). All the sources of water are not too polluted since they are all below the WHO standard (1000 us/cm) for drinking. All these are within the permissible limit for human consumption. The highest World Health Organization (WHO) permissible limit is 1000us/cm. Any value beyond this limit is dangerous to human health as observed.

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Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State. Total Dissolvrd Solids (mg/l)

The highest Total Dissolved Solid (TDS) is recorded in Kayel Baga (575mg/l) followed by Tudun Kuka borehole (335mg/l) and the least is recorded in Maiganga borehole (81mg/l) and Kantagari well (81mg/l). All the results are below the World Health Organization (WHO) Standard (500mg/l), hence the water is suitable for drinking. All these did not exceed the World Health Organization permissible safety limit which is 500mg/l, hence, the TDS available in all the sources of water in the study area did not portray much health hazard for human consumption since it does not exceed the WHO Safety limit.

Total Suspended Solids (mg/l) The highest Total Suspended Solids (TSS) is recorded (263mg/l) at Maiganga borehole, followed by Tudun Kuka borehole (243mg/l). The least are in Kantagari well (1mg/l) and Tudun Kuka well (5mg/l), while WHO Standard is 10mg/l. On the average, all the water sources indicate high Total Suspended Solid (TSS) showing the water is polluted. All the boreholes have higher concentration above the World Health Organization (WHO) safety limit of 10mg/l. This indicates that the water obtained from all the boreholes are not safe for human consumption as observed by (Alex, 2008). He stated that such concentration in drinking water can cause multiple sclerosis (i.e. a nervous system disease which affects brain and spinal cord). However, water from the dug well (DW) are also above the said WHO safety limit especially in Maiganga with a concentration of 66m and in Kantagari with 25mg/l.

Total Solid ( mg/l)

The highest Total Solid (TS) was recorded at Tudun Kuka borehole with 580mg/l, followed by Kayel Baga borehole with 390mg/l. The least was recorded in Garin Alhaji Shugaba with 100mg/l then Kantagari well with 160mg/l. Drinking water is obtained from different sources like wells, boreholes, rivers, lakes, reservoirs, ponds etc. All the different sources of water in the area poses great risk to human health due to contamination of these sources by water pollutants which mainly consists of some metals, microorganisms, fertilizers and thousands of toxic organic compounds. Metals in water occur only in trace levels but are more harmful to the human body as could be seen in all the sources of water in the settlements, as observed by Hedryx (2015).

Chemical Analysis Results pH

From the findings of study, Kayel Baga borehole has more acidic water with 5.66m followed by the water at Kantagari well measuring 5.96 pH. The water at Kantagari well is relatively suitable (7.3pH) for drinking followewd by the well water at Garin Alhaji Shugaba with 6.89pH. However, all the water sources are not too bad for drinking. If the pH were to be too low and very acidic, it would have great impact on human health as observed by Hendryx (2015).

Biological Oxygen Demand

Findings of the study reveals that the Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) simply means the amount of Dissolved Oxygen needed (or demanded) by aerobic Biological Organism to break organic materials in water sample at a given Temperature. The highest concentration is recorded in Tudun Kuka borehole with 10mg/l, followed by Maiganga well (9.24mg/l). And the least is

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019. recorded in Tudun Kuka well with 3.71mg/l and Garin Alhaji Shugaba well with 3.77mg/l. Unpolluted water has a BOD of 2mg/l. This in line with the finding of the study conducted by Ristovic (2011) which reported that all the sources of water are polluted in the area.

Chemical Oxygen Demand (mg/l)

The result of the study reveals higher Chemical Oxygen Demanded (COD), the higher the level of pollution which cannot be oxidized biologically (Black, 1965). The highest concentration of COD is recorded in Tudun Kuka borehole (23mg/l) followed by Maiganga well (22mg/l). And the least is recorded in Tudun Kuka well (8mg/l) and Kayel Baga borehole (11mg/l). This shows that all the water sources are polluted but some are more polluted than others when compared with the World Health Organization safety limit of 10-20mg/l.

Heavy Metals Analysis Results

Fe (mg/l)

The result of the study shows that the highest concentration of iron (Fe) was recorded in Kantagari well (0.67mg/l), followed by Garin Alhaji Shugaba well (0.603mg/l), and the least was recorded in Tudun Kuka well (0.1mg/l) and Maiganga well (0.3mg/l) when compared to the World Health Organization safety limit of 0.30mg/l. This corroborated the finding of Boyd (1992) that toxic metals like iron, copper, lead are commonly found in municipal, industrial and urban runoff, which can be dangerous to man and other biotic organism.

