fi!:;c'='° ----~~~ f

A Journal of Anthropological Research

Page

The Gonds of Southern Region 1 Dr. D. R. Pretsp

The Santals: A glimpse into their life and activities 16 A. K, Das

The Lodha and their life and problem 29 prof. P. K. Bhowmlck

The Ho of 42 --• Dr Biman Kumar Dasgupta z0

• -0 >

Publi~ed by the Tribal & Hartlen Research-cum~Training Institute, , Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar-751014 / ,/ Adibasi

Vol. XXIII, No. 1 Adibasi is a quarterly periodical published by the Tribal and Harijan Research-cum-Training Institute, Bhubaneswar, Orissa every year in April, July, October and January. It contains papers and findings on Social Sciences emphasising tribal Problems of Orissa.

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/ / :.\· '- ·-. .•.. ·-.

The Gonds of Southern Region

Dr. D. R. PRATAP

This paper deals with the "Gonds of Southern the territory of the former was Region" in general and in particular those formally known as or the country o inhabiting the State of . Accord• Gonds. According to 1971 Census the tota I ing to Geographers, the Vindhvas and Satpuras population of Gonds in was 4,812,164 and together constituted a main dividing line between constitute 12·78 per cent of the total tribal North and South India (George Kuriyan). population of India. The majority of them 78·38 Therefore the criterian for identification of per cent are found in Mad ha Pradesh, 1 o· 38 per 'Southern Region'. in this paper is not a political cent in · Orissa. 6·89 per cent in , division but a geographical region inhabited by 3·27 per cent in Andhra Pradesh and the rest in the Gond populations to the South of Vindvas the other States. In the Gonds approximately lyingbetween 16° and 20° N Lat. are spread from the Satpura plateau, where the and 78° to 83°E Long. Broadly areas covered Western type of Go .di is spoken. Mandea and by Gond population in the region are the States Ohattisqarh in the East where the Gonds have of Andhra Pradesh, , parts of Madhya adopted Eastern Hindi at the same time retaining Pradesh, Maharashtra end Orissa. There are their tribal identity. In the South in the Kankar many groups which constitute the Gond tribe. and Bastar areas Gonds constitute the majority The scope of this paper is limited here to largely of the population of Kovas or Dorlas: the most Gonds inhabiting the State of Andhra Pradesh in Southern branch of the Gond family, occurring in particular due to my long association with them. considerable strength in Andhra Pradesh. In The general observations on the life style of the Maharashtra State the Southern districts of Gonds obtained in different parts of the region Chanda and Yeotrnal are the strong hold of are based on my occasional visits to those areas. Gonds, who speak Gondi which is different from that of Satpura region. Another substantial Introduction group closely akin to the Gonds of Chanda are found in the hilly country between the Godavarl The Gond is the most predominant tribal and Penganga rivers constituting the Adilabad, community of India inhabiting the mountainous Karimnaqar and Warangal districts of Andhra tracts of Central and Southern India popular!v Pradesh Apart from these major concentrations known as Gondwana land. The country of they also live in srnall numbers in , Gondwana includes the Satpura plateau and a Bihar, Orissa. and Mysore. section of the plain and Narmada valley to the South and West.'' There is however no The generic term Gond encompasses several district or State situated in Central India which endogamous and linguistically distinct groups. does not contain some Gonds and it is both on The derivation of the term Gond is uncertain. account of their numbers and the fact that Gond The Gonds are neither racially, nor culturally. nor I.~~· - dynasties possessed a great part of its area that l!ngu1stically a homogenous group. The

* Russell, R. V. and Hiralal, R. B,; The Tribes and Castes ol the Central Provinces of India, 1916, London. Macmillan and Company Limited. PP. 41. cultural, material and physical difference are so appropriate to replace the Generic name 'Gond by the term 'Gondi' populations. As the great that one wonders why they should be speeklns Gonds speak a common language, have common grouped under the same tribe. They call name and habitation and a contiguous territory, themselves Gond or 'Koitur'. General Cunnin• gham considered that the name Gond probably the cultural diversity need not come in the way of considering them as belonging to a common ,,..., came from Gauda, commonly used as the name of part of Bengal. In 1041 A. D. Gauda formed tribe. part of the dominion of Karna Deva, Raja of The term Raj Gond is considered to have Chedi. Cunningham's view was supported by been derived from the princely ststus that the Chatterton who said, possibly the name Gond Gonds enjoyed for a rong period as rules and came to them, because in early days, this part chieftains of the famous Gondwana with Chanda of India formed the Western portion of the old as the principal seat of Gond rule and Manikgarh, Gaur Kingdom of Bengal and so the Dravidian Sirpur, Utnoor as vassals where the ruined rorts Koiturs. who lived in Gaur land became known today stand witness to the once flourished Gond as Gonds. Hislop considered that the name rule. The term Raj Gonds is also attributed to Gond was a form of Kond (Khond tribe). He the racial admixture due to the impact of the pointed out that "K" and ''G" am interchange• Rajput rulers who even had marital ralationships• able. It seems highly probable that the desig• with the Gonds, who immigrated to these tracts nation Gond was given to the tribe by the between the 11th and 15th Centuries. Telugus (Russel!). Sir Grierson stated that the Teluqu people call the Konds as "Gor.ds", It The Gonds are segmented either on territorial is very common that the called or hriarchial grounds. Thus the Gonds of Bastare the hill tribes as "Kondavadu" meaning (Konda-Hill. are the Muria Gonds and Maria Gonds. while th,3 Vadu-Man) "hillman" perhaps the term Gond is Chettlsqarh Gonds are segmented as Amat Gonds, transformed for the Kond given to them by the Dhur Gonds, Oriya Gonds stc., and in Adilabad, Telugu people. The Gonds speak a Dravidian they are called as Raj Gonds. Sometimes they ' languages of the same famil'I as Tamil, Kanareese are called after the territory they occupy and are and Telugu and thereforn it is considered probable identified by different terms in different tracts. that the Gonds hailed from South. They might Among the Gonds there are two aristocratic sub• have tr.avell6d up the Godavari river into Chanda: divisions, tho Raj Gonds and Khatolas. According from there up the lndravati into Baster and hills to Forsyth the Raj Gonds are in many cases the South and East of the Chattisqarh plain; and up descendants of al lances between Rajput adven• the Wardha and Wainganga to the districts of rutos and Gonds. But the term practically Satpura plateau. As already seen the comprises the land holding sub-division of the are called Gorids by the Telugus and Karidh by Gonds. In the Telugu country the Raj Gond is the Uriyas. The Khonds apparently camp up known as Dorla or Dorlasattam- The Khatola more towards the East into Ganjam and Kalahandi. Gonds take their name from the Khatola State in It is probable that the Kond and Kandh became Bundelkhand, which is said to have been Khond in English pronouncietion. The Gonds, Governed by a Gond ruler. ! and scme Koves and Khonds of Andhra Pradesh speak the "Kui" dialect with regional variations. Southern Gonds The linguistic evidence appears to affo1d strength The Gonds occupy two main tracts-one to to the view that the Gonds and Khonds were the North of the Vindayas and the Satpuras and originally one tribe in the South of India and the second to the South of these gigantic hill that they obtained separate names and languages ranges, The first is the wide belt of broken hill since they left their original homes for the North, and forest country and is mainly comprised in The fact that both of them speak languages of the Chindwada, Betual, Seoni and Mandia the Dravidian family whose form is in Southern districts with Portions of several other adjoining lncta. makes it Probable that the two tribes them. And the second is still wider and more originally belonq there and migrated North into inaccessible mass of hill ranges extending south the Central province and Orissa. This hYPGthesis of the Chattisqarh plain and the South-West is supported by the traditions of the Gonds down to the Godavari which includes portions (Russell). of the three Chajtisqarh districts, the Bastar and Professor Haimendorf considered the Koyas Kankar States and the great part of Chanda. The as Telugu speaking Gonds. Hence it would be Vindva range traverses nearly the whole of the

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\ width of peninsular India, a distance of about 1,050 Variation in Gond population since 1921: Kms. with an average elevation of 300 metres The Gond population is recording a steady above sea level, over looking the valleys of Nar• increase since 1921 as per the census figures. mada and some on the South, and sloping gently They numbered 2,837,577 in 1921; 3,063,753 northwards to the Ganga valley. Forming one in 193:; 3,201,004 in 1941; 3,991,767 in 1961 of Indian main water sheds, this mountain was and 4,812,164 in 1971. The decadal percentage long recognised along with the Satpura range variation is 7·97 between 1921-1931, 4·47 which is more or less parallel to it at the during 1931--1941, 12·47 between 1941-1961. dividing line between north India and Deccan. and 21 ·31 between 1961-1971. The decrease in ,:,Thus Gond population of Bastar, Raipur and growth rate is considered to be due to under Durg districts of Madhya Pradesh; Yeotmal, enumeration. The growth of Gonds is lower than and Nanded districts of Maharashtra; that of the general population increase of India Kalahandi, Koraput, Bolanqir, Ganjarn and (24·66) as well as the Scheduled Tribe population Boud-Khondrnals districts of Orissa; the entire of India i. e., 27 per cent. In regard to the Gond population of Andhra Pradesh and State-wise growth, barring Gujarat, Karnataka and Karnataka, constitute the Southern Gonds of West Bengal where the population is very small; India. They number 2,009,405 as per 1971 Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra recorded 21 ·9 census and constitute 41 ·7 per cent of the total per cent and 21 ·7 per cent increase, while Orissa Gond population of India. Even among this (17.. per cent) and Andhra Pradesh (9·6 per cent) Southern group the majority (62·59 per cent) recorded comparatively lower rate of increase. The live in Madhya Pradesh; 16·03 per cent in male population has increased faster than the Maharashtra, 13'45 par cent in Orissa and females. about 8·00 per cent in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. These Gonds differ both in language The proportion of urban population is very and custom from those living in the Northern insignificant being 3·4 per cent of the total popu• region as well as among themselves. In lation. However, the urban population in Andhra Madhya Pradesh three distrct groups, namely P'radesh (5·1 per cent) end Madhya Pradesh (4·3 the Murias, the hill Maries and the Bison horn per cent) has considerably increased during the Manas are well recognised and are more akin past decade due to the migration of Gonds to the to the Koyas of Andhra Pradesh. In Onssa State new industrial towns in the respective regions. the Gonds inhabiting the Raigarh Block adjoining Bastar and Raipur districts have still Demography: retained their language though considerably The distribution of Gond population by age influenced by Hindi and Halbani and call indicates 40·9 per cent children below 14 years of themselves Gond. While another section of age as per 1971 census. The Southern Gonds of Gonds living in the plains call themselves Gonds Maharashtra also exhibited nearly the same and consider themselves superior to other Gonds. percentage of children i.e., 40'4 Per cent and The Gonds inhabiting the Kalahandi and Bolanqir 40·5 per cent in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh districts have completely lost their language and respectively. A sample study conducted in Utnoor speak Oriya and call themselves Oriya Gonds. Tahsil of Andhra Pradesh and Raigarh block of The Gonds inhabiting the Maharashtra and Orissa have shown 40·76 per cent and 41 ·70 per Andhra Pradesh State are identical in custom cent of children respectively. Such population is and also have historical connections, and have characteristic of young population associated with two main subdivisions, namely, the Raj Gond high birth and death rates. Adults in the reproduc• and Dhruwa Gonds. The Dhruwa or dust tive age constitute nearly 49 per cent of the total Gonds are considered inferior in social status population, while older persons above 45 years of to the Raj Gonds and mainly inhabit Maharashtra age constitt..te nearly 10 per cent in the Southern State. It is noteworthy that all Gonds of region. The average size of the household is Andhra Pradesh consider themselves Raj Gonds between 4·5 and 4·7. whether they hail from former royal families or ordinary peasant families. This paper mainly The composition of male population in the deals with this sub-section of the Southern Southern Region is comparatively high. As per the Gonds. sample study of the Tribal Cultural Research and

* Government of India-India-A Physical Geography publication Division,-Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1968, PP10and11.

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Training Institute, Hyderabad there are 1,144 males stature and a rather slender build are frequently in Orissa and 1,047 males in Andhra Pradesh per associated with. this type. 1,000 females. Studies of the Tribal Cultural The second type is characterised by the more Research and Training Institute, Hyderabad and robust Gond of heavier build with a longer face Yadav (1970), Madhya Pradesh reveal that though and more prominent features, a large straight polygyny is freely allowed, it is resorted only on nose, full lips and a moderately strong chin. The economic grounds or for enhancing social status. cheek bones are less pronounced. Of the total marriages among Gonds, 2·5 per cent of males and 5·3 per cent of females married The third type less frequent and reminiscent of below 15 years of age indicating prevalence of Kolarns is the type with a face of extremely child marriages on a very small scale even now. coarse modelled, low receeding forehead ; eyes in It was observed that the males marry between shallow sockets, a flat massive nose, broad even 20-24 years and the females between 15-19 at the ridge, which is very depressed at the root years. The mean age at marriage for females is and ending in wide nostrils, a large mouth with 16'76 years in Raigarh area and 15 years in fleshy slightly upturned lips which are seldom Utnoor area, while the age at menarche is 14·1 closed even in repose. years in Utnoor and 15·5 years in Raiqarh. Thus the Gonds marry their daughters about a year An anthropm,omatoscopic study conducted after menarche. on 97 male Raj Gonds of Utnoor (1980) by the Tribal Cultural Research and Training The crude birth rates are 44·5 and 35·8, while Institute, Hyderabad reveals that the Raj Gonds the crude death rates are 19·1 and 13·4 respec• are predominantly dark brown to brown skinned tively in Utnoor and Raigarh areas. Thus the annual with occasional light brown coloured individuals. growth rate is 2·5 per cent and 2·24 per cent respec• The hair is low or deep waved with a small tively in Utnoor and Raigarh. The overall birth rate element of straight haired individuals, black to for the Gonds of India i.e., 42"4 based on 1971, dark brown in colour. The hair on face, chest, Census figures is higher than both these rates. arms and legs is characteristically very scanty.

Physical type and Anthropometry They are medium statured with a mean stature Though the Raj Gonds exhibit homogeneity in of 161 · 3 Cms. The heads are dolichocephalic language and culture there is considerable diver• with a mean value of 74·45 Cms. and occasio• sity in physical appearance. Prof. Halmendorf nally mesoceohalfc but never brachycephalic. is of the opinion that it may be due to the fusion The facial height is very low and the [uqomandi• of population of different racial stocks which bular index indicates broad faces with jutting occurred in the distant past. Forsyth also confirms malar bones. The nose is broad to very broad the same view and says that the mixed breed with a mean value of 85·03. It is short in call themselves Gond-Rajputs, or Raj-Gonds, length, with shallow nasion depression, and and are the direct result of the alliances between straight in profile. The forehead is receeding the Rajput adventurer and the Gond. It appears while the chin is prominent, medium or square that the Gond chiefs have freely taken wives from in shape. The tips are of medium thickness and the Rajputs to enhance their social prestige by slightly everted. The description closely con• paying huge amounts. also firms to the first type described by Prof. supports the view and says that in former times Haimendorf. the Gonds almost certainly freely admitted other The do!ichocephalic head-m sdium stature, tribal groups into their community. He, however, wavy hair, dark brown to brown skin colour feels that the admixture with Raj puts was confined places the Gonds among the protovaustraloid or to a few chiefs and their racial stock was not weddid groups of India. But the jutting malars perceptibly changed. indicate admixture with Mundari population. Professor Haimendorf distinguished three physi• The dormaroqlvphic studies of Tribal Cultural cal types among the Raj Goads of Adilabad of Research and Training Institute (1978) also which the most prevalent type is characterised by confirm the above view as they have a lower a broad and rather flat face, high cheek bones, a pattern intensity index ( 13·20) like that of small short nose which widens rapidly from a Vattukuruma, Oraon and Khonds who consi• narrow depressed ridge, on eak and not very fut! dered as mixed australoids. The Gonds are also mouth and a small pointed chin. Medium characteristic in exhibiting the highest rate of

4 colour blindness (6 %) compared to the lower palities also sprang up on the ruins of the rates below 2 per cent among other tribal popu• earlier Kakativa Dynasty ot Warangal. The lation . Southern Gond principality of Sirpur/Chanda was one such Gond independent State that Language was thrown up by the prevailing political turmoil in the Deccan. Along with the Southern Gondi is a Dravidian language and stands Gond Kingdom of Sirpur/Chanda the other Gond according to Grierson, closer to Tamil and Kingdoms were believed to have almost simul• Kanarese than to Telugu. A large number of taneously sprang up at (1) Garha (Northern), Hindi words have been adopted into the (2) Deogarha (Central), (3) Kharla (Near vocabulary of Gondi in Central India and Telugu Betul). and Marathi words in Adilabad and Chanda districts. Gondi has no written characters and Forsyth (1871) believed that these Gond literature. The Gondi spoken by the Raj Gonds Kingdoms were actually established by the of Adilabad differs from the Gondi spoken in Rajputs who were pushed to these inaccessible Bastar. Betul and Chanda. A distinctive feature tracts between 11th and 15th centuries by the of Adilabad Gondi is the frequent substitution of invading Mohammedan armies. But in contrast, an initial 'S' for the initial 'H' of the Baster and Temple (1882) thinks that these kingdoms were Chanda dialects. Thus in Adilabad Gonds established by Gonds themselves and organised pronounce 'sile' (for no) but the Bastar Gonds themselves into three or four principalities under pronounce 'halle' (no) and 'Surana' (to see) local chieftains. Chatterton (1916) also lends instead of 'Hurana'. In the nominative the Gonds support to this view in his monumental work. of Betul usually drop the initial 'n' inherent ''The story of Gondwana", in the first and second person of the personal pronoun and say 'ana' (I) and The Southern Gond kin,:1do:n seems to be the 'imma' (thou) the, Gonds of Adilabad use the earliest organised State. Legend also supports full form -nana' (I) and 'nime' (thou). The the view crediting Bhim Balla! with the establish• Chanda Gond, like the Hill Maria says 'Ion' ment of the first Gond kingdom with Sirpur as (house), while the Adilahad Gond pronounces his capital in the year 895 A. 0. The legend the word clearly 'r', 'ron'. Thus the language also traces the succession line of the Kings and of the Gonds is basically the same though it mentions that Suraji Balla! Shah won the title differs in pronounciation and absorption of of 'Shersha' from the Emperor of Delhi besides local languages in its fold. securing gift of Gondwana from Mandala South• wards in appreciation of his services. However, · In a population of approximately 48 lakhs his son Khandikya Balla! Shah shifted the capital of Gonds in India, about 17·50 lakhs population of his kingdom from Sirpur to the present day i. e., 36·39 per cent speak Gondi, Whereas in the Ballarsha and from there to Chanda. Ain-l-Akbari Southern region comprising the States of mentions that Gond King Babaji commanded Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and parts of thousand horses (cavalry) and forty thousand Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa, out infantry and was in possession of the diamond of a Gond population of 19·45 lakhs, 11 ·35 lakhs mines of Wairagarh. constituting 58·33 per cent speak Gondi. There• fore the percentage of Gondi speaking people It can therefore be derived that Babaji ruled in Southern region to the total Gondi speaking in the beginning of 16th Century taking into population of India works out to 65 per cent. account the succession of three Gond kings in between Khandikva Ballaishah and Babaji. It History can also be safety inferred from this that the The Raj Gonds are famous for their rich first Gond Kingdom sprang up around the middle mythology, as flourishing rulers of the mediaeval of 14th century taking advantage of the confusion period of Indian History. They ruled vast that engulfed the Kakativa territory for about tract divided into four major principalities between two decades with the . fall of the dynasty in 14th and 18th centuries. 1323 A. D. Sethu Madhava Rao (1949) is also . -,, of the view that around "1350 A. D. Gonds '')'-" In the wake of the disintegration of the 'ru@hlaq dynasty at Delhi, a new and independent seized power and established the kingdom at Kingdom of Bahamani Sultans was established strpur. whence they must have overflown into in the Deccan. A number of other princl- the present district of Chanda".