Manganese (mg/l)

The result of the study shows that the highest concentration of Manganese (Mn) was recorded in Tudun Kuka borehole (0.14mg/l), followed by Tantagari well (0.05mg/l). The least was recorded in Kayel Baga well and borehole (0.00mg/l). The World Health Organization safety limit is 0.10mg/l. This indicates the absence of excess Manganese in the water which make the water less harmful for consumption.

Chromium (mg/l )

The result of the study shows that Chromiun (Cr) was only recorded in Tudun Kuka borehole (0.01mg/l) and well (0.004mg/l). The World Health Organization limit is 0.05. All the other four settlements have no Chromuin in their water sources. The metals in drinking water which are mostly poisonous to humans are cadmium, lead, copper, zinc, chromium, iron etc as observed by Hendryx (2015).

Copper (mg/l)

The consumption of high copper can cause nausea, vomoting, diarrhoea, gastric (stomach) complain and headaches. If taken for too long, can cause Liver damage and death (Hendryx, 2015). The concentration of Copper (Cu) is only detected in Kantagari Well (0.016mg/l) and Garin Alhaji Shugaba borehole (0.021mg/l) whereas the World Health Organization limit is 2.0mg/l. It has not been detected in the other four settlements. This means that the water sources has no Copper effect. Even in Kantagari well and Garin Alhaji Shugaba, the concentration is not too high, hence it has less effect.

Total Arsenic (mg/l)

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Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State. Total Arsenic, it is not out of place to have Total Arsenic (As) in drinking water. The permissible limit is not more than 0.010mg/l (Jin, 2013). The highest concentration of Total Arsenic (As) is recorded in Tantagari borehole (0.099mg/l) followed by Garin Alhaji Shugaba Borehole (0.079mg/l), whereas the World Health Organization limit is 0.10mg/l. The least was recorded in Garin Alhaji Shugaba well (0.002mg/l). All of the sources are within the permissible WHO limit and has no effect on human health.

Cadmium (mg/l)

The concentration of Cadmiun (Cd) was only detected in Maiganga well (0.089mg/l), the World Health Organization limit is 0.003mg/l, but it has not been detected in the remaining four settlements. Cadmium is completely dangerous to man even in low concentrations, and will bio- accumulate in organisms and ecosystems. Long term exposures to Cadmium can cause renal damage as observed by Hendryx, (2015).

Zinc (mg/l)

Small quantity of zinc (less than 5mg/l) is believed to be essential for body growth and development, or else it can cause stomach cramps, nausea and vomiting (Din, 2013). The highest concentration of zinc (Zn) was recorded in Kayel Baga borehole (0.148mg/l), followed by Maiganga well (0.052mg/l) and the least was recorded in Kayel Baga well (0.007mg/l). Hence, the zinc intake is of usefulness to the body since they are all below the WHO safety limit of 5mg/l.

Summary of Water Quality Results in the Study Area

From the Table 1, the water pH in all the settlements are not too acidic for consumption since it falls within the World Health Organization (WHO) safety limit (6.5-8.5). The temperature in all the settlements are below the mean maximum monthly temperature (37OC) for Akko LGA. According to WHO, temperature is variable. The turbidity for all the water sources is far above the WHO safety limit of 5 ntu. This indicates that all the water sources are highly polluted with contaminants and are not too pure for human consumption and are likely to cause some ailments. Conductivity for all the settlements is below the WHO safety limit (1000us/cm), hence it has less effect on humans. The Total Solid (TS) in all the settlements indicates high presence of pollutants in the water because they are all having values above the WHO safety limit of 10mg/l. The Dissolved Oxygen (DO) in all the sources of water indicates that the water has high pollution and hence it affects the water quality for consumption. The study findings shop that all the sources of water in the study area contain high pollutants which affect the oxygen content of all the water sources. This make it lower than the required standard for WHO of 4.0-6.0mg/l. The Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) for WHO is less than 6mg/l. Most of the settlements has little above this limit while some are below the limit. Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) in all the settlements are within the range of WHO safety limit (10-20mg/l). Only Maiganga well which has 22mg/l and Tudun Kuka borehole which has 23mg/l. Iron (Fe) content is high in all the settlements except in Maiganga well and Tudun Kuka borehole which is within the WHO safety limit (0.3mg/l). Manganese (Mn) is rarely found in some of the settlements and it was not detected at all in the other settlements. This implies that all the sources of water are free from the health effect of Manganese in drinking water. Chronium (Cr) was hardly detected in Tudun Kuka borehole (0.01mg/l) and well (0.004mg/l) which was far below the WHO safety limit (0.05mg/l), hence the water it is free from the effect of Chronium. Copper (Cu) was only detected in Kantagari well (0.016mg/l) and in Garin Alhaji Shugaba borehole (0.21mg/l). This implies that all the water sources are free from the effect of Copper since the WHO safety limit is 2mg/l. Total arsenite (As) has high concentration in all the water sources in the study area. Cadmiun (Cd) was only detected in Maganga well (0.089mg/l) and it is above the WHO safety limit of 0.003mg/l, so only the people of Maiganga settlement are likely to be affected by Cadmiun. Zinc (Zn) is found in all the settlements but are all below the WHO safety limit(5mg/l).