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The history of Deccan provides many glimpses The historical record of a British settlement into the notable role played by Gonds in the Officer reveals the flourishing Gond life in the political visissltudes of the kingdoms of Warangal, Chanda kingdom. "They left, if we forget the Baharnani. Kherla. etc. Fixing 1350 A. D. as last few years, a well governed and contended the date of establishment of independent Gond kir.qdom adorned with adrnirabl a works of kingdom of Chanda, the Gonds must have engineering skill and prosperous to a point which ,.,__ enjoyed independent status for about a little less no after time has reached. They loett their mark ~ than a century through their vassals l1ke the behind them in royal tombs, lakes and palaces. Raja of the Gond area, Kherla near Betul. ,:,Their love for agriculture and irrigation is Warangal according to Grigson, is an original indicated by their method of inducing cultivators home of the ruling family of Bastar, "This to construct irrigation tanks by giving "to any Kakatiya family has probably originally feudatory one who made a tank, a grant free revenue of to the Chalukya kings and only later ruled the land lying beneath it. A large number of independently. Pratapa Rudra, the greatest and small irrigation tanks were constructed under the last independent Kakatiya king of Warangal, this inducement in the Wainganga valley which lost his life and independence in battle with the sti ii rerna.n"?". Mohammedan invaders of the Deccan under Describing the conditions of Gonds of Adilabad, Ahmad Shah Baharnani early in the fifteenth Prof. Hairnendcrf (1948) mentions that "as long century and, according to Bastar tradition and as the Gonds remained the ruling race, their folk song, his brother Annarn Deo fled across standard of living and their material culture the Godavari into Baster. which had been an seems to have been by no means low and there outlaying and loosely held group of feudal can be no doubt that, relative to the general dependencies of Warangal':'". standards of yesterday, it was higher than it is Kalarn was one of the important diamond today". mines that attracted the evil designs of the In great contrast the present day Gonds have powerful neighbours of the Gond Kingdom of none of the qualities and capabilities of their Chanda. Famous Muslim historian Ferishta fore-fathers. How is it that such a flourishing writes that Ahmad Shah attacked the fort of and prosperous Gond people have retreated to Mahur and took possession of diamond mines the mountain pastures and became primitives ? in Kalam belonging to the Rajah of Gondwana The answer lies in the period of Maratha after putting to sword a garrison of five thousand conquest, pillage and plundering of Gond princi• at Mahur. palities. While Marathas are credited with the Farishta's accounts clearly show that the Gond stemming of Mohammedan onslaughts, they Rajahs not only took sides in the State wars stand equally discredited for laying waste and of Muslim kingdom but also wracked vengeance looting persistantly the both resrstrnq and whenever opportunity arose. However, the surrendering territories of Gond chieftains and in independent status of the Gond kingdom came the process divested the Gonds of the last to an end with the annexation of Berar by Akbar vestiges of civilizations and forced them to take along with the Gond fort of Manikgarh in 1598 to high way robberies and savagery nurrated by A.O. However it was the raising Maratha power the travellers of these lands of the period. "They of the 18th century that completely annihilated regularly plundered and murdered stragglers and the Gond kingdom of Chanda. Raghoji Bhonsle small parties passing through the hills ..•• and annexed Chanda after killing the last of the Gond after looting and killing the whole night re-treated Rajah in 1751. across country to their jungle Iortesses guided by the light of a bona fire"':'. In fact Mahur under Gond control flourished as a centre of_ religious activlt y both for Jains Thus the Marathas. while subjugating and and Mahapunbhav movement. Evidence is avai• extractinq tribute without any thought · for the lable to show that Jain Mahants of Sikhar Jagir establishment of regular government in the area at Mahur enjoyed the patronage of Gond rulers contributing for the reduction from once princely This movement did not have any impact on the people into a plundering bands of high way religious iife of the Gond. robbers. However, the advent of the British and --'-'--;..------·--···------·-··------,-----,------:---- *Verrier Elwih, .The Muria and their· Gbotul ; 1947 Bombay, Geoffery Cumbsrleqe, Oxford University Press, PP. 20. *&.**. Russel.I :R.V; ft iHi1alal. _Tie lr'bes and Castes ot Central provinces of India,: London. 1916 Pages 46 Et 47 respectively.

_6 .. their firm establishment in the country had once based industries like cement factory, cotton changed the Gond way of life. The situation of spinning factories, paper mills, erc.. have come maladjustment was completely controlled and the up in the Gond country and in its periphery. ferocious Gond took a completely reverse posture In Arrdhra Pradesh so far no Gond is employed by becoming rneak and gullible. After the in these industries according to tribal manpower introduction of a strong and equitable system of study in tribal areas of (1978). Government, bv the British, these wild murderers Even in the forest labour Gonds are not much in soon settled down and became the timid and prominence. However, the per family land inoffensive labourers which they now are"':'. holding is highest in comparison to tribal areas in other districts. According to a Survey" per Economy family land holding of Gonds worked out to 13 acres. This was because of the large scale land The main occupation of Gonds is agriculture assignment policy adopted by the then Nizams or agricultural labour. The Gonds of Bastar still Government by excising the productive forests practise the traditional method of shifting areas and assigning them to tribals, Consequent cultivation called 'Bewar'. The Gonds of upon a minor Gond rising called Bobjhari uprising Andhra Pradesh who are almost confined to against alienation of tribal lands by non-tribals, Adilabad district and the Gonds of Chanda are each tribal family was assigned land to the settled agriculturists growing mainly food crops extent of 15 to 25 acres, being the economic like Jawar which is their staple food and cash holdings, which are called 'Loani Khaos' assign• crops cotton which is extensively grown in the ments. Further, joint family predominates other black cotton soils of Utnoor high lands. Paddy types of families, the result being large-sized is also grown in some patches where irrigation family holdings. In the Raigarh area also it was is assured under tanks, wells or lift irrigation observed that the Gonds own holdings of 10 sources. Mixed cropping is practised. In acres and above on the average. The community between rows of Jawar or cotton, rows of red or exhibits a remarkable sense of attachment to land black or green grams are grown besides bengal than to any other occupation. A study conducted gram. The Gond country of Andhra Pradesh is among the Raj Gonds of Adilabad district revealed not blessed with abundant irrigation though that there is no significant change in the the tributaries of Godavari like Penuganga and occupational pattern It is noticed that the Kadem, flow through Gond country as they are shift is only within the agricultural sector. not so far harnessed for the benefit of Gonds. Unlike other tribal areas Adilabad is not having a large number of hill streams or natural springs. It is very rarely that one comes across the traditional occupational groups like carpenter or Even the Kadam dam across the river Kadam serves only the non-tribals. However, in recent blacksmith in these areas as the Gonds are their 1 years many medium and minor irri9ation projects own carpenters and blacksmiths. Male members have been taken up for construction. Satnala of the Gond family carve their plough yoke and cart with the wood secured from forests. The medium irrigation project and a number of lift iron parts like plough share axe head, etc., are irrigation and other minor irrigation schemes are initiated for improving the irrigation facilities. purchased from the week!y market fixed after moulding by the Gonds themselves. In the Raigarh area of Orissa the Gonds cultivate millets for food and niger as cash crop. The 'Larnsadi' or marriage by service, a universal soils of Bastar and Orissa State are not suitable traditional custom of Gonds is one of the social for cotton cultivation and that crop is conspicuo• institutions that has ecconomic consequences. usly absent. Maize has been introduced recently A Gond family having only daughters or one or and is becoming popular in Dandakaranya region. two sons who could not collectively undertake Apart from the cultivated lands the Gonds all agricultural operations of the large family over the Southern region grow vegetables in holdings extending upto 50 to 100 acres bring gardens attached to their houses. a poor Gond boy on promise of marriage to the Gond economy is unlsectoral with heavy daughter · after a period of service in the family dependence on agriculture without any diversifi• agricultural lands. Many Gond families remain cation though many aqro-rnineral and forest as either vertically or horizontally extended

*Russel and Hiralal, the Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, London, 1916, P. 147 • Government of And hr a Pradesh; Occupational Pattern and Devolopment of Priorities among the Raj Gonds of Adi!abad district, 1972, Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute, PP : 23.

7 ~,-: ___ :....:======------~

joint families to facilitates corporate economic consumed in Bastar and Qrissa. Usual side dish activity of the kin without the need for hired is red gram dal with much chilly powder, a few farm hands which are very scarce also. onions and tamarind. Vegetables are consumed in large quantities, only during the winter when Both men and women participate in the family they are extensively grown in their back yards. agricultural work. Men undertake ploughing, They rarely consume oil, milk or milk products. digging, thrashing and other heavier type of The consumption of mutton is also very negligible. agricultural operations, while women help them in contrast to the large consumption of wild with weeding, crop cutting and other lighter foods like roots and tubers, fruits and leaves by agricultural operations. other tribals of the region, the Gonds consume As most of the rainfall occurs during south• mainly cultivated foods. Their cereal and pulse west monsoon period, only kharif crops are consumption is relatively superior than the other grown during June-August while the second tribals and their diets are rarely deficient in crop is raised in small patches, where irrigation proteins and calories. However, minerals such facilities are available. as iron and calcium, vitamins A and B Complex are deficient due to absence of milk and milk Some of the Gonds supplement their agri• products and fruits in their diets. The habit of cultural income with collection and sale of drinking black tea without milk is becoming very minor forest produce like gum karava and popular. Among the food available in the chiranjes. They also collect beedi leaves environment Bassia latifolia provides the Gond a seasonally for wages paid by the contractors. with clesisted mahua flowers and Buchanania latifolia with Chiranjees, both of which are found This, once ruling tribe which went through stiffs of great value to all tribals. Phosonia a period of a rnal-adjustrnent and finally settled sylvestinq and Borassus flabellifer this two plam down to sedentary agriculture, though possessing 'trees that yield sat (Sandi and Toddy) occur sizable agricultural holdings of fertile black rarely. Carvota urens, whose plarn wine is cotton soil in which cash crops like cotton and highly valued among Kovas and Bastar Gonds food crops like Jowar and various grams are is unknown in Adilabad district. grown still leads a subsistence level of living. An analysis of the family budgets showed that The Gonds now a days do little hunting and per capita income of an average Gond worked appear to have abandoned hunting as a sport or out to Rs. 206·99. ritual activity.

Dietary habits · The Gonds usually look healthy but suffer The dietary habits of the Southern Gonds from malaria, scabies, tuberculosis and digestive are almost similar except that the cereals and tract diseases whose incidence is relatively more pulses consumed in various places differ on the in the inaccessible areas". basis of the crops cultivated according to the suitability of the soil for different crops. In Social structure Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra, Jowar and The social structure of the Southern Gonds Maize along with red gram or field beans form is different from Gonds of other regions. It is the staple food, while in Bastar. Raipur and based on mythologically decreed four phratrv O rissa, Ragi, Kodi or Italian millet form the organisation. Each of these four exogamous staple diet. Maize has been introduced in this phratries consists of a number of clans and area recently by the displaced persons of Banqla members belonging to clans of a particular Desh settled in Dandakaranva, Rice is grown phratry are considered brothers and sisters. The as a rain-fed dry crop in Madhya Pradesh and four phratries trace their descent to four, five, Orissa, rarely in Andhra Pradesh and Maha- six and seven mythical brothers from whom the rashtra. The usual diet consists of a gruel members of the phratry are considered to have made out of broken Jowar called ·Peja' sprung up and they are named as four brothers in central India. It is consumed without any phratry (Nalwen Saga). The social structure vegetables early in the morning. Smaller grains of the Southern Gonds is different from the like sarnal and Italian millet are extensively Gonds of other regions. Clan and tribe are ------,------• Government of Andhra Pradesh, Health Services :n Sub-Plan areas of Andhra Pradesh, 1978. Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute.

8 .. related contextually in two different ways, in the The phr atrv is governed by two basic first instance tribalness as membership of an principles, i. e., descent and fraternal solidarity. endogamous unit and in the second instance the Descent is vertical axis following the division tribalness as distinct from the wider Indian context of the Gond society into four phratries origina• of casteness. The Gond descent system is ting from their four epical ancestors. This based on structural principles of unity and system binds the I iving male members together indivisibility and that makes it categorically which form an agnatic group while the distinct from the Indian caste system. However horizontal dimension revolves on the basic structurally Gond Kinship system is a part of principles of fraternal solidarity between the wider Hindu system. The Gonds see themselves contemporary members of the agnatic group and as totally separate. Prof. Halrnendorf". observed their wives. The phratry regu1 ates marital rela• that Gond society is conceptually a total system tions and corporate activities in the socia I and and no segment of it can contract out of basic economic and ritual relations of their life: framework of phratries and clans, On the contrary Hindu caste system have inbuilt tendency Each phratrv is strictly exogamous and sub• to spliot up into endogamous sub-sects of varying divided into a number of clans". Clan rather social status and no sectioif of Raj Goud society than phratrv is the most immediately apparent could function as independent endogamous unit motif in the Gond society. Every man or short of complete repudiation of all ties of tribal married woman or boy is identified by the clan solidarity. and by its phratrv, Every member of the Gond society knows by heart which clan belongs to Both clan and phrarrv systems are complex which phratrv and the relationship between two among Gonds and the Gond society is vertically individuals persists through a classificatory model. divided into four major exogamous patrilineal All members of a person's own phratry stand to groups known as phratries (Saga). The phratries him or her in the relation of 'Saga', i. e., paternal are not divisions in the sense of sub-castes or kinsmen and are excluded from the ranks of tribal segments but constitutent parts of social potential mates. Members of other phratries structure which cannot function except through are 'Soira' or potential mates and relations-in• their continuous interaction in marital relations law. The phratry system is not so strong in and ritual operations. The four phratries are Baster and Orissa as in Adilabad but even referred to as Yerwen saga, Seriwen saga. Siwen here they consider those clans as brother clans saga and Nalwen saga "Wen" is a Gondi term which worship the same number of clan Gods. implying a category of pri-rnordial male ancestors The four phratrv system does not extend to all while yer, ser. si and nal are abbreviations of branches of Raj Gonds, while four phratries are numericals in for seven, six, five found in that part of Madhya Pradesh which lies and four respectively. These numbers do not South of Nagpur, only two phratries occur among indicate a system of ranking but relate to the Gonds of Northern Nagpur Plain and Satpura order of emergence of original ancestors. Each region. Many of the Gond clans are totemistic phratry has its own doltv-Persa Pen worshipped and named after animals. Generally the members by all its constitutent clans. . The phratrv is not a of a sept do not kill or injure their totem corporate ceremonial unit. The clan God is animals. 2" worshipped by the clan members and maximal lineage. Each of these four phratrles comprises a Though the Gonds of Adilabad and Raigarh number of clans and members belonging to are separated by many other groups over a very particular phratrv are considered as brothers and large distance it is very interesting to note that sisters. The phratries constitute a basic frame a number of common totemistic cl ans exist within which the tradition bound social forces between them, such as, Maravi, Naitam, Pusam, operate and almost every major social and ritual Povarn. Kurrarn. Veti, Tekarn which indicate that occasion bears out this phratry based fragmenta• inspite of regional diversity the Southern Gonds tion of social structure of Gonds. have a common kinship system.

=Hatmendorf. C. V. F. The descent Group system of the Raj Gonds, 1956. London, School of Oriental and African studies Vol. XVIII: Part·3. *Michal Yorke : Kinship, marriage and ideology among the Raj Gonds a tribal system in the context of South India, 1979; Vol. 13 No. 1 contribution to Indian Sociology. •The clan organisation of the Gonds "Burdakar M. P. Man in India XXVII 1947.