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Table 1. Result of Water Quality Analysis in the Study Area Mai Ganga Tudun Kuka Kayel Baga Kanganri Garin Allah Shugaba WHO BH WL BH WL BH WL BH WL BH WL pΗ-meter 6.49 6.67 6.21 6.52 5.66 6.7 7.3 5.96 6.01 6.98 6.5-8.5 Temperature 33 31.5 34.6 31.7 32.4 34 30.5 31.6 32.4 30.5 Ambient (0C) Turbidity 274 74 191 9 26 5 33 78 24 26 5 (NTU) Conductivity 162 471 669 428 746 594 310 166 189 452 1000 us/cm TDS (mg/l) 81 233 335 215 375 298 155 81 95 226 500 TSS (mg/l) 263 66 243 5 21 1 25 70 18 22 10 TS (mg/l) 340 281 580 248 390 296 186 160 100 251 DO (mg/l) 1.6 2.9 4.4 1 1.2 1 2.7 2.3 1.4 1.3 6.0 - 4.0 BOD (mg/l) 6.1 9.24 10 3.71 4.52 7.11 6.53 7.21 5.92 3.77 <6.00 COD (mg/l) 12 22 23 8 11 13 18 19 16 14 10.0 - 20.0 Fe (II) (mg/l) 0.57 0.3 0.1 0.507 0.502 0.515 0.5 0.67 0.603 0.6 0.3 Mn (II) (mg/l) 0.07 0.04 0.14 0 0 0 0.03 0.05 0 0 0.1 Cr (VI) (mg/l) 0 0 0.01 0.004 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.05 Cu (II) (mg/l) ND ND ND ND ND 0.016 0.021 ND 2 Total As 0.06 0.063 0.078 0.057 0.051 0 0.099 0.078 0.079 0.002 0.01 (mg/l) Cd (mg/l) 0.089 ND ND ND ND ND ND ND ND 0.003 Zn (mg/l) 0.05 0.052 0.032 0.008 0.148 0.007 0.021 0.017 0.006 0.012 5 Ni (mg/l) ND ND ND ND ND ND ND ND 0.07 Pb (mg/l) ND ND ND ND ND ND ND ND 0.01

NOTE: BH, means borehole. All read colour stands for borehole WL, means well. All blue colour stands for well ND, means not detected WHO, means World Health Organization

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Impact of Coal Mining on Water Quality in Maiganga, Akko Local Government Area, Gombe State.

Conclusion

The findings of the study have shown that coal mining activities at Maiganga has affected the quality of water sources in the study area. The result indicates that the water sources have lower pH below the WHO Standard, indicative of acidic water. The results show high Total Solids, Total Suspended Solid, Total Dissolved Solids which indicates the presence of high concentration of heavy metals like Zinc, Copper and Lead among others which can affect human health. The Biological Oxygen Demand and Chemical Oxygen Demand are higher than the World Health Organization limit (2mg/l), which indicates higher contamination by metals and can cause different diseases in man like nervous system disease which can affect human brain and spinal cord.

Recommendations

Since the water sources (borehole and well) indicates high concentration of Total Solids, Total Suspended Solids, Total Dissolved Solids and concentration of heavy metals, the study recommend as follows:

i. There is need to connect the settlements with treated water supply from the State Water Cooperation through the combine efforts of the coal mine company, Akko Local Government Council and State government.

ii. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Civil Society Organization can assist the local communities with water tankers which will supply them with clean water through various overhead reservoirs around the coal mine.