9 ,-

Until marriage a Gond girl is only a daughter parents-in-law's house. Family is the basic unit of her natal clan. It is therefore essential in of Gond social structure. Majority of the Gond Gond society that al! girls are married. The girl families are either extended or joint families, becomes a member of that clan in which she is Polygynous families are frequently met with as primarily married. The Gond men may have many of the landed Gonds usually marry more more than one primary marriage and it is the than one wife. Though marriage by negotiation reason for the prevalence of polygyny. Soon is the frequently resorted to as a method of after marriage a bride is introduced to the clan acquiring mates, capture. service and mutual deitY of her husband. She will never lose the love and elopment are also met with. It is membership inspire of secondary marriages to interesting to note that sometimes a boy is also members of other clans. captured to secure not only a bridegroom for the daughter but also to ensure a working hand Though the Gond woman enjoys freedom in for the farm work. However, the status of this selecting mates, divorce and dances, her status Iamsade son-in-law is in no way inferior to the is definitely inferior to that of the males. The other members of the family. Even after marriage Gond woman cannot cook or offer any food and expiry of the period of service, sornerimes, offered to the clan Gods. An unmarried girl the son-in-law may continue to stay in the cannot take part in the rituals of the clan deity• father-in-law's house and gats a share of the persa pen. Though Hie unmarried Gond girl property along with sons of the family. enjoys unrestricted freedom, the moment she is married, she is subjected to number of restric• It may be concluded that clans and sub-clans tions and has to be more faithful to her husband. system of Gonds continue to operate effectively In spite of workinq very hard in the fields, as in general and particular at ritual level. Further well as cooking food for the family, tending it is also observed that remarkable feature of the cattle, fetching water and doing all sorts of odds Gond society is that clan system persists as an jobs, a · woman cannot inherit any property from · integrating force. It is noticed that the tradi• her parents or from her husband. A married tional authority is decaying while the rigidity woman has to observe avoidance of her son-in• and the strength of Gond's descent group system ✓ law and also her husband's elder brother has continued to remain unaffected. (Raigarh). Such restrictions make the position Religion: of Gond woman inferior to that of their men. The Gonds all over India are polytheistic. All The Gonds of Bastar and Raigarh area of deities are thought of in anthropomorphic terms. Orissa have the institution of common sleeping All Gonds worship a supreme being, called houses known as Gotulghar, which are conspi- Shembu Pen in Chanda and Adilabad and Bara . cuously absent among· the Raj Gonds of Maha• Dea in Madhya Pradesh. Various other names rashtra and Andhra Pradesh. The boys and girls are used for the Supreme God. Near Chanda have two separate houses called Dhanqria, and Adilabad. God is known by the name Ghotal (Boy's dormitory) and Dhanqri Ghotal Persa Pen, in Bastar as Bara Pen, in Orissa (Girl's dormitory) in Raigarh, where every un• Badival Pen. It is evident from Gond tradition married boy or girl above 12 years have to sleep that in olden days Bara Deo was honoured by at night. In Bastar and Haiqarh the boys and the sacrifice of a cow, which practice is on the gil"ls have a regular organisation, the captain of wane. Bara Deo is recognised as the creator the boy's dormitory being called Kotwar and the and master of the universe. Yet in their Vice-captain Mukwan, while the captain of the reiigious ritual, he plays a very unimportant part. girls' is called Belosa and the Vice-captain is Dhartri Mata, the Earth mother is also worshipped called Delosa. The boys and girls sing and universally. dance together and are also taught the tribal The cult of village guardian deities both male ritual and etiquette at the Gotu!. The boys and and female is -!tfso a universal phenomenon of girls become intimate and ultimately settle their Gond religion. Thus Aki Pen, the village marriages. guardian and Auwal (mother) the village mother Descent and inheritance are patrilineal, resi• are found in every Gond village of Adilabad and dence being patrilocal except in the case of Kher mai in Central India. Gods of disease such as rnaerlaqe by service ( Lamsade) where matri local Manai mata, Sital Mata, shrines of Bhirnana, residence is permitted for the period during which .Janqubai, Bear:i, Rajel pen, all deities with the son-in-law is expected to serve in the power to influence the fate of the human beings

iO ere also found in many villages, but their cult cloths (kariwa), the symbols used in the cult of rests with the individual families and they are Persa Pen, the great God. The original four known as household Gods. These household phratries (saga) have later split into clan (parni) Gods increase or decrease as special occasion and into sub-clans (kehandan) and the Gonds necessitates. If a set of Gods do not work explain that in the course of time each of the satisfactorily they are also discarded and a new clans obtained a set of ritual objects and began set introduced. Similarly field Gods, cattle Gods to worship the Persa Pen of their phratry at and Gods of the dead are also very common. separate sanctuaries. Now there is no clan They worship Gods presiding over the village which does not pride in the possession of its destinies, the crops, epidemic diseases, the own Persa Pen symbols. spirits of their forefathers and the weapons and Associated with the Persa Pen of all clans. creations of the chase. They consist of stones are 'sati' small stones or lumps of hardened or mud platforms, placed at a convenient distance vermilion paste which represent the female from the village under the shade of some appro• ancestors of the clan and Kanik, the symbols of priate tree and often having a red or white flag, prominent male members of the clan. The made of a piece of cloth, tied to the end of a deceased clan members are formaly joined with pole to indicate their positions. the clan deities by the sacrifice of a goat, and The cult of the clan Gods or deities stands on the third evening of Persa Pen feast in 'pus' foremost in the Gond's religious conciousness is entirely devoted to the propitiation of the clan except in areas where the tribal culture is already ancestors and the departed. in a state of disintegration. Among the Southern Raj Gonds of Adilabad and Maharnshtra the cult To propitiate deities there are separate priests of clan God is still very prominent and it is for the clan deities and village deities. The clan firmly anchored in Gond mythology preserved priest is · called 'Katora', whose office is her• through oral tradition by the Pradhans who are editary. Each clan and sub-clan has one family hereditary bards to Gonds. Due to growing of 'Katora'. Usually the office passes from father contacts with neighbouring Hindu population in to eldest son, but if necessary any member of Central Province the old forms of ritual customs the family can function as -Karo-a'. He is very including cow sacrifice has disappeared. The important in establishing harmonious relations Gond religion in its original form is still very between the living clan members and invisible much evident among the Gonds inhabiting forces including spirits of ancestors and departed. the hill tracts lying between Penqanqa and The village priest is known as 'Devari' and Godavari river. The relationship between the performs rites for the village deities. He is usually Gonds of Adilabad and Yeotmal and Chanda the descendent of the Village founder and often district is very close and identical belief system combines his function as priest with that of and cult form prevail among them. Even among 'Pat-el'. The 'Bhakta!' or seers are those people the Madvha Pradesh Gonds each clan has a who establish direct contact with the Gods by Bara Deo or Persa Pen of its own and it is falling into a state of trance, interpreted as believed that the spirits of the deceased are possession by Gods during certain ritual performa• united with Bara Deo of their own clan some nces. These are men and rarely women. The times after death. They also regulate their two principal Persa Pen feasts are held in the marriage according to the number of their clan months of Bhawe (May-June) and Pus ( December• Gods. However the worship of clan gods is January), and a minor ceremony is often per• conspicuously absent there. formed at the time of Dassera. Another func• tionary in both Adilabad and Central Frovinces Though tha deities propitiated by the Gonds is the 'Pradhan· or 'Pradhanqa', who are the on one or the 'other occasion are many, it is traditional bards of the Gonds, and the songs mainly the cult. of the clan-deities, the Persa Pen, and stories which they preserve by oral which derives sanction from their sacred epics. transmission are the most important depositories According to Gond doctrine the culture hero of Gond tradition. Their presence at religious Pahandi Kupar Lingal instructed the ancestors of rites is obligatory, but they function only as the Gonds in the cult of the deities to be musicians, never as priests. worshipped by each of the four phratrles (saga) and procured for them four iron spear heads, The belief in witchcraft and magic is strong four whisks (chauwur). four sets of brass bells among Gonds ; the Gonds in the recent past (gagre), four bamboo staves (kati) and four used to sacrifice cows. It was also a recorded

11 tact that tS0nds were accustomed t0 offer human m sterial and sexual re anons. ' violation 9f sa::rifice speclaltv to goddess Kali and goddess principles .of tribal endogamy or phrntry · er clan Dhanteswari, the tutelary deities of Rajas of exogamy besides fixation of dates for festival Bastar and Chanda districts. Mr.· Hislop is of electrations and first ploughing of fi~lds are some the view that human sacrifices w,3re offered of the activities of the traditional COlH)G,iJ~ at the - until well into the 19th century. This practice is not level of village and tribe. Mokhashi' who in vogue now and given up completely. However commands the sconomic resources of a group of during FT)Y recent visit in Octo.ber' 80 to Raigarh villages also settles the int~r0vil,lage ,di§IJ,yt!:!s and block W.00.rime'tla Tahasil of Koraput district of other disputes tha~ could not ge s~Jfl~~ qy the Or1s~a State the officials informed that recently viHag~ council. A Rajah wa§ similar !O 'Mokhasnl' but for his large ar~a of jµrjs.gictiqn i . .e., ?- y~ar& before 9 ~a~~· ot hµmar, sacrifice yy,c}§ rep\'>fg,q frpm /alar:ipar~ viii~~~ of B.ai~arh and hi.gher poljtifal and §9ci,al si9!l,J§> and pl9;r~- 9!:Hin~ my tours in 1~.4~ in Kerimeri command ,over ,economic res9urc@~ of a large number of villages. The 'Mf)!

Russel, R. V. and Hiralal, R. B. The Tribes end Castes of the Central Provinces of India, 1916; London, Macmillan and Co., ;PP.112.

12 .. who used to exploit the weak and powerless vital components of the Gond Development Gonds. The establishment of Nizarn's Rule Programme whose strategy was evolved by Prof. further expanded the administrative machinery Haimendorf and adopted almost up to the begi• up to the village level. A hierarchy of adminis• nning of second Five-Year Plan. During the trative personnel have been systematically Second Five-Year Plan the entire programme preserved and the 'Deshrnukh' and 'Deshpande' got merged and almost lost its identity with the were also stripped 0'i the powers with the introduction of Community Development Pro• introduction of Panchavat Raj and Community gramme in Gond area in the year 1952. A speci• Development. The whole of Gond concentra• fic strategy of Tribal Development called Multi• ted area is brought under democratic decen• purpose Projects was evolved at All-India level tralization set-up with the establishment of and implementad in areas of tribal concentration Panchavat Samitis. Thus a feudalistic society all over the country. One of such Multipurpose of Raj Gonds of Southern region has been Tribal Development Project was first introduced transformed into a decentralised dernocartic with its headquarters at Utnoor in 1956-57 bring• society with a statutory leadership elected ing the Gond area of Adilabad into the fold of through adu It franchaise in place of hereditary intensive development for the first time. The succession. process still continues, though the instrumentality The dawn of independence and the strategy underwent changes from Multipurpose approach of directed change adopted for the socio• to Tribal Development Block approach du.inq economic transformation of the country unlea• Third Plan period heralding r.ew era of tribal shed a series of development programmes whose development in areas of Gond predominance. benefits percolated even to the Gond areas. The sub-plan strategy has adopted intsqrated However, unlike the other Gond country, the Tribal Development approach by creating a Gond areas of Adilabad have been fortunate second tier district level development Institution enough in reaping the benefit of development called lnteqrated Tribal Development Agency for programmes as early as 1940. As mentioned the promotion of accelerated balanced develop• earlier the necessity for introducing the ment of identified areas of trlbal concentration programme was felt by events leading to the since the Fifth Plan period. Bobjhari uprising and the consequent chaos created in the Gond society. There was a Many new institutions have come into exis• similar uprising in Bastarin 1910 also. The deve• tence due to implementation of tribal develop• lopmental programme envisaqed in Adilabad msnt programmes. Besides the non-residential district in early 1940's mainly centred around primary schools and upper primary schools and provision of much needed social and economic high schools, residential ashram schools are also infrastructure. As a part or Implementation of established to suit the tribal way of life. Similarly these developmental programmes vast areas of in addition to the common primary health centres unproductive forest was excised and assiqnsd to and headquarters hospitals, mobile medical units the Gonds under 'Laoni Khas' scheme to provide were established to take medical care to the door them a fairly stable and reliable source of liveli• steps of the tribals, Many protective regulations hood. This economic development programme for• have been passed to safeguard the interests med basis for envisaging Gond education scheme of tribals in land and forest and shield them to help transformation of Gond society. As a first from the depredations of money lenders, land step under this scheme a training centre was alienators etc., besides continuation of land started to teach 3 Rs of education to the illete• assignment scheme. rate adult Gonds and to introduce them to impro• The tribal development programmes ved agricultural and allied practices. The success• implemented for the benefit of Gonds of ful trainees of this centre were appointed as tea• Adilabad region have no doubt helped them chers in newly started schools. Special primers to grow, yet the Gonds have not been able to and charts were prepared in Gondi with Devana• avail the opportunity fully thrown at their gari script. Thus an ,3ducation programme suited door step. There appears to be certain inherent to their genius was started for the exclusive weaknesses of fear phvscosis and barriers benefit of tribals who were then almost at zero operating in their minds due to long impact of point of literacy. various forces. Their sense of pride permitted The Gond Education Scheme, Co-operative them to be lenient in their outlook. The land Movement and Land Assignment constitute the grabing and aggessive immigrant fully exploited

13 r

(

their simple nature to their advantage. The is very small while the graduates can be counted magnitude of the incursions of non-tribals on finger tips. The apathy to pursue education becomes clear if we glance at decennial growth appears to be universal among the Gonds. Even of population in 1971 over 1961 in Utnoor in Madhya Pradesh position of literacy amor:g Taluk. The total population has increased from Gonds is not better. Out of the total population 55·09 to 93·82 thousands. The Gonds of 48 lakhs only 4·42 lakhs are literates among characteristically succumb to the pressures of the Gonds i. e., the percentage of literacy of new settlers. The similar situation was Gonds to the total S. T. population of India is observed by Mr. Narona as early as 1944 while 1 ·16 per cent. The percentage of literate Gonds discussing the problems of tribes of Madhya constitute 9·20 to its total population (1971 Pradesh. I was told during mv visit to census). The illiterates constitute 91 ·65 per cent Raigarh block that Gonds were not able to to the total population of 37 lakhs in M. P. The withstand the pressure of non-tribals. matriculates are only 7,048 which works out to 0·18 per cent. The graduatas and post-graduates Protective laws have been in force in all are 288 (0·01 per cent). Among the Gonds of the scheduled areas of the country but these Andhra Pradesh the literacy percentage is only laws have proved ineffective on account of 3-3 per cent. manipulative techniques and circumvention of The two Gonds who have been representing laws by the non-tribal. In Utnoor Taluk, hardly reserved assembly constituencies til I 1978 have there is any village where Gonds have not been lost their seats to other tribal communities in totally or partially ousted by the non-tribals Adilabad & these representatives did not represent inspire of strong protective laws promulgated the interest of their constituents effectively. to save the tribals' interest. Stephen Fuchs in 1960 observed "that though the Due to opening of a net-work of roads Gonds are better represented in Parliament and in commercial activity has increased. Commercial the Legislative Councils their participation in centres and shops have grown all along the forming Government policy is not at all in corres• roads in this region and these may endanger pondence with their numbers. At the last election, the capital assets of the Gonds and also adversely the Congress party put up several Gond candidates affect their living. The Gonds who were in various districts and they were elected on the previously raising mainly food crops have now Congress tickets. These candidates, however, had taken to commercial crops like cotton. They either so completely adopted non-tribal ways of are also making use of radio sets, bicycle, etc. life that they could not adequately put forward They do not invest on capital assets. The the problems of aboriginal Gond, or they were so fruitful use of income calls for skill and foresight backward that they could not make themselves which the Gonds do not have. In contrast ~o heated in the councils.':' the situation the Gonds of Raigarh still prefer to The Gond society is also under the impact of grow food crops and the new crop like maize is religious movements. In the States of Madhya introduced rocentlv by the immigrants on a Pradesh and Orissa. the Gonds appear to be under commercial basis, but the material possession of the strong influence of the religious leaders who these Gonds in this region is still traditional. are advocating various restrictions on food, drink The tea is usually served in leaf cups and for etc. A similar wave is also seen among the the visitors it is served in brass ware plates Gonds of Raigarh of Orissa State. The Gonds of (Thali). The quality of life in these villages do Adilabad who have preserved a rich cultural not appear to have undergone change when tradition are also exposed to the alien faith and compared to the Gonds of Adilabad. they are under the influence of late saint Tukdoji The Gonds do not appear to have realized the Maharaj. His disciple, saint Surya Bhan Maharaj value of education in strengthening their socio• who resides in the high lands of Utnoor Taluk is economic fabric. A net-work of educational also advocating vegetarianism and other taboos. institutions have grown in a period of 30 Years In Udaipur village of Raigarh it was noticed that yet few Gond children have succeeded in the even the traditional social institution 'Ghotul' transition from these schools to the normal Middle (youth dormitory) is under the influence of the and High Schools. The number of matriculates religious movement. Gonds in this village have

*Stephen Fuchs: The Gond and Bhumia of Eastern Mandie; 1960; Bombay, Asia Publishing House, PP: 236.

14 .. a I so learnt new pattern of Bhajans and prayer programmes are yet to be seen. The Gond taught by their religious leaders; 'Babas' and this farmers were also motivated to adopt wet is reflected in their music and dance patterns. cultivation methods, but this programme was not well received by Gorids. j_ It may be seen that the religious institutions, It is evident from the above analysis that the religious beliefs, social life of Gonds are under• Gond society continues to display the firm going changes. As a result of this the Gond solidarity and cohesiveness in its structure, society is found to be segmented into the though they have been exposed to rapid changing traditionalists and neo-religious practitioners. situations. Gonds in their day to day life do not resort to corporate action in their economic Marked changes have not taken place in the activities. The gains accrued to the Gonds have occupational structure as the agriculture conti• not been commensurate With efforts and invest• nues to be the main-stay for a vast majority of ments made by the Government. The strategy the Gonds. Among the Gonds 0'1 Adilabad, adopted by sub-plan will ensure flow of bene• diversification of occupational base has been fits to the tribals and in the process will also attempted by way of developing animal hus• break the barriers in progress. It is hoped that bandry sector. Consequently dairy industry Gonds would soon appreciate plan programmes is taken up by Gonds and the results of this and avail opportunities provided to them.

15 . The Santals: A glimpse into their life and activities

SHRI A. K. DAS

Introductory Tribes. The State-wise break up of their popu• The Santals, one of the largest tribes of lation in these four States as per 1971 Census India are spread over a wide area in Bihar, are as follows Orissa, West Bengal, Tripura, Assam and also in Bangladesh, but the majority of them live in Bihar-18,01,304; Orissa-4,52,953, West Bihar and · West Bengal. This Community has Bengal _:13,76,980 and Tripura-2,222. attracted the attention of the Administrators, Besides those States they are also found in Social Scientists and Welfare Workers because other areas where they are not recognised as of its distinctive position amongst fellow tribals Scheduled Tribes, hence their population figure of Eastern India. Perhaps P. O. Sodding is not available from the Census. was the pioneer who introduced the Sartals through his writings to the outside It has already been mentioned that 9·55 world. Indian anthropologists later on joined to per cent of the total Scheduled Tribe population this and many publications were brought out on of India belong to Santai community. Of the different aspects of Santai life. Mention may be total Santai population (36,33,459) the State of made about the names of P. C. Biswas, N. Dutta Bihar shares 49·58 par cent 18,01,304). West Majurndar, Martin Orans, V. K. Kochar. I<. K, Bengal 37·90 per cent (13,76,980), Orissa 12"46 Dutta and many others. per cent (4,52,953) and Tripura holds the lowest position with 0·06 per cer.t (2,222). Let us Anthropologists like B. S. Guha, D. N. now examine the position of the Santals in Majumder, S. S. Sarkar devoted much thoughts respect to the total population of the States on the racial characteristics of the Santals and where they are recognised as Scheduled Tribes. assigned their affinity to Proto-Australoid and/ In Bihar the Santals constitute 3·20 per cent or Pre- Dravidian stock. A marked resemblance of the total population, West Bengal comes next has been noticed with the Veddas of Srilanka with 3·11 per cent followed by Orissa with and the aboriginals of Australia. Mongoloid 2·06 per cent and Tripura with 0·14 per cent strain has also been noticed among some of of the total population. them. In West Bengal 54·35 per cent of the total Demography tribal population (25,32,969) are Santals, in The present population of the Santals Bihar the corresponding percentage i3 36·52 accounts for more than three and half miliions of the total tribal population (49,32,767), In (36,33,459) constituting 9·55 per cent of the total Orlssa it is 8·93 per cent of the total (50,71,937), tribal population of India. They are numerous tribals and in Tripura the percentage is in tha States of Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal and only 0'49 among the State tribal population Trlpura where they are recognised as Scheduled (4,50,544). .. 16 The following chart will be helpful to get an over view of the demographic situation of the Santai population in four States by their distribution through rural and urban areas.