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Economic Crisis and the Challenges of Insecurity in Nigeria

Hamidu Bello Abbare

Department of Political Science and International Relations, Taraba State University, Jalingo. Email:[email protected]

Abstract

This paper examines economic crises and the challenges of insecurity in Nigeria. Basically, the economic crisis has intensified the challenges of insecurity to the extent of redefining the nature and composition of socio-economic and political behavior of Nigerians. It tries to find out the level at which internal security problems have affected the Nigerian economy. The study adopts neoliberal economic theory as a framework of analysis. Based on this, the paper argues that the introduction of neoliberal economic policy is the genesis of Nigeria’s economic crisis and emergence of the country’s economic difficulties. In order to analyze the basic internal issues facing the country’s economy and insecurity, secondary data were used in the study due to the nature of the study. Findings of the study reveal how the problem of security and economic challenges of the country were caused by the absence of good governance. The study also argued that the inability of Nigerian government to look into issues of inequality in terms of distribution of resources across the country ultimately resulted in anger, agitation and violence that culminated into groups withdrawal of their loyalty to the Nigerian State under the umbrella of religious militants (e.g. Boko Haram) and regional warlord such as Militant of Niger-Delta (MEND). The paper therefore, recommends for the formation of inclusive government where every Nigerian would be involved in the decision making process of the country including religious groups as yardstick for economic stability and security of the country.

Keywords: Bad governance, economic crisis, insecurity, poverty and unemployment

Introduction

It is generally observed that different parts of the world have experienced serious economic crisis in recent times. For instance, global and regional financial crisis like Japan’s banking crisis and Latin American debt crisis that had occurred with serious effect on the entire global financial system. However, the world economic crisis of 2008 was a major one due to its devastating and contagious effects on all economies of the globe (Eichengreen, 2008). It has brought some important point to the United States, a major center of the world’s financial activity. This is discernible and crucible in the US economic system which has brought major parts of the world down with it. It has been observed that the world economic and security hullabaloo which is popularly known as "credit crunch" or "credit crisis", started in July 2007, where the United States Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank began to lose hope in the economic and investment systems of the world (Floyd, 2007; Elliott, 2008, Mackintosh, 2017). This is obvious

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Economic Crisis and the Challenges of Insecurity in Nigeria in the Treasuries over Euro Dollar (TED) spread that indicates a perceived credit risk in the general economy, generally increased in July 2007, instantly becomes volatile for a year, then increased even higher in September 2008, reaching a record of 4.65% on October 10, 2008 (Valde, 2008). In September 2008, the crisis worsened, as stock markets world-wide crashed and entered a period of high volatility, and a considerable number of banking, mortgage and insurance company experience failures during this period (Nocera, 2008).

As pointed out by Valde (2008), the world economic chaos is not only causing a considerable slowdown in most developed economies; it also poses serious threat to the developing economies. Governments around the world are trying to curtail the crisis, but many suggest that the worst is yet to come. As pointed out by Andrews (2009), investment banks failed and became moribund. Rescue packages were drawn up involving one trillion US dollars, and interest rates have been cut around the world in what looks like a coordinated response. Leading indicators of global economic activity such as shipping rates are diminishing at alarming rates.

Many developing economies (particularly Nigeria) are badly affected by the outcome of the spillover and contagious effects of the global economic crisis. This goes in line with the problems of security in the country, where foreign investors distanced themselves from such developing economies, due to the fear of the unknown. Whether third world countries (particularly Nigeria) will be able to face the international macroeconomic difficulties created by the declined in developed economies, and what role for a country’s development policy should focus on and what policy-makers of a state need to focus on is the concern of this paper. In fact, due to economic challenges characterized by insecurity, several countries have resorted to borrowing from the World Bank agencies such as Paris club, IMF etc. as a last resort. The crisis has exposed fundamental weakness in financial system worldwide, demonstrated how interconnected and interdependent economies have become unsatisfactory choice of our modern day economy (Nanto, 2009).

In 1986, Nigeria adopted Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which is one of the tentacles of World Bank’s policy toward Africa’s economic policy of underdevelopment. Although, to the world bank economists, the programme aimed at resolving fiscal imbalance in the light of the inflationary impact of excessive budget deficit of which the public enterprises constituted the major cause (World Bank, 2003). However, despite the advantages of SAP conditionality, it has had devastating multiplier effects on the Nigerian economy, and has aided the world financial catastrophe of 2008.

The past and present economic reforms for instance, National Economic Empowerment Development Strategy (NEEDS), lack of continuity and interface among the relative roles of Federal government, State government and Local government authorities in Nigeria by various administrations had resulted into economic meltdown and civil unrest in the country. The World financial predicament of 2008 has worsened the problem of insecurity in the country which is put at stake and has resulted in economic quagmire, loss of lives, worsened the investment climate, destabilized business and distracted the government and forced it to channel resources away from productive investment to insecurity. This paper therefore seeks to examine the link between economic crisis and the challenges of insecurity in Nigeria.

Conceptual clarifications

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Insecurity Mcgrew (1988) maintained that the safety of a country hangs on two vital pillars: i. The maintenance and protection of the socioeconomic order in the face of internal and external threat. ii. The promotion of preferred international order which reduces the menace to core values and interest as well as to the domestic order.