States Total (T) Persons Males Females Rural (R) .L Urban (U)

Bihar T 1,301,304 899,664 901,640 R 1,762,591 879,527 883,064 u 38,713 22,137 18,576 -West Bengal T 1,376,980 697,365 679,615 R 1,354,823 685,340 669,483 u 22,157 12,025 10,132 Orissa T 452,953 225,741 · 227,212 R 444,030 221,055 222,975 u 8,.923 4,686 4,237 Tripura T 2,222 1,189 1,033 R 2,219 1,186 1,033 u 3 3 All Combined T 3,633,459 1,823,959 ,1,809,500 R 3,563,663 1,787,108 1,776,555 u 69,796 36,851 32,945

Considering the combined population figures Maubhum districts. The districts of Mavurbhan]. of the four States it is found that there are 992 Balasore and Keonjhar of Orissa are also noted females per thousand males. But for individual for this population. !n West Bengal the districts States there appears a variation. In Bihar and of Purulia, Midnapur, Bankura and Birbhum Orlssa the females are larger in number than the are the areas of major concentrations. The males. Contrary to this the corresponding female Santais have been living in these areas through population of West Bengal and Tripura are less centuries and they have built up a tradition of than the male population. their own which left impression on the neigh• bouring population. This tradition may be traced The preponderance of rural population over back to Proto- historic era. urban population is the common feature in all cases. When all States counted together we Language find 98·08 per cent ot the Santai population The Santali dialect belongs to the Austro• live in rural areas. The same trend is maintained Asiatic group of Austric Speech family, for individual States. For Tripura of course the According to G. A. Grierson the present dialect urban population is almost absent, there are of the Santals has been derived from the old only three males in urban area. Of the total Kherwari language. In this rega, d this dialect urban Santals (69,796), 56 per cent are in Bihar, has got similarity with the Mundari speaking per cent in West Bengal and the remaining 32 people because of their common genesis. The 12 per cent in Orissa, It appears that the Santals in general are bilingual. Besides their proportional high percentage of urban Santals in mother tongue they have adopted regional Bihar is due to impact of industrial complexes languages which are current in their habitation. developed in and around tribal areas. Thus in Orissa they can speak in Oriya, similarly in Bihar they speak in Hindi and in West Bengal Geographical Location it is Bengali. This population has no script of There is a characteristic concentration of thls its own. There are Santali books writte'n in population in certain areas of Bihar, Orissa and Bengali, Nagri, Oriya and Roman scripts. A West Bengal which appear as the hub for their new script has been introduced in recent dispersion to adjoining areas. In Bihar they are years known as Olchiki' which has an influence mainly found in Santai Parqans. Si 1ghbhum and of Oriya script.

17 I'

Historical Background in the beginning of 1856. It is said that some The Santals are very concious about their ten thousand Santals lost their lives during that identity and heritage. They have consciously or confrontation with the sepoys. But this incident unconsciously built up a sense of solidarity brought about a change in the outlook of the amongst themselves. Their internal solidarity is administration which fo!lowed certain adiminlstra• tive reforms. A separate district named as Santai often based on their principle of likeness that is Parganas was established. Upto 1911 it was a shared cultural characteristic which binds them together. Certain external forces simultaneously under Bengal, but at present belongs to Bihar have posed a threat to their existence which State. Since the formation of this district it has created internal solidaritv amongst themselves. become the core of the Santai tradition and These forces are often referred to as 'Dikus'. actrvines. It was recognised as a non-regulated The money lenders contractors, political infiltrators district under the control of a Deputy Commi• and such other exploiters are grouped in this ssioner with four assistants under him, they were category. There is a myth of their origin which vested with civil as well as criminal powers. The is widely accepted by the memb,3rs of the Santals of this particular district enjoyed special community. The essential features of this myth legislative protection. The Santai Parganas Land are also shared by the Mundas, Hos and other Settlement was introduced in 1873 whereafter the neighbouring tribes which also help in the forma• problem of land was stabilised. tion of a regional solidaritv, There is a close linguistic relation with the Santals, Hos, Mundas Migration and Bhumijas which contributes to this solidarity. Some scholars traced out of migration and settlement of the Santai community in their There are two events in the history of the present habitats through successive pr otohlstorlc Santals of particular importance-(i) the establish• and historic era and link up their traditional ment of. a Santai colony in Damin-r-koh and homeland to Central India (well known Dandaka• (ii) Santai insurrection of 855. J ranva area). Later on they came down to The Santals settled in the district around the eastern flank of Dandakaranya (at present Durnka, the present Headquarters of Santai administratively demarcated in Bihar and Orissa States). They were a people of nomadic habit Parqanas in the later part of 18th Century and beginning of 19th Century (1790-1810). The who wandered from place to place with a hill tract of Rajmahal lies fifteen miles north of tendency to move towards east. What is certain Dumka. The Mal Paharias and the Sauria is that they settled within historic times in the Paharias were the first recoded inhabitants of this Chotanagpur plateau and in the adjoining districts region. On the recommendation of the then of and Singhbhum, and moved Government Damin-r-koh was formed in 1832-33. towards north at the close of the 18th century The area comprised 1,366 Sq. miles. The hill and made their home in Santai Parganas. From tract was reserved for the Paharia people and now on we find them mentioned in Government about 500 Sq. miles at the foot of the hill were papers, news papers and other pub I ications. The given to the Santals who came from the district pull factor behind this migration centred round of Birbhum. This colony plays an important (i) Jungle clearing for permanent settlement, role in the history of the Santals. It became a (ii) demand for manual labour force for mining and quarrying, (iii) for engaging them in indigo place of self preservation at the time of and tea plantations and other allied avocations disintegration and ruin. and finally, (iv) demand for agricultural labour With the passage of time the Santals in force. A good number of them were also Damln-i-koh faced several adversities at the engagBd in railway construction. hands of the money-lenders. traders and con• tractors. Their grievances could not get justice In West Bengal the Santals have a good deal from the Government officials. This disquieting of historical tradition in the districts of Midnapore, feature ultimately turned into revolt. The Purulia, Bankura and Maida. Their entry and rebellion started in June 1855 under the leader• settlement in those areas may be traced back to ship of four brothers Sidu, Kanhu. Chandu and two hundred years or more. With the growth of Bhalrab from Parheit valley in the very heart of collieries in western part of Burdwan the Santals the Darnin-i-Koh. After sporadic incidents the migrated there as colliery labourers. However, rebellion was quelled down by the administration they do not live in those collieries but live in

18 adjacent villages where they made their permanent of deficiency in the functioning 0'1 the family. settlement. In due course some of their members In addition, the contractors sometimes recruit also became cultivators and/or agricultural able workers from younger generation for labourers. There is a general migration of these working in the industrial centres. This creates population in interior villages during agricultural a vaccum in the village life. Those migrating season. In addition to the Santals of the district with the contractors acquire various types of itself the labour hands of this community are vices which results in to Maladjustment after also brought from Midnapore and Bankura their return to the respective villages. districts as seasonal migrants. There are parti• cular police-stations in Burdwan district This seasonal migration also brings some (Ansqrarn, Galsi, Bhatar, Memari, Raina, .Jarnalpur, better things in tribal's life. This migration Kaina, Manteswar, etc.) where heavy influx of appears to have curbed the boundaries of this migrant population take place each vear. In separatism between the Santals and rural this process some families g,3t themselves perrna• peasantry, because they work in close economic nentlv settled in the adjoining areas. relationship to a considerable extent. This migration has also helped to refresh and In and around -Jharqrarn Police Station of reinvigorate their distinctive cultural traits and Midnapore district they came two ways-one by retain their identity in spite of smal! numbers branch came there from the north (Santai in the districts as the Santai labourers can come Parqanas) and the other group came from South• in close contact with those of the Santals West that is Mayurbhanj area of Orissa. of Santai Parganas. After the Santai insurrection of 1855 a good number of them migrated to Hazaribagh and New Settlers crossed over Rajmahal Hills to enter Birbhum and Though . not out of context a few major others went to Murshidabad and Maida districts. features of the colliery labourers, industrial Those who went to North Bengal and Assam labourers and tea garden labourers are worth to work as tea plantation labourers after certain noting. In Burdwan district a good number of period settled down in the neighbourhoods to Santals have gradually settled down within the develop permanent settlements. In North Bengal last three or four generation in connection with colliery work. They do not however live in the the Police-Stations of Naxalbari and Kharioari acquaired distinctions in the history of recent collieries but in villages adjacent to the colliery. peasant movements due to the participation of These people practise side by side agriculture Santai settlers. also in their own land or in others' land as share-croppers. Thus they do not have totally Seasonal Migration lost their agricultural moorings. In the Chitta• ranjan Locomotive Workshop, Hindusthan Cable Seasonal migration plays a dominant role in the Factory and in Durgapur Steel Project some of socio-economic life of Santals. Landless Santai the Santals work as unskilled labourers. They labourers from western Midnapore, Bankura, do have attachment towards agriculture w hich Purulia and from some parts of Santai Parcanas results to heavy absenteeism during agricultural of Bihar and Mavurbhan] area of Orissa come to season. Tea Industry is an aqro-based industry, Murshidabad. Burdwan, Hooqhlv and Howrah many of the Santals who have once worked districts of West Bengal to work in the agri• as tea garden labourers now have built up culture and brick fields. These Santai immigrants permanent villaqes, are generally looked upon as sturdy and depen• dable workers and find ready employment among The Santals call .thernselves 'Hor Hopon' or the non-tribals of the district. This migration is 'sons of Man'. • They are a community with creating disharmony in their social life both in distinctive social and religious characteristics. their village of origin as well as in the place of Two major territorial groups are recognised their migration. In the place of migration they among the Santalsz+-the Santals of Santai pass a life of detachment where ceremonies, Parqanas and adjoining regions, north of the festivals etc., are not observed, certain social Damodar river and the Santals of southern norms are also devalued. Simultaneously their fringe of Bihar. northern fringe of Orissa and family in villages suffers a temporary 'break' South-western fringe of West Bengal lying owing to absence of certain working members. south of the river Damodar. The northern This temporary disorganisation invites some sort Santals are called by southerners as 'Dumka

19 Hor' (that iS the people of Dumka, a town the least is maintained in the case of other three in Santai Parqanas of Bihar). The southerners States. The following chart will reveal the are called by the northerners as 'Bugri Hor' position:- (people who do not use chaste form of language). These two groups have dialectical State Percentage of literate and and certain socio-cultural differences. educated Persons

Educational Institutions Total Tribal Santai population population population The Santals had their traditional institutions through which members of the society were made acquainted with their cultural heritage. Bihar 19·94 11 ·64 7·51 Those institutions were run in the line of Guru West Bengal 33·20 8·92 7·93 Schools. Music, songs and dances were the forms of teachings. In former times every Orissa 26·18 9'46 9·06 clan had its Guru School headed by an old 30·87 15·03 9·09 person who had intimate knowledge of the Tripura myths, legends and customs of the people. The Santals, though a dominant tribal popula• In the Pre- Independence era due to the tion in Eastern India but in the field of education activities of different Christian Missions the their achievement is very low in cornparisicn with Santals were brought under the impact of Mongoloid and other small tribal groups. The modern education. But this influence was felt following chart presents a comparative picture of mainly by the Christian section of that commu• literacy amongst the Santals in different States nity. After Independence vigorous step was · of Eastern India. Of the total Santals residing in taken by the States as well as the Cantre to the four States, only 7·86 per cent are literate propagate education among this population. and educated, the percentage of male literates The programmes included the setting up of being 13·11 and females 2·03. If this be taken educational Institutions and extending various as a base line of progress then we find that Bihar, facilities which need no elaboration here. with largest ..umber of Santals is the only State Let us now examine the literacy position of which could not achieve position higher than the the concerned population. The percentage of line of progress in respect of total. male, female literate and educated persons for the total popula• literacy. A contrary scene is observed in case of tion in Bihar is 19·94 against 11 ·64 of the Sche• West Bengal where the achievement is more than duled Tribe population and 7·51 per cent of the the line of progress in every respect. In case of Santai population. This gradual decreasing trend female literacy only Orissa could not put a mark of educated persons from State level to tribal above the line ; the same is the case with population and coming down to the Santals to Tripura.

SI. State Total Male Female Literate and educated persons No. Total Male Female No. P.C. No. P.C. No. P.C.

1 Bihar .• 1,801,304 899,664 901,640 135,280 7·51 117,158 13·02 18,122 2·01

2 W e st- 1,376,980 697,365 679,615 109,241 7·93 95,263 13·66 13,978 2·05 Bengal. 0 Orissa .. 452,953 225,741 277,212 41,054 9·06 36,430 16·14 4,624 1·66

4 Tripura .. 2,222 1,189 1,033 202 9·09 190 15·98 12 1 ·16

2·03 Total .. 3,633,459 1,823,959 1,809,500 285,777 7·86 249,041 13·11 36,736

20 The above discussion underlines two major implements they have not yet reached the level factors-(i) the Santai being the most numerous of other neighbouring non-tribals, amongst the tribals of Eastern India, could not surpass the line of achievement of the respective Data available in our hand do not permit us area and (ii) amongst the Santals themselves the to go into the details of oarticipation of workers development could not follow a uniform Pattern in different industrial categories for each State in all the States. Surprisingly, in Bihar where separately. By considering the situation they cover more than fifty per cent of their prevailnq in West Bengal we may, presume that population and where the Christian Missionurv more or less similar ihinqs are happening in activities lasted for a longer r eriod there the other States. performance appeared, with a poor show.

In West Bengal 38·45 per cent of the Santai The percentage of actual students to the population are workers (529391) as per expected students is far below the mark in 1971 Census. Of the tot, I workers, about respect of Primary and Secondary education. A 90 per cent are engaged in Agricultural sector, sample survey conducted in the State of West• Cultivators 33-74 per cent (178627) and Bengal has revealed that a little below 50 per cent Agricultural Laboure s 55'70 per cent (294864) of the students do not take admission in the Thus is seen that more than half of the working Secondary stage after completion of Primary population eke out their existence as labourers. education. The roll strength in the Secondary Of the remaining 10 per cent of workers about stage also tapers at the hiqher level due to 5 per cent are engaged in "Livestock, Forestry, wastege and stagnation to the extent of thirty to Fishing and Plantation" ('17,845=3·37 per cent) forty per cent. Those few who proceed for Post• and "Mining and quarrying" (74,621=1'41 Matric education get themselves admitted in the per cent). Of the rest, 2-43 per cent (12,880) Arts or Commerce stream. That is the reason are engaged in "other services". The residual why we do not find them in the professional fields. 3·35 per cent are shared by five categories of Most of them get in white colar jobs. Due to Household Industry (3,655=0·96). other than their poor achievements in the field of education Household Industry (6,441 = 1 22), Construc- diversification of occupation has not taken place tion (1,249=0·23), Trade and Commerce to the desired extent. (2,573=0-49) and Transport, Storage and Cornmuncaticn (3,795=0·72). Occupational pattern The Santals were formerly engaged in collec• The emergence of agricultural labourers to a tion of forest produce, hunting, fishing and culti• larger propotion has been caused due to the vation on hill slopes. iheir main trading craft was transformation of land owining cultivator to extraction of oil and manufacture of lime. At present landless condition in a progressive way. As they are mostly engaged in cultivation, but mainly because the community as such was least in the capacity of share-croppers, agricultural subjected to technical know-how of other labourers and small farmers. In earlier days non-agricultural sectors, so the diversification and Indian corn was their staple food but gradually occupational mobility were restricted to a great they came to depend more on rice, though they extent which ultimately curbed down their cultivate other cereals also. With the starting of participation in gainful occupations. A sample tea industry in 1860- 70s in North Bengal and survey was conducted in a number of villages in Assam many Santals were employed as labourers. West Bengal to ascertain the occupatlonal change Many of them were engaged in the construction through generations. The findings revealed that of railways. A good number of them were in grandfathers) generation most of them were brought for colliery work although they remained cultivators while agricultural labourers were few unskilled labourers. Many of them are found in number. In fathers' generation the proportion in the Police and military service and some of of cultivators reduced and simultaneously there them are also engaged in teaching profession. was an increase in labourers, in ego's generation A very insignificant percentage is engaged in agricultural labourers became most numerous services in different offices. Though at present and the cultivators were reduced to minority many of them depend on land and became Even in the cases of cultvators the per family. settled agriculturists but in methods and in use of land holding became only 1 ·50 acres.

21 Ownership and land use problems reation of at least two siblings or cousins in each Those who cultivate their own land possess of at least two adjacent generations and normally holding sizes mostly (90%) Within a range of occupies a single dwelling by the entire large three acres. Those lands are again fragmented extended family. and in most of the cases these are upland. The Santals are a Patriarchal people and Because of this situation rain water is drained follow patrilineal descent. They have both con• out and storage facilities are negligible. As the sanguineai as well as affinal relatives. Their kin• cultivation depends on rain-fed water and i rriga• ship terminologies are mainly of classificatory gational facilities are practically nil the crop out• type. Side by side, descriptive terms are a lso turn is poor. Mor.ocropolnq (rice-cultivation) is found. For example, the terms for father's brother the general practice. Because of the unfertile are the same. the only difference being marked nature of land and non-adoption of improved by the addition of descriptive words like Gon qo practices to the desired extent they cannot get (elder) or Hopen (younger); so also the terms fullest use of their land All these limitations have for father's brother's wife and of the mother are kept them away for getting into commercial cro• the same, only modified by addition of descriptive pping by raising of jute, potato and other vege• terms, younger or elder. tables. The wheat area in West Bengal is beco• ming extended gradually but the Santals have Father Apum Now also Baba not yet taken to this cultivation in a significant Father's brother Gongo Apum (Elder) way. Hopen Apum (Younger) Social structure Mother Ayo The Santai tradition relates that the first human couple Pilchu Haram and Pilchu Buri Father's brother's wife. . Gongo Ayo (elder) divided them into twelve ancestral clans one of Hopen Ayo (younger) which has been lost. These clans are totemic in nature and exosamlc in character. These are The strong community fellowship feeling of further sub-divided into sub-clans. The names the Santai is demonstrated in the few very of the clans are: Hasdak, Murmu, Kisku, Hem• important and crucial stages in the life of the brom, Soren, Mandi, Tudu, Baske, Besra, Pauria, individual. These are marked by the perfor• Ceral and Bedes. The first eleven clans exist mance of certain rites in which the whole village today excepting the last clan. Violation of tribal population participate. Some of these are endogamy and clan exogamy are greatest offen• Jenem chetier ceremonial cleaning after birth ces. Those who disobey this rule are expelled Chacho Chatiar, ceremony performed for giving from Santai Society. This is the highest social full social rig,hts Sapia or marriage ceremony, punishment in Santai Society. Those who break death and funeral ceremony. clan exogamy are sometimes re-admitted in the society but those breaking tribal endogamy are Through the 'Janam Chatiar' a Santai child not pardoned and dealt with before the Hunt becomes one of the family but he has no social Council. Previously the orthodox punishment right. These are given through 'Chacho Chatiar ' known as 'Bit tehe' was prescribed but this occurs when the child is four to twelve years old. This rarely at present. rite is not performed for the families as they are not considered full fledged members of Santai Now-a-days three types of families are gene• society. rally visible amongst the Santa ls (1) nuclear family comprising husband, wife and unmarried 'Bapla' is the term generally used for marriage children and occupies a single nuclear household by the Santals. Adult marriage is the norm. (2) Pyramidal family-Families of this type are Th,2 essential features of marriage are Slndur dan generally small extended families of procreation and serving marriage feast hereafter the wife of only one individual in the senior generation passes into her husband's family. but at least two individuals in the next genera• fion, (3) extended family This type of family was Inheritance the societal norm of the past but the incidence At present in Santai society the sons generally of such family at present is very limited. This type inherit the properly of the father in equal shares. of family generally comprises the families of proc- A daughter generally does not got any share of 22 his father's property. When a Santai has no son hunting. This ceremonial hunting is generally but only a daughter, then the daughter inherits held in the month of April. This is at present the s,3lf acquired property of his father in some the highest Council recognised by the Santals. cases. A daughter is generally maintained by All sorts of disputes are placed before the _ his father or brother till her marriage. They also Council for getting judgments and these are _-,,.~ bear all marriage expenses. It a man dies without followed with strict observance of laws. sons or daughters, the widow is allowed one calf, one Sandi (10 to 12 maunds) of Paddy, bati or one The modern Panchayati system which has cloth, and returns to her parent's house, unless, been introduced in the villaqe has Put a parallel as sometimes happen she is kept by her mechanism and in the face of it the traditional husband's younger brother. A widow with institute is getting lesser importance day by day. minor sons keeps all the property in her posse• With this introduction of Panchavati Raj (New ssion, the grand father and uncle seoinq that she system) an era of friction has been created does not waste it. If the widow remarries where traditionalism competes with modernity. before the sons are married the grand father and But because of the official recognition of the uncles take possession of all the properties; the Statutory Panchayat the old system is fading mother has no right to get anything, but some away. In the village level Panchayat there is times a calf is given to her out of kindness. no reservation for the tribals, as a consequence of which rights and privileges of the Santals However, the widow has the right over the are being . overshadowed by certain forces of property which she brings from her father's house external origin. The dominant political power during marriage. She has absolute right over of the area is getting infused in the local her own earnings and personal belongings. Panchavat Bodies and this creates an inevitable The costomary laws of the Santals have not yet conflict between the members of the society been codified. As -a consequence of which in and bringing about mutual distrust amongst litigations the fate of the judgment is decided themselves. by the evidence put forwarded by the parties Social Movements concerned and these often do not lead to flawless decisions. Quite often their cases are dealt with The Santai society has been subjected to in accordance with Hindu Succession Act with• many social movements which were of endogenic out putting sufficient weiqhtaqe to their custo• in nature. These movements were all of mary laws. reformistic type. Of those Kharwar movement may be mentioned which persisted for a long Political Organisations period. Though basically a social movement it had a political undertone which played a The present village or political organisation great role in the rebellion of 1855. This Kharwar of the Santals is a vestiqial form of the past movement was led by different refrornisr traditional political system. In every village leaders of the Santai society. Of them, name there are five officers each with distinct function of Bhag rit may be mentioned who played a assigned to him. The headman is known as significant role around 1871. The idea under• Jogmanjhi, who is assisted by a Paramanik, an lying this movement was to emulate some Assistant Paramanik or Jog Paramanik, /Vaiki Hindu rituals and practices in the life of the the village priest and Gorelt, the messenger. individuals. The emphasis was laid upon Now a days the minor disputes are generally physical and mental cleanliness and patience decided by the village Psnch though its past and tolerance in daily life. Characteristically influence on the society. The 'Manjoi Than' this movement did never get steep popularity or is the usual place for communal talks and ascendance, In the later part it suffered from council meetings. Previously, above the village splits into different sects, Babaji, Bebuji, Satai council stood the Pargana council or outside and Samara. Their common bindi,19 factor council which had its jurisdiction over a number remained the same. They were the worshippers of villages. But at Present there are some of Ram Chanda, the epic hero Harnchandra. hereditary Parnanaits and a 'Dihuj' for each A section of the Kharwars later on adopted large district Which is responsible for calling Brahmanical or Khatriya idealism and thereby the Annual hunts and who presides over the adopted ·sacred thread. They were Janeodhari Lo Bir or Santai 'High Court' on the night Santals and ultimately this later group formed a which intervenes between the two days of sect of their own.

23 "--;:r

These movements have in many ways disturbed hold level by the priest and by head of family the social contour of the society and injected with sacrifices of birds and animals to get rid some sorts of stratifications which were not of their vengeance. 'Bonga' worship is mainly known to this society previously. In this way done out of fear and this fear complex has the solidarity and cohesiveness of the Santai engulfed their whole life and activities. That society were disturbed. Very recently a reversal is who some have observed a passive outlook trend is noticeable in which the splinter groups among this population and c sense of rejection formed in the past are try1ng to get into the towards life. core-element of the society, In doing so political instruments are being used to establish The Santals have experier.ced different socio• their lost identity. economic changes through several decades. Santai society at Iarqe because of its integrative Emerging Problems forces could withstand these changes to a great extent. But in certain areas particularly in the The qradual pauperisation and transformation field of economy some sort ot maladjustments of the cultivating class to labourers have been have appeared. Special reference may be made caused by a process of deprivation. They have to land problems. Because of continuous land been dispossessed of their assets by alienation of land and dislodged from their traditional transfer and fragmentation of holdings owing moorings. Because of their illiteracy and poor to split up in the families there has been a subs• tantial change in their economic status. With economic condition they could not avail of the the decrease in holding sizes and losing their current land reform measures and the safeguards rights over their land the number of owner culti• against land transformations could not come vators has decreased and simultaneously the to their aid in its true sense. All these factors gradually .affected the life and thinking of the proportion of agricultural labourers and share croppers has increased. In this disbalanced population. They became conscious about their condition all economic evils have played their deprivation which gave rise to despair and distrust -,"/. in their mind boddinq writes, "My impression is role which ultimately created a social vacuum. There has been increased entanglement to inde• that in the heart of a Santai or in the back of his mind a feeling of despair and hopelessness is btedness, rampant exploitation went on through to be found". They became suspicious about the land grabing and ruthless eviction from their outsiders and lost their confidence in admini• lands have pauperised them to such an extent strative machinery. This type of situation prevailed that their whole economic fabrics have been for a pretty long time and a socio-political shattered. In this frustration and despair external vacuum was created in the Orissa-Bihar-West agencies availed of this opportunity to make Bengal tribal zone. This condition was capitalised political inroads in their society. In certain for political manoeuvring and the so called pockets of West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa where 'Naxalite' Movements gained ground in the the Santals are found there started peasant pockets whe.e they reside. Thase movements g0t movements. These movements crvstalised and their roots among the triba!s, more particularly peasant unions were formed. In the process among the Santals because of the philosophy of of these movements some elements of violence life they nurture. They believe that they are were observed which challanqed the age old here in this world only for a short time, it is authority. An objective condition which was just like a visit to a market. Their life is so prevailing in the mental make-up of the society transient that it can be compared with water helped a lot in this regard. In the mind of the Santals the glorious struggle of led by drops on the leaves. 1855 Sidu and Kanhu still persists. They can easily The social life of the Santals has a strong identify their immediate exploiters who are non religious background. Thakur-jiu is their supreme but the descendants of the •Dikus' (outsiders). deity whom the Santals regard as a good god, These •Dikus' are instrumental to bring about the creator and preserver and very casually wor• riots in the areas of Santai habitations in the ships Him at the time of crisis. But they past and a Santai cannot disassociate his post believe in a number of Bongas (Universal Natio• experience with the present situation. All these nal Bonqas, the House and Clan Bongas, Boundary created a ground for launching peasant move• Bonpas etc). Many of these Bonqas are regularly ments in the recent past and also at present. worshipped on community level as well as house The role of the neoliterates among the rural

24 Santals who were once drop-outs had a sub• maintain regular contact with their community stantial influence to fanning out the struggle. men in rural areas and in this process are gradually These neoliterates were a detachment from the becoming detached from their traditional way society and acquired a posture of elite but of life. to a grnat extent they were maladjusted having In recent years the educated Santals are no specific jobs and remaining idle. They were organising movements for getting their own infact an element of 'third culture' created in script (01 Chiki) recognised officially in West rural society by the propagation of modern Bengal. The issue remained animated for several education. It is an element of mixed hues of years and that has created different cleavages rural traditionalism and urban elitism but never in the Santai society. Some fought for regional fitting with the parental cultural matrix. script (Bengali), some favoured Roman script Side by side economic stratification has arrived and they believe that the adoption of a new in the Santai society where a distinct 'Babu' script would lead to further complications in element has appeared. This happened because future. of getting urban jobs by those microscopic few The Santals in general suffer from a complex who could complete their High School education that they are neglected and not recognised by the or Under Graduate courses. They moved to non-tribals. This is acting as a retarding factor urban centres for livelihood and became partly for intiqraticn with greater society. This situa• detached from their rural life and formed society tion Provides ample opportunity to those leaders amongst themselves. Their aspiration and level for exploiting the situation to achieve their end. of living are so distinguished from the:r rural Because of this they are found to organise brethren that in most cases they are unable to different types of movements on different issues provide leadership to their own folk in villages. from time to time such as, recognition of a parti• Though Santals are spread over a large tract cular script, recognition of their language and of land within the geographical jurisdiction of demanding renaming of the streets by the name different States with different social environment of their past heroes. and undergone varied changes, through historical The popular peasant movements that are being phases have still retained their solidarity. This launched in their areas main!y by the outsiders was possible because of their follow'nq common could not bring about adequate economic relief. cultural traditions, common language, belief in On the contrary these movements disturbed the common descent through myths and folklores, traditional age-old relationship between the with same music dances and songs, having Santai peasantry and non-Santai land owning similar world view snd similar idea about class. The enemitv that was dormant through super natural forces. In spite of their own inte• historical passage suddenly revived in different grative forces they have been exposed to forces socio-economic fronts. A situation arrived of change which ultimately affected their where mutual distrust set in. It generated ethnic society. consciousness which is often misinterpreted as Due to the impact of modern education there class polarization. has been gradual transformation in their elite character with the formation of an educated They have their own traditional Panch to settle class in their society. This educated class who socio-religious problems. At present the authority are mainly in the services are facing various of this institution has been curbed down to a types of difficulties. Due to low rate of female great extent and people rely least on the verdict literacy among them educated males often face of the Panch when it goes against their interest. problems in getting their mates from educated This affects their socia! cohesiveness and leads section and this sometimes lead to maladjustment. to conflicts and tension. They sometimes marry out side their own society Two most important social evils are their or religious group at the cost of the disliking of addiction to alcoholic drinks and practice of the community and they suffer from seclusion. witchcraft. It is a common experience in tribal There are some incidences where the well qualified areas that in all socio-religious activities they Santai'> have left their society. become intoxicated with the taking of liquor both The educated Santals who are living in urban home brown and purchased which compell them areas generally lead a secluded life. They conno ·, rart with a good share of their earning. This

25 ultimately affects their economic life, leading to Hapesseds, etc.) from the grocer's shop which in indebtedness and consequently landlessness, most cases is of sub-standard type. Hence, by introducing oil seed cultivation in tribal areas and At present there is a tendency to present installing oil press in their villages the problem Santali songs and dances to the outside world can be met partially, if not fully. This is an through public gatharings, radio, cinema, etc., example how mobilization of economic resources where real tone and genuine feature often suffer can be made in Santai villages. Introducing from distortion. This affects the true presentation sugar-cane cultivation among those tribal farmers of their culture and creates a problem of loosing and extendinj, facility for extracting cane-juice an important facet of their heritage. and makir q of gur (Molasses) will be another proposition to this effect. There are very few Witchcraft appears as a dreadful element in their farmers among the Santals who cultivate sugar• society. They bear fearful attitude towards it. By cane in their fields, even in those few cases the taking advantage of this situation some wicked strain which they use are of inferior quality and persons willfully victimise co-villagers by declaring often suffer from diseases. These should be them as Witches and establish their rights and replaced by improved variety. privileges by witch hunting. Adequate steps have not yet been adopted to check this belief based The term 'Social Forestry' which has so loudly on falsification. been talked now-a-days, made little headway in Santai villaqes, Intensive drive should be made Potentials and Problems of Development to popularise plantation of certain species like The disturbing situetion prevailing in the tribal Lemon, Papya, Drum Stick, etc. It may be intere• areas can be improved by adopting a rational sting to note that a pair of lemon is sold in cities approach to land use problem. In West Bengal and towns at a price almost equal to that of a after the introduction of Land Reforms Act the oranse. Drum stick and Papva are becoming surplus land were vested to the Government. dearer in urban areas. So, all these plantations Though a programme has been adopted to redis• will help the tribals for their economic betterment. tribute those lands to the tribals on priority basis This venture has very little risk in it, if marketing but the work in this direction has so far been in potentiality is properly utilised. slow pace. In order to avail of the fullest benefit Th,3 Santals have their own herbal medicine the land distribution process should be expedited. system. There are herb doctors and medicine-men who can identify local roors. leaves, stems, seeds But the surplus land which are available in the and fruits of various species of plants and prescribe State cannot meet up the total requirement and those for specific ailments. Now-a-days because the size and fragmentation of the land distributed of disuse of the traditional methods many of the pose another problem. The acreaqa that would plant species have been forgotten. There remains be available to a family cannot be an economic ample scops to find out these species and to test unit unless it is utilised in all resources. Frag• their efficacy in treatment. Like many other oriental mentation of plots further stands on the way of herbs which can be used for modern laboratory for efficient management. Hence, emphasis should preparation o-1 medicines those species found in be laid on the planning of land utilisation bv tribal areas can be utilised for commercial purpose. adherinq strictly to follow-up programmes such as In this regard growing of herbal plants can be land reclamations, restoring to original vegetations encouraged among the Santals. Many of the herbal which existed previously, extending irrigational plants are being used as basic raw materials for facilities and helping the farmers in their in-put drug laboratories. Cultivation of these medicinal capacity. [ espite all these the quantity of land plants has got commercial potentiality. that would be available in tribal areas cannot satisfy the economic need of the concerned popu• There is dearth of supply in Kerosene Oil lation. Al ternative resources are therefore to be in rural areas, its spiraling price is also affecting found out and utilised. Oil press was previously the consumers. The tribal buyers are thus hard present in Santai villages, but this is rarely to be hit by this price rise. In this regard a substitute found now-a-days. This displacement of the for Kerosene Oil can be prescribed which will traditional craft W':ls caused by introducing relieve the present crisis. Plantation of castor exported edible oils which discouraged local in and around homestead may be suggested. growers to raise oil seeds. As a consequence of Oil extracted from the seeds can be used for it the poor tribals are to buy edible oil ( Mustard, home consumption for lighting lamps.

26 Consumption of fuel in households has established in tribal areas. In al( cases the become an every day problem in rural areas. marketing machinery is to be fully equipped. Some sort of substitute from local resources All these activities of investment / training, are to be found out so that tribals may be marketing, etc. require institutional patronage directly benefited from it. and the same may be entrusted with the LAMPS (Large sized Multipurpose Co-operative Societies) Due to the absence of storing facilities now being operated in tribal areas. of green vegetables farmers are to sell out their produce at a low pries to the middlemen. Those In the past the Santals used to lead a products are often brought to the urban centres corporate life and felt secured in that svstsrn. in relayed mechanism which ultimately attribute But due to certain external forces the Santals to the artificial Price rise for which the ultimate lost that corporate life and became individualistic buyers are to pay exorbitant prices. In this and a sense of insecurity emerged. This is the mechanism both the real growers and buyers reason why they are not able to make any new become looser. This may be checked to a economic venture in their individual capacity. considerable extent by introducing food The lack of competitiveness did not favour them preservation and processing units in tribal areas. in the development of entrepreneurship among This will provide justice at both the ends. them. On the other hand those 'few educated amongst them who are employed in different Scientific poultry keeping should be types of services achieved that aspiration level encouraged. In this regard keeping of fowls which do not fit into their traditional value will be beneficial to them. Collecting centres system. In other word it may be stated that for eggs should be within easy reach of the two contrary forces are playing Part simul• tribals. There is over increasing demand for taneously in Santai-life one is low achieving eggs in urban industrial areas. So if the motivation and high aspiration level. Hitherto marketing machinery is established this may the traditional Santai society was more or less encourage the villagers. hornosenous in nature and maintained tranquility. Contextually it may be mentioned here that With the introduction of new social value system in West Bengal there has been practically no the society sufferred from several contradictions large-scale duckorv. In tribal areas there are which dictated them. still ponds and such other water resources Our foremost thinking about the development where duckerv can be established. The real problem which is to be counted in this regard of the Santals should be laid upon their past tradition from which the future prospect would for setting up poultry and duckerv lies in the emerge. Rapid industrialisation will in no way supply of feed. This feed can be procured and help their economy and society. They have by proper research local based materials should been employed as labourers only and industrial ') be utilised for preparation of compound feed. sector is one of them. This only help to In addition, some small-scale industries exploit the labour potentiality of a society but should be developed in selected tribal pockets could not generate economic power for whole• where articles for peoples, consumption may be some development in a sustained way. This manufactured (culterv, plasticjpolvthene goods mechanism has largely failed to instil social wooden toys and other wood materials, security. Because of this failure the Santa] packaging matarials, etc.). society as a whole is suffering from several drawbacks. Here it is not proposed to exclude A few suggestions have been made above the employment of the Santals in industrial by looking into the economic potentiality of sector but in doing so it is to be taken into the tribal areas. Some of the suggested measures account that on the one hand the industry gets are not altogether unknown to the tribals, But the help of the Santai labour for its growth the steps that will have to be taken is to and on the other hand there should be a feed• intensify the extension work and giving primary back process which will benefit the Santals too. economic support to the tribal. There are a So, there should be a compulsion on industries few proposals which are quite new to the tribals to look into the welfare of the tribals so that and for that purpose training is essentially the measures in this line parculare at the village required for engaging the trained personnel in level. As for example, the Santals living in workshops. A few workshops are to be industrial areas in no time acquire a characteristic

27 o; urban buyer. His consumption habit is very limited extent. For want of encouragement also changed. He becomes accustomed to these are gradually failing in disuse. Instead of taking sugar, uses soap tor toilet purpose etc. replacing the said type of cultivation by intro• After his return to village in the oft season or ducing new crops the indigenous cropping permanently he retains those newly acquired pattern should be retained by introducing hybrid consumer habits which only drains out his strain. The lost crafts and traditional skill hard earned money. Here the industrial should be revived by looking into its economic sector can help the villagers. The prospects. villagers may be taught cultivation of sugar• cane and extract gur tor their consumption, soap manufacturing industries may be started While drawing up programmes for development with in small-scale, oil press may be set up for the tribe the basic constraint is faced in the for producing edible oils. These will save their lacking of resource data of the respective areas money and in the process of industrialisation particularly in the land use and cropping pattern they will not lose everything but gain something. and the existing method of land management. All these activities are to be financed and Due to the lack of these data programmes supervised by the welfare units of the industries. have been drawn at the macroscopic level and If these ideas are translated in good spirit then microscopic planning of the respective areas there will be a healthy relationship between has heen neglected. It is encouraging to note the industries and the Santals. A social justice that some realistic approach has recently been in real sense wiil then be brought to the adopted to overcome the difficulties. Base line villagers. This demands for looking into surveys are now being conducted in tribal Sub• industrialisation in the new perspective. Plan. It is expected that with the inflow of basic data on various aspects of economy microscopic Sanrats still practise cultivation of certain · planning will get importance in the overall plan• crops (Maize, Millet, etc.) of local variety to a ning system.