Conversely, according to Achumba, Ighomereho and Akpan-Robaro (2013) observed that insecurity is the antithesis of security and has drawn the attention of people who are in need of protection in terms of safety, danger, hazard, uncertainty, want of confidence, state of doubt, inadequately guarded or protected, instability, trouble, lack of protection and been unsafe. Insecurity is a condition of fear of the unknowns, a lack of control and the ability to take defensive action against forces that portend harm or danger to an individual or group or to make them vulnerable.

Beland (2005) conceptualized insecurity as the state of anxiety emanating from a concrete or alleged lack of protection. It refers to lack of inadequate freedom from danger. This definition echoed corporal insecurity which is the most apparent form of insecurity and it fits into many other forms of insecurity such as economic insecurity and social insecurity. In this regard, one is generally made to understand that, insecurity is conceived as a situation where human and national security of a state is compromised by internal or external forces or interests exacerbated by the former’s weak or poor economic, military and human resources development conditions.

Economic Crisis

Keynes (1964) explained economic crisis as crisis of inadequate demand which is invariably different from the way scholars of under-consumption had perceived it. Investment in terms of it consumption had played a decisive role in a country’s economic instability. Investment consumption must compensate for insufficient personal consumption. Investment consumption (spending) could be influenced by monetary policy and interest rate policy. However, there is a tendency for marginal efficiency of capital to decline. Marginal efficiency of capital declines due to: oversupply of capital, that is, over-supply of goods, continuing price increase during the prosperity phase of a business cycle, and an increase of cost of production at the same time (Keynes, 1964).

Economic crises are not just a peculiarity of advanced economies. Indeed, third world countries are exposed to debt crisis, devaluation of currency and mostly World Bank conditionality. Many developing countries have repeatedly suffered crises due to poor macroeconomic management and policy making. For example, Argentina has tested four banking crises since 1945 (Reinhart and Rogoff, 2009). Put it differently, the Nigeria’s economic crisis was due to political instability, pervasive use of political power for personal gains by selfish and ego- centric politicians who do not have the country at heart but rather syphoning the resources and making it ungovernable (Sunusi, 2012). Thus, the term economic crisis refers to the worldwide recession of 2007–2008, which changed economic circumstances and investor’s outlooks and caused governments to nationalize the failed banks that were unable to meet up with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) conditionality. This would definitely change people’s lives (both workers and customers). It also made economists to become very much concerned about capitalism and the

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Economic Crisis and the Challenges of Insecurity in Nigeria stability of markets, particularly financial markets (Murphy 2011, Stephan and Weaver, 2011; Rifkin, 2014). The economic measures and state budget cuts gives emphasis on public sector; employment, transfer payments, and social welfare system which give birth to the emergence of unemployment and underemployment among young and old, and lower disposable incomes for many in society.

Theoretical Framework

This study is based on the theory of neoliberal economics. Neo-liberalism has it origin from classical liberalism in the 18th century derived from the works of Adams Smith (Smith, 1776). According to Harvey (2005), Neoliberal economic theory is a political economic theory which proposes that human well-being could best be achieved by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills in the interior of an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets and free trade. Here, one is made to understand that the state is responsible for the preservation of institutional framework which is appropriate to such practices. The state has to guarantee, for example, the quality and integrity of money. It must also set up those military, defense, police and legal structures and functions required to secure private property rights and to guarantee by force, if need be, for the real and proper functioning of markets. Apart from these tasks, the State interventions in markets (once created) must be kept to a bare minimum because, according to the theory, the state cannot have enough knowledge to second-guess market signals (prices) and because powerful interest groups will inevitably misrepresent and bias State interventions (particularly in democracies) for their own advantage. Assumptions of Neo-liberalism economic theory: i. Neo-liberalism is a philosophy that economic freedom is a primary freedom, economic growth is society’s primary goal and profit corporation is the ideal form of organization ii. Privatization, deregulation, commercialization and monetization are engines of economic growth and freedom. iii. Free market is better than all systems of economic planning. iv. Inequality cannot be eliminated in society. v. Competition is the engine of progress. vi. Minimal state or less state intervention in the market.

Nigeria has experimented neoliberal economic policy where a subordinate unit, responsible to the policies of international organizations, and subject to the imposition of their programs such as the World Bank’s, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organization (WTO) based on neoliberal principles. The Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) instituted in Nigeria in 1986 under General Ibrahim Babangida proved to have negative outcome on Nigerian economy. For instance, during Obasanjo’s administration from 1999 to 2007 where the Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE) was introduced in 2001, the result was disappointing. As a democratic regime, expectation of the government was to create conditions aimed at reducing poverty and inequality. Instead of this, the government went ahead with market standards of neo-liberal policies without bothering on the needs of the citizenry (CBN, 2009).