J

28 The Lodha and Their life and problem

Prof. P. K. BHOWMICK

Introduction As a matter of fact being a problem and affected population they would naturally attract special The Lodhas are considered as one of the interest of the academicians and anthropologists denotified communities of West Bengal since the and provide them an interesting field of study. revocation of the Criminal Tribes Act in 1952. Prior to that, they were treated as a Criminal In 1957, however, the l.otihas were declared Tribe as theY indulged in frequent crimes and as as 'Scheduled Tribe' rm the basis of recommenda• such, were clamped by a set of rigid penal rules tion by the Backw, rd Classes Commission. So and regulations for maintenance of law and order in any scheme that may be drawn up for the by the Administration. Even now, in the areas welfare of these backward people by the State, inhabited by them, all sorts of antisocial activities special attention has to be given to their special are generally attributed to them and, in fact some and typical problems and the plans cast accord• of them are still involved in crime and predatory ing to their needs and implemented with their conduct. This stigma of criminality has made participation and co-operation to obtain optimum them 'social isolates' which has prevented them results. all along to merge with the societies around. Even thev are not classed in the same category Habitat with other tribal or non-tribal depressed communi• The Western Part of West Bengal is a conti• ties of the area though they share with them the nuous part of Chotanaqpur plateau. It spreads same · pattern of life of 'below-subsistence out along the Western border of Midnapur where economy'. All their neighbours, including the the majority of the Lodhas live. Mavurbhan] other tribal groups hate, avoid and harass them in district of Orissa and Singbhum district of Bihar various ways. Thus the Lodhas constitute a run along the western border of the State of distinct neglected unit of population having hydra• West Bengal. Here in the midest of groves of headed problems of life includ'ns a great deal of mango, Mahua (Madhuka latifolia), the dwarf Sal psycho-emotional stress originating from these. (Shores robusta). Asan (Terminolia-tomentosa) trees on the wide expanse of red brittle soil of These together have resulted into occasional undulating rolling ridges, girdled by a chain of lnterethnic tensions and clashes in the past and streams and rivulets which remain dry in summer broke down law and order Bltogether In this area and overflow their banks during the rains, in causing much anxiety and problem to the admini• this blissful environment of nature-life the Lodha stration. The ·feeling of antipathy and distrust a tribal group who are the subject matter of prevailing against them among the other neigh• bouring castes have created irreconciliable class this discussion. hatred and antagonism. As a result, they were The jungle-covered rugged terrain of Bengal• _._ withdrawing themselves into a narrower shell and Bihar-Orissa border is now the homeland of the drifting away from the larger socitev around. Lodhas. In spite of deforestation by felling of Though they have many traits of tribal life too, trees over the years which has affected their tribal but these are in the process o1 transition now. econQmY, most of the Lodhas still cling to this 29 ecology and environment. Over populatlon. inter• yet it is very difficult to assess in the present ethnic tensions, better opportunity of employment context how far it was possible for this ethnic elsewhere with an assured livelihood however group to migrate eastward during the proto• have tempted some of the Lodhas to migrate historical period. into more eastward parts of the district where the landholding communities generally face acute Lcdhas assert themselves as "Savara" a shortage of seasonal agricultural labour and n,eed generic forest dwelling community mentioned in them. Such migration, in course of time, has the Puranas and epic literature lika the Ramavana. divided the tribe into two distinct segments, A good number of forest dwelling communities [unqls-Lodha and more or less acculturated Lodha in India also feel proud in asserting them as on the basis of rechno-eco system. 'Savaras'. According to the tradition of origin, the Lodhas say that they are the dsscendants of !n the jungle area, the major ethnic group is King Vishwabasu who once reigned over the the Santai. Along with them there are Munda, jungle tract of the Savara country of N ilachal in , and the Mahato-an aboriginal Orissa. This tribal king originally possessed the derivative and a few Orissan castes like, Karan idol of Lord .Jaqannatha now installed in the (Scribe), Khandait (Warrior), Raju (cultivating famous temple at Puri. Once the king of Puri, caste), Teii (oil dealer) etc. In course of time lndradumna was ordained in his dream by Lord when they settled more or less permanently in the .Jaqannath that He wanted to come from his eastern region where they migrated as seasonal Jungle abode and stay at Puri. Then he sent his labourer we find them living together with the trusted minister-Vidyapati-who was a Brahman Santai, Munda, Kora, Mahali and Bagal (aboriginal by caste to the jungle to bring the image of the derivative), Baqdi. Sadgop (land-holding) and the Lord. That astute Brahman very tactfully entered Mahishva (landholding agriculturist) and Brahman into Nilachal--the Savara Country-made love (Priest) castes. A sort of feeble temporary arti• with Lalita-the endearinq and beautiful daughter culation through economic symbiosis is quite of the King and through her help came to know discernable in the regional socio-economic the actual abode of the Lord. Later on, he structure, in the places where they have settled. successfully implemented the plan of stealthily taking away this image of the Lord to Puri-a Historical Background story 0·1 the process of Brahmanization in this The term 'Lodha' is derived from 'Luodhaka'• area. It is said that the Lodhas since then do meaning a 'trapper' or 'fowler'. There is a land• not pay respect to the Brahmn+-but in fact they holding caste in Madhya Pradesh (Hiralal & still do it. This legend has helped the Lodhas Russel : 1916) named 'Lodha' or 'Ludhi'-immi• to place them in between the tribe-caste grants from the United Provinces ( ) continum. Again, the Savaras (including the and originally belonged to Ludhiana district of Lodhas) of this area are divided socially into the Pubjab. But the present ethnographic data four distinct groups like- do not support anv relationship of the Lodhas of Bengal- Bihar-Orissa region and the Lodhas of (i) Lodha-Viswabasu group,. Madhya Pradesh or Uttar Pradesh. They speak a (ii) Chlrrner-Vvadha-Klreta- Kalaketu group, corrupted Bengali, i. e., Inda-Arvan language group (Dasgupta : 1978) so far as the phonological and (iii) Sapuria-Snake charmer Savara-Jara morphoiogical · structures of Lodha dialect are Savara .sroup: and concerned. This clearlv indicates that the group has been completely assimilated into the regional (iv) Paniabhanga-comb-manufacturer Savara Bengali culture so far as their language is group in the model of Varnashram. But concerned. no marital relation prevails among them.

- Phvslal affinities of the Lodhas reveal From the legendary sources as well as from (Bhowmick : 1956) that they belong to Veddid other -evidences it. becomes very clear that this racial group having more affinity with the wild tribal group came in contact with the dominating Kharia '.( Roy &_ Roy : 1937) of , Maiers Hindu castes from ·an early period. This (Sarkar : 1954) pf Hajrnahal and the Chenchu bf prolonged interaction has circumstantially made Krishna basin. Though this. indicates some sort of common jungle-living, · pre-agricultural them to accept many regional Hindu -tralts+• actelerating their' l'lind~ization·. - . economic background of all these communities,

30 Population by the writer in Table I. In Hoogly district of The Lodhas are distributed mainly in Midnapur West Bengal it is about 4,000 and in Orissa their and Hooqly districts of West Bengal, Mavurbhani population is around 2,000 and in Bihar it is of Orissa and Singhbhum of Bihar. The 1951 below 1,000. It is important to note here that census records their total population as 8,346 in the Lodhas living in the district of Hooqlv have West Benga! of whom 6,040 live in Midnapur no relationship with the Lodhas living in the and 2,066 in Hoogly. But in subsequent Benqal-Bihar-Orissa belt. Possibly the Lodhas census reports separate enumeration of the tribe at Hooqhlv had migrated to Hoogly along with has been omitted. The authorities for the other ethnic groups as migratory agricultural purpose of enumeration mixed up the Lodhas labourers and subsequently they settled there with the Kharia/Kheria since 1961. As a result, permanentrv. On enquiry it was found that some we get a total population of 45,096 in 1971 of them went to these places to catch snakes and census. But according to the estimate of the lizards to earn a living. present writer it can be said that total population of the Lodhas in the district of Midnapur alone Recording of less population of the Lodhas will be around 20,000. Police-station wise during 1951 census, is due to the fact that some distribution of the Lodhas have been estimated of them identified themselves as Savaras.

TABLr I

Approximate Lodha population in Mld nepur (Police-Station wise)

Subdivision Police-Station Population

1. (Jungle areas) .Jharqrarn 5,500 Jamboni 700

Binpur 800

Sankrail 800

Gopiballavpur 500

Navaqrarn 2,200 ------10,500

2. Midnapur (Sadar) Kesiari 3,000

\1 Naravanqarh 3,200

Dantan 500

Sabang 800

Kharaqpur 1,000

Kotowall"] Keshpur ),• 1,000 Pingla J --- 9,500 - Total 20,000

31 considered as literates. There is only one There are a few Lodha concentrated villages graduate and 4 persons who have passed in the district. Most of them live along with Madhyamik (Secondary) standard of whom one other tribes and castes in the periphery of the is reading in a college. Since 1964 several villages. The total Lodha families studied by Ashram Hostels" meant for the education of the the author long ago (1963) revealed that in 408 Lodha children attached to Basic Schools have families, there are altogether 1,040 males and 967 been established of which Bldisa hostels are females. considered as promising. From Bidisa two boys passed Madhyamik Examination last year. In Education each unit of the Ashram Hostel there is provision Lodhas are neither interested nor in a position for 20 seats, but at Bidisa in one unit there are to avail of the present educational facilities. As 30 seats. In Ashram the Lodha children get per report of the State Government (Das and various facilities at the following rates. Mukherjee: 1977) 3·3 per cent of Lodhas are

TABLE 2 Items of expenditure in Ashram Hostel Unit (20 Heads) per year Rs. Rs. 16,800·00 Per head p/m. 70·00 1. Meal charge 00·84 200·00 2. Misc. (Hair cutting, Kerosene oil, Per head p/m. soap, etc.) 100·00 3. Sports and Games Per head 40·00 yearly eoooc 4. Clothing 100·00 5. Medicine 200·00 6. Agricultural training 600·00 Per month 50·00 7. Cook (one) 360·00 Per month 30·00 8. Helper 100·00 1,200-00 9. Hostel Superintendent Per month reading in these schools. Even the Left Front The Lodha children are basically reluctant to Ministry of this State of West Bengal of which attend the schools. This is due to the less the Minister-in-Charge of Tribal Welfare is a encouragement being given to them by their tribe by origin, has overlooked many problems , parents. The Lodha children roam in the jungles of the hostels. The Lodha children being in search of wild fruits, small games, fishes and extremely backward mainly required sympathetic molluscs which they consume. Some time, a encouragement and supervision of different nature grown up boy is employed as cowboy by a along with non-formal or life-centred tvpe of caste people to look after his cattle at a nominal education. These are ignored by the Department wage. Naturally the Lodha children are reluctant of Tribal Welfare who is entrusted to do this to go to schools without any encouragement type of work among them and as such, in most from outside. The Tribal Welfare Department of the Ashram Hostels the authorities face provided some Ashram hostels as stated early tremendous difficulties to run the hostels. So but there is no provision for purchase of papers, results are not satisfactory. Grants are released books and other things meant for the students

* same] Sevak Sangha (Bidisa) 2 for boys and 1 for girls

Badalpur Basic School (Sabong)-2 for boys Bharat Sevashram Sangha (Jhargram)-1 for boys ( Lodha Sevak Samaj Sangha (Chaksahapu)r-1 for boys and 1 for girls (proposed)

A sum of Rs. 1,21,000 has been sanctioned for the proposed girls' hostel at Chaksahapur. But it has not yet been started. For other Ashram Hostels a sum of Rs. 20,000 per hostel for building construction has been granted.

32 (iv) Catching of snake, lizard (Bengal monitor very ir.r,egul,~dy and alwavs in delay. The Depart~ 0 rnent ney,er spnc!i9ped any amount f Pl rfp<;1_ir,ing or Godhi). The · hLcje is . sold fo.r cash money. Snake catching is a.verv favourite or whi~e-w9~hing of th? Ashram hostel puiJ<;Jjn.~ to create a good environment. Even they g9 f19! pastime of the Lodhas, provide money for periodical expenditure incurred (v) Catching tortoise and fish from the paddy in connection with boarding, utensils and equip• fields and silted tanks. Most of these are ment necessarv for the hostel. In such ,a sold in the locality and only a little situation the organisers have to shoulder the is consumed by them. expenses according to their means so the work of education is done half-heartedly. (vi) ~om~ of them arsi ~n1;19r;1eg by ;,he F<;)l'Ei)?t Department for constructing nurserv beds The Lodha children have niany problems. for plants, etc. A •t~9rpt,igh P.sycho-emotional adjustment is (yfi) ~ ,rii.@r most of the it,ingle ~odhas were ne9e§>.S?:1rY to make them fit with the changed 9 ergag~d _i,n tusser cocoon rearing, but environment and special attention should be now-a-davs thev cannot do it due to given to their uplift and socialisation. The Prohibitory Forest Laws. Lodha children sometimes free from the hostels and it is very difficult to bring them back again. (viii) Other Lodhas collect firewood for fuel and They need to be made more disciplined. But any· sell these in the market. disciplinary measure taken by the Ashram authority is strongly resented by the local In non-forest areas .Lodhas are found to be guardians. It is suggested that Ashram Hostel .engaged in road construction and agricultural has to accommodate and maintain the children activities on wage. But very few of them (75 % ) per cent coming from distant villages. have become successful cultivators even after It has been found that the Lodha children are continuous encouragement and help from the generally in the habit of removing hostel Government or the voluntary organizations properties including the rugs, utensils, shirts, in charge of the welfare of this tribe. Even clothing, etc. The local , indulge land given to them have not been fully cultivated. in all these criminal acts. These are either sold out or given to others to cultivate and the Lodhas get 1 /3rd of the At Bidisa two Balowadi Schools (meant for output as per share-cropping system prevailing the children belonging to age group 2-6) have in the locality. Through growth-centres been established by the West Bengal Council a good number of Lodhas are found to chanqe of Child welfare. It has been noticed at ·these their occupation (Bhowmick : 1968) accepting Balowadi Schools, which are almost of pre-basic new profession like weaving, tailoring, carpentry standard, the children are being gradually and rnat-rnakinq. associated With the social norms and values. It is expected that these children will be able to Most of the Lodhas are involved in anti-social overcome difficulties in future so far their hig.her activities like theft, burglary, dacoitv. robbery, education is concerned. etc. In this respect they act in collusion with non-Lodha people. There are a good number of stolen property receivers who encourage them Occupational Pattern in anti-social activities. Crime records in the Occupation oI the Lodhas varies from place Police Department also corroborate the involve• to place. It has been stated earlier that the ment of the Lodhas in such anti-social activities. Lcdhas are even now in a pre-agricultural stage It has been observed that out of a total number of economy. In the Jungle areas they are of 1,600 active criminals of this district, the engaged in collection of Jungle products like. l.odhas constitute 1 /3rd. Total population in the district of Midnapur in 1971 is 55,09,247. This leaves for preparing dining plates (i) Sal indicates the preponderance of the Lodha criminals stitching these by thorns. among the offenders. (ii) Kendu leaves for preparing bidi or country cigar. Land use and Ownership Pattern (iii) Edible roots and tubers for household It has been stated that a good ·number of consumption. Lodhas are landless. Onlv a few have cultivable

3,3 land. Those who have land are also not in a type of families are 86 i. e., 21 ·08 per cent. position to produce other crops or vegetables Here the old father with some of his married except paddy. This is due to the fact that thev sons along with their children lives in a common have no bullock or agricultural implements. house. It has been also observed that they are not So far as family size is concerned the 408 serious cultivators. They are so poor that during the agricultural operations in their own field they families surveyed are classified as follows: cannot maintain themselves on their own resources. Naturally the alternative for them TABLE. 3 is to work as day labourer in the field of others Family size on wage.

Very recently a few rehabilitation centres have No. Percentage been started for the l.odhas in which provisions 24·75 have been made for purchase of land, supply (i) Small sized families 101 of bullocks and good seeds as well as necessary having 3 members agricultural implements. But these projects are or less. not getting adequate response. In all the cases (ii) Medium sized 228 55·88 it has been observed that a typical hospital families having 4-6 mentality is prevailing among the Lodhas-they members. expect everything readymade. They are basically lazy and dishonest and reluctant to do any hard (iii) Large sized families 63 5"44 work. The bullocks given to them were sold having 7-9 out, even in many places the house-building members. materials: specially wooden planks and tiles, (iv) Very large sized 16 corrugated iron-sheets, etc., had been sold to families having 10 outsiders for cash or kind. or more members. For a few year specially during and after Emergency, a good number of Khss (Government vested) lands have been distributed to the Lodhas Total 408 100 including other landless people. The Tribal Welfare Department of the Government of The society of the Lodhas is patriarchate. West Bengal in some places is supplylng pump Due to prolonged interaction with the local sets, sanctioning money for reclamation of land Hindus, they have been greatly influenced by and purchase of other agricultural implements the regional Hindu customs. for the economic rehabilitation of these people in a more cautious way to ameliorate their Sometimes the Lodhas proclaim their own economic problems. But the result is not identity by calling the local castes as Banga/i satisfactory. Babus i. e., Bengali gentlemen whereas the other tribals are considered by them as Adibesi Social Organisation or aboriginals. Naturally their position is in Family is the smallest social unit among the between the castes and the tribals, The Lodhas Lodhas. A survey conducted among them have a clan organisation which is known as revealed that out of 408 families, 278 (68·14 Gotre. This is a patrilineal unit. A man born per cent) are of simple or elementary type in in a particular Gotra will remain so till he dies. which parents and unmarried children live Girls after marriage change their clans and they together, Parents with old father or divorced are known by the clans of their husbands. daughter without children represented onlv 9 After divorce a woman again reverts to her families i. e , 2·2 per cent. Among the Lodhas father's clan till she remarries. Table 4 gives conjugal infidelity is observed. Parents with the details of clan characteristics as well as the children or previous marriage are found and distribution of families by clans. Marriage in the - they represent 18 families i. e., 4"41 per cent. same clan is strictly prohibited. There are a few There are altogether 17 polygynous families in taboos and restrictions in respect of food habit which two wives with their respective children and other conventional observation in respect live in a common house, Joint or extended of some clans.