Neoliberal economic policy since 1999 has worsened the plight of a large segment of the African population particularly Nigeria. It has destroyed industries and educational system; banks were liquidated resulting to deepening poverty, inequality and unemployment (Kagarlitsky, 1999).

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All these economic conundrums resulted into insecurity and militant groups such as Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) and Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) among others.

Causes of Nigeria’s Economic Challenges

Poor Monetary Policy

There have been various regimes of monetary policy in Nigeria. Sometimes monetary policy in Nigeria is flexible and at other times, they are rigid. This oftentimes affects the stabilization of prices resulting in growth and decline in the Nigerian economy. The growth has not been sustainable as evidence by the increasing poverty among the populace. Monetary policy is problematic in nature because it leads to a low interest rate which reduced savings and reduced investment funds. The reduction of investments creates distortion in the capital market. Here it is obvious that when liquidity is high, interest rate should be high and when liquidity rate is high interest rate should be low. In this case, low interest rate has resulted negatively on balance of payments and high interest rates have had positive result as they attract short term capital. The monetary policy has a contagious effect because it exacerbates the inflationary spiral in the economy and worsens the balance of payments.

Lack of social security

Social security is a system whereby the state accrued its revenue and use it judiciously on it citizens for their well beings. It is a governmental policy aimed at providing assistance to a person faced with the problem of unemployment, disability or agedness, financial assistance to employees among others. Social security is lacking in Nigeria. Hence, the graduates, aged, orphans and destitute lives in abject poverty. This increased poverty resulting lack of social security has greatly widened the inequality gap and intensified the insecurity challenges in the economic system of the country.

Corruption

Bribery and corruption were said to be a major cause of poverty, backwardness and threat to a sound economic and social development of any country. Evidence shows that throughout the history of Nigeria, politicians, military, and bureaucratic officials have taken advantage of their positions to extract money from the state, private individuals and companies and in general from the economy, particularly from proceeds of oil resources (Amundsen, 2010). Corruption can take different forms such as misuse of public funds, conflict of interest, nepotism, bribery and kickbacks in the large procurement process, as well as petty and bureaucratic corruption to access public services. General Abacha was alleged to embezzled billions of dollars from the Central Bank of Nigeria between 1993 and 1998 (US Department of Justice, 2014). Government involvement in fuel subsidies has been viewed as instance of how public money is diverted through corruption. Nigeria continue to loose significant amounts of money as the government export oil below market price and then pay huge subsidies for the imported refined oil to stabilize prices for the populace. The problem is that dishonesty or fraud within the subsidy programme resulted in financial losses for the government and higher prices for consumers (Mark, 2012). Instances of corruption in Nigeria that impacted greatly in the nation’s economy was clearly

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Economic Crisis and the Challenges of Insecurity in Nigeria seen in 2015 and 2019 elections. Throughout the country observers witnessed instances of vote- buying, stuffing of ballot papers and ballot boxes, intimidation of voters, and irregularities in the administration of the election, such as inadequate supplies of voting materials and ballot papers that did not include all the candidates’ names and delay by the electoral officers i.e. presiding officers and polling clerks coming to polling units on time (NDI 2008). This development also intensified the insecurity challenges in the country as many small arms and ammunitions were imported into the country.

Unemployment

The National Bureau of Statistics (2010) showed that the national unemployment rate is 21.1 % of the labor force in 2010, which is 1.2 % increases over the 2009 rate. The unemployment rate is calculated by dividing the number of unemployed persons by labor force:

Unemployment Rate = 100 x Unemployed Population

Labor Force Population

Underemployment occurs in a situation where one worked less than full time hours, which is 40 hours, but works at least 20 hours on average a week and if one worked full time but engaged in an activity that underutilizes one’s skills, time and educational qualifications. Obviously an unemployed youth is worse than HIV carrier. To that extent therefore, youth unemployment has security implication for almost every country in Africa not only in Nigeria since desperation often leads young people to fall prey to deviance in times of crisis, warlords, criminal individual, gangs or illegal migration syndicates (Unowa, 2005). As Argenti lightly asked “where would war makers be without youths? The militarization of these people originate with the idea that youth constitute potentially a commodity that can be plundered alongside natural resources and public fund to serve the agenda of warfare. It is generally obvious to every rationale being that unemployment is a serious and critical problem that is responsible for a country’s economic, political and socio cultural instability. This development further leads to low standard of living and increases poverty and crime. The high rate of unemployment especially, among the young. In 2016, between 12.1% and 21.5% of Nigeria’s youth were without a job, and rates of underemployment are even higher. The inability of the economy to generate enough jobs results from the insufficient allocation of resources to the creation of new economic opportunities combined with a difficult business environment, disincentives to domestic investment that induces capital flight.