34 TABLE 4

Distribution of clans (Head of the family has been considered)

Clan name Totemic objects No. of Percentage families

1. Bhugta, Bhakta Chirka Alu, a kind of yam available in 120 29·41 the jungle.

2. Mallik Makar, a kind of mythological shark or 78 19·11 sea-monster or sal-fish.

3. Kot.al Moon or grass-hopper 68 16·66 4. Lavek. Lalk. Navek Sal-fish (Ophicaphalus marulius) 67 16·41

6. Digar Porpoise 21 5·14 6. Paramanik A kind of bird names Manik 20 4-95 7. Dandapat or Bag Bagh or tiger 10 2·45 8. Ari or Ahari Chanda-Fish (Ambasisis ranqa) 19 4·65

9. Bhuiva or Bhunia Sal-fish (Ophicaphalus marulius) 3 04·00

The totemic objects are respected and never are invited. Widow remarriage or marriage of consumed by the clan members even if it a divorced woman is in vogue and this is known - constitutes an unavoidable food item in Lodha as seru;». In such marriage no bride-price is paid. ✓ society. But a detailed analysis of Lodha clan Only a sum of Rs. 1 ·25 paise is given to the names tells different story. Most of the Lodhas guardian of the widow or the divorced woman specially in acculturated zones use their clan by the prospective groom. names as surnames, whereas the Lodhas in the Though they are Hinduised to a large extent, jungle areas use "Savar" or "Sabbar" to express still they worship some of their traditional deities their personal identity without mentioning their like the Bararn (village tutelary deity), Chandi, clan names as surnames. A few clan mimes and Sitala. when animals like goat, sheep, cock have special significance identifying them with are sacrificed to appease them by the village the greater regional setting. These are priest (Deheri) N his assistant (Talia). No Kotal, Digar: Dandapat. Nayek or l.avek etc. Brahmin priest is found to participate in their associating the group with a specific type of religious ceremonies. work or assignment. I\' Political Organization Marriage by payment of bride-price is the genera: rule among the l.odhas. The bridsqroom The Lodhas have their traditional tribal council has to pay a sum of Rs. 7 (seven only) at the which is known a•:; Panchavat or Desh, The time of marric:ge to the parents of the bride head of the council is called Mukhie who in aU along with some clothes for the bride and her tribal affairs gives his verdict which svery body parents. When a girl is married in the 'teen age· has to observe without demur. There is a a second marriage ceremony is performed in village messenger known as Atghoria or Daiwa. such cases. The chief conductor of marriage His main duty is to intimate the villagers about is termed as Sambar. No Brahmin priest the particular decisions and directives of the participates in Lodha marriage ceremony. Panchavat on village or community affairs. In a Mother Earth (Basurnati). the God of Righteous• traditional council, personal disputes of the ness (Dhararn Devara) are also worshipped at village, and the general problems of the village r the time of wedding. A wedding feast is administrations inc!uding the annual worships given on the day of marriage to which all the and celebrations are discussed. The religious traditional viHage officials including the relatives head of the community is known as Deheri and 35 the Assistant priest in known as Talia who Of course, all over the world, different groups• sacrifices the animal. There are also other of aboriginals are facing some sort of crisis or important persons in the village or tribal other because of changes in the broader ecological and socio-cultural systems. The question of councils. integrating these groups with the wider After the introduction of the Panchavat Raj in community life now faces the more advanced our State a good number of the Lodhas are being and privileged groups of people and administra• gradually associated with village administration. tion in every country. However, at that time A few of them have affiliated themselves with nobody thought of the problems of the Lodhas some political parties of the locality and contested sympathetically and scientifically. When perma• the last election in which the CPI and CPI (M) nent settlement was introduced in Bengal, the affiliated candidates won. Naturally this gave Zamindars or Kings became the Lord of the them the opportunity of mixing with other jungle-the home of the Lodhas where they used sections of the people, thus bridging up the to get their food, shelter everY things. They hiatus so long prevailing among these commun• were prevented to enter into the forest or to use ities. Such political involvements have created it indiscriminately for - their livelihood. On the more tension and factions in a few villages on other hand, the agricultural communities like the the basis of party ideologies. Thus in many Santals, the Mundas, the Bhumijas, the Mahatos, cases the village or tribal solidarity or communal gradually encroached into the forests and brought integrity has been threatened. the lands under cultivation although any sort of entrance into such forests was declared punisha• Social Problems ble offence by the Administration. The problems of the Lodhas are strikingly By a trick of law they were dispossessed of different from those of other tribes and castes. their forest abodes and deprived of their hold - They are commonly stigmatised with the commi• and dependency on the forest. Thus, the ssion of dacoitv, burglary, pilferage and theft. economically displaced Lodhas could not adapt Active Lodha criminals constitute one-third of the themselves to the changing situations immediately active criminals in the Midnapur district. This and some of them began to migrate to different clearly indicates the nature of criminal propen• parts of the district in search of jobs and employ• sity of tne There was no scientific Lodhas, ments for survival. The growing needs of the attempt on the part of the administration to expanding families could not be met with a ascertain why the Lodhas became criminal• hewer's income. Faced with this compelling minded, and what are the socio-economic situation, the Lodhas had to accept the challenge factors that dragged them to the path of crimi• of survival and resorted to apti-social activities nality. Even after the repeal of the Criminal as a convenient means of livelihood. Tribes Act in 1952 and some welfare attempts on the part of the Government to improve their "The economic and territorial displacement living condition, the Lodhas have not responded under a new setting with the impact of scheming adequately. Naturally we have to probe into the communities all around, affected very seriously causes and explain the realistic situations more their traditional patterns of economic life, and critically and scientifically that have generated ultimately upset the equilibrium of the whole such aversion. society. Probably under such circumstances, pilfering, petty theft, lifting of articles from the To do this, we have to go back 200 years houses of the neighbours and clandestine sale when the Lodhas used to live in the jungle with of jungle produce were first resorted Individually, their jungle based food gathering, self content which, in course of time, developed into group economy. They were not threatened by popula• habits. Amidst poverty, unsympathetic attitude tion explosion nor the other communities encroa• of the neighbours and stoic apathy of the then ched into their home land with a different ruling Government, criminality cut a deep gorge economy, the economy of agriculture, causing into their society in which the people had to roll more crisis by denuding the forest. At the same down helplessly". (Bhowmick 1963). time, the ownership of the forest was changed. Mr. Stephen, the then Member of Law and The East India Company took the administration Order of British India introduced the Criminal of Midnapur as well as the Junate-Muhel. the Tribes Act in 1871. His remarks in this connec• habitat of the Lodhas. With this they faced an tion is very significant. He recorded; "The intriguing situation. 36 special feature of India is the caste system. As (viii) Infants reared without care and less affec - trade goes by caste, a family of carpenters will tion from the parents became hostile to be carpenters, a century or five centuries hence, others when they attained maturity. This if they last so long. Keeping this in mind the generated certain peculiar bendings and meaning of professional criminal is clear. It angularities in their mind, retarded socialisa• means that a tribe whose ancestors were criminals tion and made them indisciplined, from times immemorial, who are themselves •(ix) Chronic poverty and low aspiration level in destined by the usages of caste to commit crimes the zeal and enthusiasm of these people and and whose descendants will be of-fenders against developed constraints in their culture. law until the whole tribe is exterminated or making them lazy and lethargic. This also accounted for the manner of the Thugs. When made them unresponsive to any sort of a man tells you that he is an O'ifonder against change or innovation. law, he has been so from the beginning and will be so to the end, reform is impossible for it is his (x) Constant police torture, and torture and trade, his caste. I may almost say his religion exploitation by the neighbours made them is to commit crime" . migratory, their homes being !ess attractive to them. Thus they began to lose the . 1/! This view was also shared by many Indians. sense of belonging. Ultimately the Criminal Tribes Act was passed for suppression of such crimes and applied al~ These made them isolated and recoil into the over British India. As a result, more than 300 shell of their old traditions. Also these developed communities were declared as Criminal Tribes. in them coyness, timidity and imbuned their mind with fear and distrust. Thus circumstanced, the Gradually the l.odhas faced many other social Lcdhas having no rudimentary education, no and economic problems with the march of time. skill in crafts or arts, no land in their possession They w~re affected very seriously. Their pro• and no fixed employment-were compelled to live blems were of the following nature : - be/ow the poverty line and indulged in spurts of anti-social activities whenever nunqer provoked (i) ··Economic and territorial displacements i. e. them to go against the society and the law of the loss of livelihood which caused loss of self• land." confidence. It is observed from the patterns of human ,(ii) Being not specialized in any profession, living that every group or community has its own they could not frt themselves into the exis• intrinsic problems. The problems vary from place ting greater economic structure. to place and time to time on the basis of the nature of their exposure to the external situations (iii) Stigma of criminality lowered their social and inter-actions. Naturally, to pin-point these status and prestige in society. problems we have to consider the ecology-area, as well as their ethnic identity and culture. The (iv) Subsequent Police oppression, punishment problems of a community having pre-agricultural and torture completely loosened their group stage of economy, rather very rudimentary agrarian cohesion and solidarity. economy, pose different problems to the admini• (v) Arrest and confinement in jail, completely strations and the social scientists who are shattered familial bondage and relations, interested and engaged in the schemes of deve• generating atomised or individualistic lopment and welfare of the down trodden mentality. communities. So an omnibus blue-print for welfare for all the tribal communities cannot be (vi) Poverty exposed them to exploitation by made and cannot be applicable in all cases. others and made them surrender to many undesirable situations. Though attempts were made by the Government along with a few voluntary organisations for the (vii) Being compelled .to sell the stolen properties welfare of these communities for sometimes past, to others at a nominal price and thus being vet from experience it can be said that these cheated, they came to think that the non• have either totally failed or have not produced l.odha people are dishonest and tyrannical. satisfactory results. The basic problems of the This made them suspicious and revengeful. Lodhas, according to close observation by the

37 author are the following and have to be solved 3 Problem Administration- The administration for their proper uplift:- sometimes creates more problems either by failing to understand the situation in reality or 1. Problem people-Besides having the to implement the schemes meaningfully to cater common acute problems of living, they have a to their needs. Even in many cases the basic bunch of psycho-emotional problems. Chronic problems are not properly understood by the social neglect by the greater society has dwarfed officials. Most of the Welfare Projects under• their mind and abilities. Lazlness, reluctance to taken so far have failed due to such misunder• do any hard labour and restlessness have made standing. For example, the State Government them a typical parasitic stock. Through rehabilita• spent a sum of Rs. 1,23,840·00 for assisting the tion, they demand and dream of immediate l.odhas of Naravanqarh and Nayagram by giving solution of all their problems like the 'shock them plough cattle and mud-built residential therapy'. As these are beyond reality, being a huts during 1970- 71 and 1971-72. This has long-term process they have become restive and failed due to lack of proper planning and super• frustated and go on campaigning against the vision. The bullocks and the house building organisations or the Government attempting their materials were sold out by them. Similarly, rehabilitation. So due to this psychological freak, though a huge sum has been spent for the these problematic people should have to be Lodha project, it has also turned into a failure treated very carefully. Otherwise they will for the same reasons. So the administrative become antagonistic and non-co-operative and machinery implementing the Tribal Welfare the work of their rehabilitation will become more Schemes should be very careful, cautious and difficult. active in future. It has been found that the local authorities regularly send 'Utilisation Certificates' 2. Problem neighbour-Their neighbours are for proper use of the money sanctioned for such also very . problematic. A good number of the Schemes to the government. But the benefits people of the locality have forged clandestine that acrued to the people were quite nominal economic deals with them and buy from them and disproportionate. It indicates that there ✓ the stolen articles at very cheap rates, as also had been a good deal or misspending and bad / employ them for agricultural work on minimum planning These lapses have to be guarded wages. Thus exploiting them in various ways, against, in future. they derive a good deal of benefit. But strangely enough the Lodhas, on the other hand, consider Major Economic Potentials of the region this relationship as friendly and desirable. The The Physio-geography of the region specially former group does not want rehabilitation of where the Lodhas live is significant. Two regions the Lodhas as it will deprive them from making can be well demarcated in this expansive tract. huge profits by sale of the stolen goods which One is forest or jungle covered rugged terrain they buy at very nominal costs, as also in that with less communication facilities and another case, they will not get cheap labour by the usual more or less acculturated region where the tactics of threatening them of divulging their Lodhas live in a comparatively, dispersed as well crime and getting them arrested by the police. as isolated condition. Mainly the ecological Naturally the neighbours who get cheap labour conditions and their allied contributions are from them are not at all interested in their proper responsible for the unexpected backwardness rehabilitation. They tell the Lodhas that the of the tribal people and the region. The local real motive of these Welfare Schemes is an techno-ecosystem is interlaced with the life style attempt to break their tradition and economy of these people. and make them subservent to the Government, so they become suspious of the welfare. agencies It has been stated earlier that the land of the and the Government which implement such Lodhas are a continuity of the Chotanagpur schemes, Besides~as only a few people are getting plateau. The climate here is hot with long the benefit of these schemes, the rest fee! natu• severe summer and draught is the main feature rally deprived and discontented and keep apart. of this area. The average annual rainfall is To get their full co-operation, therefore, this within 65 inches. The soil is mostly sandy• false notion has to be dispelled and the loam and reddish brown with occasional lateritio rehabilitation schemes should have larger outcrops here and there. Due to undulations a coverage. Patch of land between two table lands generally 38 happens to be fertile, but such lands are not The Gandhian leader late Prof. P. R. Sen took u nder the possession of any tribal group. The charge of this scheme along with some social table-land known as Dahi or high-land is comple• workers .. Though this project is maintained by tely unfit for ag ricultura I operations. Besides, the Education Department by sanctioning annual in the jungle area, these are covered with g·ant to the schools there (Pre-Basic to Senior various types like Sal, Mehuo, Asen etc. Srrrkinqlv Basic i. e., C!aSG VII), but no hostel has bean the Lodhas in deforested areas have the advan• provided for the tribal students. Th,3 economic tage of better 'topography and irrigational facilities. devaloprnent of the project is almost a failure. But the Lodhas, in almost all the regions are (2) Dholkat-Pukuria (Jharg;am) Rehabilitation landless. Ve,y little land is found to be under Colony under the supervision of Bharat Seva• their possession. A few Lodhas had however shram Sangha-a relig ous institution is, however, their own lands earlier. But in course of time doing very sincere work. They are also running these lands have been alienated to others. school upto Class VIII standard and have cons• Though through rehabilitation projects and by tructed one Ashram Hostel for the Lodha boys. distributing Khas land to the landless tribals The project is not progressing well though very during these days, some of them have been sincere attempts are being made by the organisers provided a piece of land, but it cannot be utilised mainly for lack of funds. Upti] now no student by them properly as they do not known the good has attained the Madhyamik Standard, but a few ,~ techniques of cultivation. Besides the other Lodha vounqrnen of this centre are gettjng causes are :- training through Block Office in carpentry and (i) Bad location of the land which lacks fitting. irrigation facilities. (3) The Harijan Seva Kendra at Kukai (Kesiari (ii) They have no aptitude for agriculture. P. S. ) under the supervision of a Sarbodava Agriculture requires a constant watch and hard worker has however flourished. A grain go/a has labour from start·to finish and agricultural cycle been established there for serving the Lodhas requires sufficient time to get the crops. These as well as other tribals. This is giving good people cannot wait so long without earning service. The then Director of Tribal Welfare otherwise due to their extremely impoverished Department suggested personal allocation of condition. So they leave their lands uncultivated land under individual title from the purchased and prefer to work as day labourers by which land of the Government. This they received they can earn every day. So agricultural incen• some land. But the Lodhas are not in a position tive given to them is not at all found fruitful. to cultivate their own land both for lack of money and training. Though they have not sold (iii) Lack of plough, cattle and other imple• out these !ands but some have been left un• ments. This being the case, man-power seems cultivated and some made over to others for to be the only resources which has to be properly cultivation for an agreed share of crops or a utilised for uplift and gainful employment of the little money. Thus the scheme is not functioning Lodhas. This can be done in the following well now. There is a primary school near the manner: village. But uptil now not a single boy of this i village has passed the Madhvamik standard. In the jungle areas a few plans specially With the departure of the social worker on other forest based projects should be introduced assignment, local politics and factions among by the Government for collection of tusser the villagers have spoiled the whole project. cocoon, poultry farming, goat-rearing, roap making etc., in which they will be self• (4) Dhansole (Lalgarh) Rehabilitation Project employed and earn their living. The It is a jungle-based village. Sufficient quantity primary investment, in. all cases will have of agricultural land has been purchased and to be made by the Government. _distribµted 'to the Lodhas and these are now cultivated by them. A model colony' has also Problems of Development been set up here. But due to flood and cyclone During the Second Plan Period, a fevy it is now. in a ramshackle condition. But the -. mode! colonies have been .organised by the .Lodhas :h~re are getting employment from the Gov~rnm.ent in the Lodha ·and tribal inhabited :·Forest Department,· and . regula.rly ·· cultivating area;, These in~lud~: (1) . Auligeria-Jh~ra~ 'iun getti'ng their , lands. But no. school has been :set;Up. here to ed~c.ate the;l-Qdhas. " under the supervision of Harijan_ Sevak Sangha, ,._. . -· ·) ,_.. ' -., ... , .. -. ,· ,--. (5) Deberpur Lodha Rehabilitation Project or declared 'gira'-traditional attack on the Lodhas Bidisa Project : (Narayangarh) P. S.-For this when a few of them were killed and a good scheme initially Rs. 1,500 per family was spent number of Lodha villages were set on fire. for the rehabilitation of 39 families. More Again in Sapternbar 1969 the Santals declared emphasis was given on land purchase, and not 'gira'--traditional attack by tying a knot on the on construction of houses. Every beneficiary bark of a branch of a Sal tree g;ving intimation family got about an acre of good cultivable land. of the date and time of attack to the Lodhas, as The plough and cattle were given to the Lodhas. wall as .he other caste groups declared Kira Even the co-operative which was started for them against them by beating of drum-making attack is now defunct. The incorrtqeable criminal on a larqs-scale. As a result more than twenty l.odhas are in league with the local interested persons were killed in broad day light. Thus a persons and are attempting to flounder this tension was created and it is yet to be resolved. development project. To counter their heinous The Government immediately sanctioned more plan, the organiser started immediately Ashram than Rs. 6 lakhs for their relief and resettlement Hostels where the Lodha children have been but no work has yet been started except relief. brought to a different surrounding to isolate them from the criminals-where they now stay Conclusion in a quite different and healthy environment By way of conclusion it can be said that the along with many other tribal and caste children. attempts made for rehabilitation of the Lodhas The children are given vocational training in during these years by the Government either agriculture, bee-keeping, piaciculture, dairy, directly by the Government machinery or through carpentry, weaving and tailoring. Thus an the voluntary organisations are not at all satis• arranqement has been made to transplant a factory and the schemes have flopped due to bad middleclass norm which may attract others. planning. Naturally a thorough prcbo into this Even dropouts are emplc,Yed in a Press and matter is necessary and the opinion of the experts Printing Project (Training-cum-production) set up should be taken. The hostility created so long here and thus they are gradually acculturated between the l.odha and the non-Lodha communities - with the general social norms and greater has widened so much that the administration has ': economic spectrum. to take serious steps in this matter to maintain law and order in the area. Periodical breakout of (6) The Debra-Chaksahapur Lodha Rehabilita• these riots could not be checked simply by tion Project under the initiative of a l.odha sanctioning money for the projects meant for the vounsman encouraged by some anthropologist and Lodhas or by providing them relief after the roits Government officials was started with enthusiasm. without removing the causes of tension. The way But local politics and lack of experience have how these groups are interlaced with the particular stunted its grnwth and it is almost in a decaying ethno-ecoloqical system should be examined more condition now. A case has already been carefully to find out their basic problems and instituted by the Government aqa'nst the remedies thereof. We would then perhaps find organiser directing him to handover the charge out the clue to the riddle wi,v these groups failo as weir as the assets. He has done so in the to respond quickly and favourably to the facilities meantime. There is one Ashram Hostel for the of integrating them selves with the wider social boys here. Funds have been sanctioned for life, which may appear to us to be 'obviously construction of another Ashram Hostel for the advantageous' for them. girls here. But it has yet to be establlshed.