Inequitable Distribution of resources

The major factors responsible for the country’s economic crisis and the challenges of insecurity particularly in the Niger-Delta region and Nigeria as a whole, is inequitable distribution of resources. The people in the South-South or oil producing region of the country felt that the highest percentage of federal government’s share of the revenue is not only the main source of injustice but also the problem of corruption, marginalization and alienation of the underprivileged people which brings about insecurity, economic instability, political instability and reckless agitation for restructuring in the country. This therefore gives birth to the emergence of various militant groups in the Niger - Delta area. These militant groups have resorted to kidnapping, destruction of oil pipelines and overtly demands for resource control. Government distribution of

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Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 1, Number 4 August, 2019 the resources is influenced by its desire to maintain power and so resources are distributed with the objective of getting hold of and consolidation of political and voting powers (popularity). Here resources are often allocated to less endowed areas. The regional governments of the First Republic were almost fiscally self-dependent from 1954-1966. They were thus fiscally powerful viz a viz the federal government and in reality, the central government played limited roles compared to the regional governments (Amuwo et al, 1998). The allocation formula of revenue among governments in Nigeria included 60%: 30%: 10% (1977); 53%: 35%: 10% (1985); 48.5%: 24%: 7.5% (1997) which reflected federal hegemony over the other levels of the federation (Amuwo et al, 1998, p.268). Similarly, in 1989, the federal government agreed to a formula for the central government 50%, states 30%, local governments 15% and special funds 5%. The allocation principles among the states was as follows: equality 40%, population 30%, land mass 10%, social development 10% and internal revenue effort 10% (Onuoha and Nwanegbo, 2007). It is noteworthy that at those respective times, the federal government had taken 55% (1981), 50% (1990) and 48.5% (1992). A new sharing formula through Modification Order Act in July, 2002 provided for revenue sharing as Federal Government 54.68% (FG 48.5%, FCT 1%, derivation and ecology 1.46%, stabilization fund 0.72% and minerals development 3%); States 24.72% and Local Governments 20.60% (Aluko, 2002). The Act was further modified under the Obasanjo regime in 2004 which brought the current sharing formula of Federal Government 52.68% (FG 48.5%, FCT 1%, derivation and ecology 1%, stabilization 0.50% and natural resources development 1.68%); States Governments 26.72 (equality 40%, population 30%, land mass and terrain 10%, social development 10% and internal revenue generation 10%) and Local Governments 20.60% (see also Suberu in Loughlin et al, 2013).

Poverty

Poverty in Nigeria is pervasive and reducing it will require strong non-oil growth and a focus on human development. The recent poverty profile prepared by NBS shows that poverty has risen from 54 % in 2004 to 69 % in 2010. The report states that the absolute number of poor people grew from 69 million to 112.47 million people (NBS, 2010). To that extent therefore, poverty is inimical to the Nigerian society. Poverty is a major problem that led to the country’s economic crisis and the challenges of insecurity especially in northern Nigeria. Nigeria can afford to distribute free food to the public as a means of empowering people known as stomach infrastructure, hence, the new policies on school feeding programme to encourage school enrollment and to fight poverty. Poverty in Nigeria is not because of lack of resources, but the process of using it judiciously matter a lot. At the bureaucratic level of the country, there is a culture of corruption and rent-seeking by the political elites who are out of touch with the daily struggles of average Nigerians. The overlap between political and economic power bends the allocation of opportunities, income and wealth to vested interests, and biases policy-making in favor of the rich. The high cost of governance reinforces inequality because it means that few resources are left to provide basic essential services for the wider growing Nigerian population. The tax system is largely retrogressive: the burden of taxation mostly falls on poorer companies and individuals. On one side, big multinationals receive questionable tax waivers and tax holidays, and utilize loopholes in tax laws to shift huge profits generated in the country to low tax jurisdictions. In some cases, these tax waivers have been captured by the economic and political elite and used expressly to garner political patronage. It has been estimated that every year Nigeria loses $2.9 billion of potential revenues to questionable tax incentives. This is equal to about three times the country’s total health budget in 2015. The rate of poverty has been increasing in Nigeria,

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Economic Crisis and the Challenges of Insecurity in Nigeria both at the regions and at the national level. The increased poverty in Nigeria has resulted into economic crisis and insecurity in the country.

Illiteracy

Illiteracy is the inability of an individual to read or write and change behaviour to conform to modern norms of the society or the inability of an individual to reason or act civilly and meet with the societal values. However, it is difficult to know the number of Nigerians who are illiterates or who have no formal education. But it is believed that about 40% of Nigerians mainly youths do not have access to formal education. Out of this number, girls and children are the majority. Again the highest concentrations of children who do not have access to formal education are found in northern Nigeria. Illiteracy makes the affected people have very low self-esteem, and some of them are used by the elites as pawns. It is contended that the spate of violence going on in the northern Nigeria are carried out by these illiterates. In addition, political violence in some parts of Nigeria is usually the handiwork of Almajiris who had no business with formal education. The logic is that those who have been to school and have access to qualitative formal education would not allowed themselves to be used by the elites to cause violence.

The Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)

FDI inflows into Nigeria dropped from 95.6 % in 1971 to 31.20 % and 17.23 % in 1976 and 1984, respectively. Although the growth of FDI increased by 182.68 % in 1986, the value soon fell by 24.76% in 1989 and further to 89.87% in 1996. Since the beginning of the year 2000, the growth of FDI has remained positive except in 2001 when the value was 70.00%. The recent flow in FDI into the country is responsible for the reduction in the nation’s debt profile by the aid of London club and Paris club and the renewed confidence of foreign investors in the Nigerian economy (Ikem, 2006). Adelegan (2000) explored the seemingly unrelated regression model to examine the impact of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) on economic growth in Nigeria and found out that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is pro-consumption and pro-import and negatively related to gross domestic investment. Akunlo (2004) found that foreign capital has a small and not statistically significant effect on economic growth in Nigeria.

Conclusion

This paper has examined the relationship between economic crisis and security challenges in Nigeria. The paper has provided insight on how economic crisis in the country contributed to the present insecurity experienced in the country. Over the years, the inability of the government to address the root causes of dissatisfaction, anger and agitation among various groups in the country resulted in serious security challenges with resulting impacts on the economy. This poor situation has not only denied the Nigerian government enormous revenues, but also led to serious problems such as unemployment, infrastructural decay, poor health status, poor image of Nigeria at regional and global scene, low participation of investors in Nigeria’s economic development, relocating of existing investors to peaceful states in Nigeria among others. These problems are traceable to internal insecurity in Nigeria occasioned by the activities of militias in Niger-delta, kidnapping in the south-east, inter-ethnic crisis in Jos, Boko Haram group, armed robbery in many parts of the country, bunkering of Nigeria’s oil outlets by saboteurs among others.

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Seemingly, these crises made the Nigeria’s banking sector unsafe because the increasing external trade and economic growth preceding the crisis led to an increase in lending in Nigeria, especially in the oil sector and its related activities. Preceding the crises were external and internal borrowers calling and yelling in loans, liquidity and insolvency.

Recommendations

In consideration of the consequences of these challenges on the economy of the Nigerian state and to save the country from total collapse, that the following recommendations are made: -

i. There is the need for good governance, justice, equity and tolerance among ethnic nationalities as well as religious group in Nigeria is advocated and should be rigorously pursued by both the government and the Nigerian people. ii. In order to curtail the economic crisis and the challenges of insecurity in Nigeria that the government should create a condition for sound and effective economic management which involves good leadership and commitment at all levels of government. iii. That the Nigerian policy-making institutions must be transparent and accountable to the people. Because policy is meant for the people, they need to know about this and understand it and the process must be opened and accountable. It is also obvious that the most nagging problem Nigeria faces today is how to make the government accountable to its citizens. iv. That government should provide employment opportunities for its teeming population. This employment should not be a lopsided, tribal or regional employment; it is an inclusive employment to every citizenry of the country so as to deal with the problem of economic crisis and insecurity across the state. v. That government should be cautious of its deregulation programme particularly the oil sector so as not to aggravate the plight of the already impoverished Nigerians whose last resort is regional militancy and religious militancy. vi. That the government should be sensitive to the negative aspects of externally induced policies such as IMF, World Bank and WTO’s conditionality’s on trade regularization. that tend to aggravate poverty which is the root cause of insecurity in the country. vii. That the Federal government should erect security fencing along the country’s border with Chad, Cameroun and Niger Republic in order to reduce the level of insecurity in north eastern part of Nigeria because the porous border allows miscreant militants such as Boko Haram to easily penetrate and attack innocent souls, just like how the United States did along its Southern border with Mexico which has been demarcated by fence and walls to stop the flow of guns, drugs and unwanted persons from crossing the border.

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