(7) Institute of social Research and Applied "We should try to examine the impact of the Anthropology started one economic rehabilitation efforts at changing their ways of life as made centre at Chhotojhaur under the police-station of through the rehabilitation schemes and welfare Gopiballavpur. No Government Grant has been activities for these groups. We shall then and sanctioned for the same. then only be able to locate where the shoe plnches. Hare in lies the role of the applied For a few successive years tension between the anthropologists and action anthropoloq lsts. Being Lodha and no n-Lodha communities In this area freed from prejudice which affects the laymen and is continuing. In 1969 there was a riot at sometimes the administrators, we should view the Dhanso:I between the Mahatos and the Lodhas. case from a scientific angle which should be at the Again in 1960 Stintals, Mt1hiltos end others same tlrns humane, (Bhowmick: 1976).

40 at all. It is the duty of the Government therefore We must note the nature of relationship to make an endeavour to bridge up the mutual among three segments of the societv: the gap between one ethnic group and another. "But neglected communities or ethnic groups, the the task of promotion of inter-ethnic harmony can advanced ethnic groups and the government never be accomplished by the Government alone. ""'--- administration for the sake of proper estimate and The wider society must be aware of the necessity "planning." of such harmony. The advanced ethnic groups must free themselves from the prejudices and It has been observed that no follow-up scheme angularities they have developed towards the in any case is pursued by the Government which backward communities. For this reason a scientific is very essential for achievinq the desired results. outlook must be developed which would emerge Once money has been spent the authorities in from more intensive work of the applied anthro• most cases trv to wind up the project without pologists and action anthropologists among the proper assessment of the whole situation. By tribal-folk in future. This however necessitates experience everybody can learn. Even the Govern• greater co-ordination between the planners and ment does not pay attention to the thinking and the action anthropologists and the follow-up suggestions of the experts. All the time, political measures to assess the working programmes." views are reflected through Welfare Projects which, in most of the cases, are not rational or scientific (Bhowmick: 1976).

REFERENCE

The Lodhas of West Bengal. A socio-economic Bhowmick, P. K. (1963) study, Calcutta.

(1968) Development Schemes as Factors of Social and Economic Changes: Journal of Social Research, '( Ranchi. / (1970) Welfare Programmes and Administration: Tribe, Udaipur.

(1970) Ex-Criminal Tribes of India. Indian Museum Bulletin, Calcutta.

(1975) An Essential Primary Considerations for Rehabili• tation Schemes, Vanvalati. Delhi.

(1976) Problems of Denotified Tribals. Man and Life, Calcutta.

(1977) Developmental Approach to the Problems of , "' Journal of Sociai Research, Ranchi. Racial Affinities of the Mundas. Bose Research Bose, P. C. (1932-33) Institute, Calcutta. Manual of Criminal Classes Operating in Bengal, Daly, F. C. (1916) Calcutta.

Dasgupta, Dipankar (1978) Linguistic Studies, Calcutta A work among the Lodhas, Calcutta Police Journal, Gupta, R. K. (1954) Calcutta. Lodhas Revisited. Man in India, Ranchi. Gupta, R. K. (1959) "· (1892) Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. I & II "' Risely, H. H. Roy, S. C. & Roy, R. C. (1937) The Kharias. Vol. I & II The Aboriginal Races of India, Calcutta Sarkar, S. S. (1954)

41 The Ho of Bihar

Dr. BIMAN KUMAR DASGUPTA

The Ho form a part of population in Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal and their number, as per 1971 Census (Chari 1975) is as follows :

Total Male Female Literate Rural Urban

Bihar 5,05,172 2,47,554 2,57,618 64,336 4,79,529 29,643

Orissa 31,916 15,894 16,022 2,860 31,174 742 West Bengal 1,036 529 507 123 873 163

Their maximum concentration is in the Singh• house, maintained a number of servants bhum district of Bihar where they compose 47 avoided manual labour, indulged in the luxury per cent of the total tribal population of the of keeping a mistress· (Sinha, 1961). The Manki district. Primarily they are agriculturists. and his agnates formed definitely a higher class amongst the villagers in a Pir, and his authority Many of the tribal groups of Central India was strengthened because of the political exhibit a close relationship between clan and authority exercised by him as a Chief under land. For example, it has been seen (Sinha, the Mavurbhan] Raja. In the settlement report Das Gupta, Banerjee, 1964) that the erstwhile of 1919, we find the mention of a number of Barabhum estate was divided into fiefs headed pirs such as Bharbaria, Lagra, Thai, Lalgarh, by feudal lords and these fiefs have been Anwla, Bantra, Jamdia and so on. Majumder dominated by one clan or the other. Thus (1950) reports the existence of 26 pirs, some big Sarberia fief is dominated by Bhuinva clan. and some small. Bara Pir with 131, Thai Pir with Panchasardari by Ubusandil or say Dubrajl 94 and Saranda Pir with 78 villages are known to by Gulqu, Among the Munda also a number be some of the biggest pirs in the area. Though of villages are organised into a perhe. Twelve, we know that each pir is headed by a Manki twenty or twenty-two villages form a parha and Hunter writes that 'a Manki was placed in charge each aerhe belong to a dominant clan. Thus of 3 to 12 villages· (Quoted Singh, 1978) . baroparha, adjacent to Khunti town, has Tiru The pir where today the Ho live with many as the dominant clan. The head of the pertte non-Ho, exert a serious impact on their cultural who generally belong to Tiru clan exhibit some life and to a common Ho, a Manki is the amount of superior position amongst his clan repository of power, prestige and better way of members, decide cases of interpersonal clashes life. After the British conquest of Sinqhbhum, within the parha. The Ho also have such the . British took note of the command and~, territorial units known as Pir comprising a number respect elicited by the Mankis and relegated of villages having a dominant clan. The head on them the responsibility of policing. In addi• of a pir is a Manki who 'lived in a commodious tion the Mankis were requested to help in

42 revenue collection with the assistance of Mundas of junior levlrate, But then the Gungu is of (village headman) or rvots (Singh, 1978). much significance as it involves about 18 kins of different generations and sexes. The relationship The houses in a Ho village are arranged terms of the Ho throw some light of the existence in a linear fashion. Each house has a kitchen of marriage by exchange when two families garden and a courtyard. Big flat (dolmen) or agree to give marriage to a young man and a vertical (menhir) stones are scattered all over young woman. But they cannot choose the village. After the dead body is burnt, the partners indiscriminately and conform to the ~arred bone remains, collected in a pot rule that eldest of the bridegroom's brother wi!I (generally earthen) are buried inside and this have to choose the eldest of the bride's sisters. place is capped by a big flat stone. Villagers Marriage by exchange was practised by gossip sitting on it and often village council previously unconnected families and for one meetings are held on it. Such burials are done generation only. in one side of the courtyard or in anv other The religious life of the Ho centres round the place within the village and are known as eesen. institution of ading and the two important Often a killi (clan) has a specifically r'ernarcated festivals, maghe and the annual hunting festival. area as essen. It is customary to bury the It is necessary to put at this point that diang, a bones in one's killi ossuary. But if such locally made rice beer is not only an intoxicating ossuarv is not avaiiable within easy reach, it is drink, but as per their ritual prescription, they likelv that the burial i; done in the ossuarv of must of-1e1 it to the deities or to the ancestors any kin. Hos practise monogamy. Polygynous on anv important occasion. marriage is usually avoided probably due to high qonom (bride price). Because or this Ading is smail clay mound located on the qonam again, young boys and giri,s are g01ng eastern side of the kitchen ( Das Gupta 1963) for raji khusi (mutual agreement) of ooartioi and is regarded as a resting place for the dead (marriage bv alopmsnt). Thi-: means avoidance ancestors an..:: this is a sacred spot For that of endi (marriage by negotiation) which has reason they do not allow the members of other elaborate rituals. heavy demand for bride price killi to enter the kitchen. On the important and unmanageable expenses. Marriages may be occasions. ading is offered at ading. To acquil'e within the village or outside and r ach village is the right of offering diang to edinq, a newly inhabited bv one killi or ·two. In anv case the wedded bride has to pass through an lntroductor residence is partilineal, Marriages earlier wer,s ceremony at the edi ng immediately after she closer and restricted within a pir, while now-a• enters her husband's house. days rnarriaqe often take place outside the pir. There is a set of elaborate rituals by which This is possible due to greater and better the dead ancestors ere invoked to come to communication facilities, and also due to their ading. Two days after cremation; the soul is desire to widen kin relationship and develop brought to ading. By evening the kins assemble. contacts outside the pit. Whether it is village Ashes are sprinkled all arround the edinq and on exogamy or village ando my killi exogamy is a one side two persons sit silently. Others wait ,-,. must and those who break the rule are lebelled outside. Two persons go to the cremation as kejomesin. Those who violate the rule of killi ground-one of them carries a pot of water exogamy are thrown out of the group and are and the other carries a bell. Both of them taken backonlv on payment of a fine. advance towards the hcuse and sprinkle water Patrilineal Hos have denotative as-well-as as they ring the bell mildly. They sing various classificatory terminologies and as per Spier's verses requesting the dead to come to the ading and have lasting rest. As they reach the entrance classification, the kinship system can be put under Hawaiian category. Mukerjee (1973) of the kitchen (where the adinq is situated) comments that the tribes who practise cross they enquire whether the soul has reached. cousin marrlaqe but do not belong to classificatory The two persons sitting by the side of the ading system are Lushail .Juanq, Baiga, Bnil and Toda. search for any mark on the ashas and if there be none, the ceremony is repeated. If no mark Alongwith other cnoronaopur tribes, the Ho have identical terms for Mother's Brother and Father's _ is discovered even in the seventh time, a hen is Sister's Husband. Terms for father's younger offered to Sinqbonqa and it is believed that after brother and step father respectively stand as this the soul has no other alternative than to come kaka and kekebede and this indicate the existence to the ading. 43 Maghe is an important festival of the Ho end• ing group dancing and heavy drinking, for is celebrated after harvest in January-February, condemning payment of bride price, etc. Lakho every year. During this period the Kusum and Bodra has done a beautiful job in putting an Palas trees are bedecked with colourful flowers. organised structure to adisamaj movement. The major attraction of the festival is held at the Das Gupta (1976) reports 'there were 10 akhra (dancing arena). Maghe dances are commanding centres or asang matul all over the danced and maghe songs are sung. The district of Singbhum and also one centre was celebrations last for four days and each day is located in Keonjhar, Orissa .... Each village has separately named (Chattopadhvay and Ray one local committee and superarchins all the Chaudhuri 1956). The maghe festival is dated local committees there is one executive committee'. in such way that villagers in the neighbourhood Bonga Hora, contains the religious prescriptions can get the opportunity to attend and participate of Lakho Bodra and it is told that the religious in it. Young boys and girls attend such dances codes have been influenced by the bhakti cult. positively because there is ample opportunity of The adisamajists follow almost all the Ho free mixing and select a partner of one's own festivals and in most of the cases Ho deities are choice. This helps the guardians to avoid high re-interpreted and equated with one Hindu god bride price, that is, compulsory in endi marriage. or the other. Thus Brahma is equated with Apart from its purely ritual aspect, maghe Dassault: Siv with Koui: Vishnu with Gua and festival has the importance of establishing inter• so on. Adisamaj movement thus is intended village fraternity and of repairing and cleaning to bring in some social reforms in a disciplined every Ho homestead. manner, but Das Gupta (1976) comments "the association of many of its followers with the Das Gupta & Gupta ( 1957) have observed . party right from its formative phase that the hunting habit of the Ho is dying out. . has put a political stamp on the movement". But ever-y year in March-April, a ceremonial hunting is arranged by a group of villages. A Already the Ho culture have been showing a group of young' people start from a village after number of changes in its contents and a number offering pujah at jahersthan. The priest pro• of norms have received rethinking due to modern pitiates Sanqarbonqa (the deity presiding over impact. The high rate of bride price arid the hunting) and furnishes to the party information heavy expenses involved in endi marriage is not about the auspicious direction. The hunters liked by many because this has resulted in have bow, arrow and battle axe as the main increasing number of marriage by elopment. hunting implements. The hunt is brought to the The springing up of industrial establishments village; diang is offered to Sanqarbonqa while in the Ho area have brought in a number of the deuri sacrifices white chicken for Sinqbonqa problems in them. These are : and a coloured chicken for Sanqarbonqa. The (a) alienation of land and taking up of meat is shared by all the participants. But in new means of subsistence; some areas, on this occasion, villagers arrange (b) adjustment in two economic set up• ceremonial dancing only. Whatever it may be, agriculture in the natural set up and the Ho exhibit, through such festivals, a spirit industrial work in the factory set up; of inter-village comradeship and make every ( c) the above has again given raise to festival a festival of fraternal understanding. reaking up of family for two types The Ho also have their fairly concerted move• of economic pursuits, and consequently ment to guide their culture within a desired of blance between the two, often frame. The adisamaj movement of the Ho was polygynous marriages have been founded by t.akho Bodra. a Ho of the district of resorted to. Singbhum. Lakho Bodra. a son o1 a well-to-do agriculturist had education upto matriculation. Anyway, in one s~ch situation, Das Gupta He invented a script on the basis of some marks (1978) observes "The main thrust of the adap• on ancient stones in the Ho area; and this he tation of the Ho to the industrial milieu has been believed to be the old script of the Ho .. With to combine the gains in the rural agrarian this asset, he contested to general elections but economy with work in the factory. This has lost. Though this brought an end to the been achieved by various means like staying in political aspiration of Lakho Bodra. he can get the Village itself, a high degree of seasonal the credit of introducing a disciplined adisamaj absenteeism and maintaining two wives and two movement of the Ho and pleaded for discontinu- sets of families." BIBLIOGRAPHY

1976 Report Census of India, 1971 series I, Chari, R, B. Paper I, Table VIII, pts A & B, New Delhi. The Hos of Seraikella. Anthropological Chatterjee, Anathnath and Das, Taraknath .. 1927 papers, New series No. 1, University of Calcutta, Calcutta. The festival Maghe of Seraikella area. Chattopadhyya, Gauranqa and Ray Chau• 1956 Journal of Asiatic Society, Vol. XXII, dhuri, Bikash. No. 1, Calcutta. Ading Sebi Ho (in Bengali) A m r i t a, Das Gupta, Birnan Kumar 1963 August 1973. A ceremonial hunting among the Ho in Das Gupta, Biman Kumar and Gupta, Pabitra 1957 Seraikella Adiveei, Vol. 111, No. 2, Bhuba• neswar. Adi Sarna] movement, paper read in the Das Gupta, Pranab Kumar 1976 Seminar on Ongoing Tribal Movements in India, Calcutta. Impact of Industrialization on a Tribe in Das Gupta, Praneb Kumar 1978 South Blhar. Memoir No. 48, Anthropolo• gical Survey of India, Calcutta. The Affairs of a Tribal (a study in Tribal Majumdar, D. N. 1950 Dynamics) Ethnographic & Folk Culture Society, Lucknow. Kinship terminologies. Journal of India, Mukerjee, B. 1973 Anthropological Society, Vol. 8, Calcutta.

Sinha, Surajit, Das Gupta, Biman Kumar, 1964 Villages, towns and ethnic groups of Parqannah Barabhum, Memoir No. 14, Banerjee Hemendra Nath. Anthropological Survey of India, Calcutta. State Formation and Rajput myth in Tribal Sinha, Surajit 1961 Central India, Man-in-India, Vol. 42,No.1, Ranchi, The Ho Tribes of Singhbhum. Classical Singh, C. P. 1978 Publications, New Delhi. -x-

7

45 OUR CONTRIBUTORS

Dr. D. R. Pratap Director Tribal cultural Research-cum-Training Institute Andhra Pradesh.

Shri A.- K. Das Deputy Director Cultural Research Institute, Calcutta.

Prof. P. K. Bhowmick Professor of Anthropology University of Calcutta.

Dr. Biman Kumar Dasgupta Anthropological Survrey of India Ca le utta-16.

46 ·OGP'-MP-Xll•(H. & T, W. )17·325-4-4-1985 THE STATEMENT ABOUT OWNERSHIP AND PARTICULARS ABOUT THE NEWSPAPER ENTITLED ADIBASI AS REQUIRED TO BE PUBLISHED UNDER RULE 8 OF THE REGISTRATION OF NEWSPAPER (CENTRAL) RULE, 1956

FORM IV

' Tribal & Harijan Research-cum-Training Institute ;.. , - Place of publication Bhubaneswar-14, district Puri.

Periodicity of its publication Quarterly

Printer's Name Director, Printing, Stationery and Publication J Orissa, Cuttack.

Nationality Indian

Madhupatna, Cuttack-10 Address

Director of Tribal & Harijan Research-cum• Publisher's Name Training Institute, Government of Orissa.

Nationality Indian

Address Bhubaneswar-14

l Editors' Name Shri Premananda Tripathi. I. A. S. Commissioner-cum-Secretary to Government, Harijan & Tribal Welfare Department, Government of Orissa.

Dr. N. Patnaik, Director, Tribal & Harijan Research-cum-. Training Institute, Bhubaneswar.

Nationality Indian

Bhubaneswar, Orissa (India), Pin-751014 Address