Stanage Edge, in the Peak District National Park : Walking with Hikers to Understand Their Perception of the Place Maïlys Cochard

An accessible escape on stanage edge, in the peak district national park : walking with hikers to understand their perception of the place Maïlys Cochard

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Maïlys Cochard. An accessible escape on stanage edge, in the peak district national park : walking with hikers to understand their perception of the place. Engineering Sciences [physics]. 2015. dumas- 01842383

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AN ACCESSIBLE ESCAPE ON STANAGE EDGE, IN THE PEAK DISTRICT NATIONAL PARK: WALKING WITH HIKERS TO UNDERSTAND THEIR PERCEPTION OF THE PLACE

Cochard Maïlys

VA Risques, Pollutions et Nuisances Promotion 60

4 Septembre 2015

Président du jury : Madame Sylvie Bony (ENTPE) Maître de TFE : Monsieur James Evans (University of Manchester) Expert : Monsieur Bill Gordon (Peak District National Park Authority)

NOTICE ANALYTIQUE

NOM PRENOM AUTEUR Cochard Maïlys TITRE DU TFE An accessible escape on Stanage Edge, in the Peak District National Park: walking with hikers to understand their perception of the place ORGANISME D'AFFILIATION ET NOM PRÉNOM LOCALISATION MAITRE DE TFE University of Manchester Evans James COLLATION Nombre de pages du rapport : Annexes : 52 références 53 pages 24 documents, bibliographiques 21 pages MOTS CLES Walking interviews, Accessibility, Nature, Landscape, Escape. TERMES England, Peak District National Park, Stanage Edge. GEOGRAPHIQUES RESUME Ce travail de recherche a été réalisé à Stanage Edge, un des territoires du Peak District National Park. Les concepts théoriques de nature et d'accessibilité sont dans un premier temps présentés. Ensuite, l'histoire de la lutte pour le droit d'accès aux campagnes ainsi que le 'walking movement' sont détaillés afin de comprendre leurs conséquences sur les visiteurs d'aujourd'hui. Les expériences et perceptions concernant Stanage des marcheurs et randonneurs sont liées au paysage, elles furent questionnées à travers la mise en place de 'walking interviews'. Dans ce travail de recherche, vingt 'walking interviews' ont été menés à Stanage pour obtenir des données empiriques, durant lesquelles les sujets furent simultanément enregistrés et suivis par GPS. Cela a permis d'étudier leur engagement physique au territoire ainsi que leurs commentaires et perceptions portant sur Stanage. ABSTRACT This research focuses on Stanage Edge, in the Peak District National Park. First, the theoretical concepts of nature and accessibility are defined. Then, an overview of the history of access to the countryside and the development of the walking movement are detailed to better understand their legacy on people’s psyche. Walkers’ and hikers’ experiences and perceptions of the place, in relation to the landscape, are questioned through the implementation of walking interviews. Twenty walking interviews were conducted in Stanage to get empirical data, during which interviewees were tracked and recorded. Interviewees’ engagement with the landscape of Stanage as well as their related-perception or comments were then presented and analysed.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 3 LIST OF TABLES 5 LIST OF PLATES 6 ABSTRACT 7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 8 INTRODUCTION 9 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CONTEXT 12 1.1 Theoretical framework: Nature and Accessibility 12 1.2 Context: From the evolution of the relation between people and landscapes to the history of access to the countryside and the creation of the Peak District National Park 13 1.3 Walking: a relation to the landscape and an activity with a diversity of expectations and benefits 16 1.4 Application of the theoretical framework to the case study: Stanage Edge 17 2 METHODOLOGY: WALKING INTERVIEWS TO COLLECT AND PROCESS DATA FROM WALKERS AND HIKERS IN STANAGE EDGE 21 2.1 Presentation of the approach of walking interviews 21 2.2 Fieldwork: implementation of the walking interviews 22 2.3 Processing of the data collected 25 2.3.1 Transcription process 25 2.3.2 Mapping process 25 2.4 Methodology implementation challenges 30 3 RESULTS, DISCUSSIONS AND CRITICAL APPROACH ON THE STUDY 32 3.1 Presentation of the results 32 3.1.1 Presentations of the walking interviews conducted 32 3.1.2 Description of the attractive places of Stanage 34 3.1.3 Main topics related to Stanage discussed 37 3.1.4 Different types of walkers and hikers 39 3.1.5 Identified threats over Stanage Edge 40 3.2 Discussion of the results 42 3.2.1 General information 42 3.2.2 Analysis of the places of attractiveness on Stanage 42 3.2.3 Analysis of the main topics mentioned about Stanage 44 3.2.4 Analysis of different types of users 46

3.3 Analysis of the threats and objects of dislike mentioned 46 3.4 Discussion about the approach of the research 46 CONCLUSION 50 BIBLIOGRAPHY 52 4 APPENDICES 56 4.1 Appendix 1: Peak District National Park, a territory composed of different geographical landscapes 56 4.2 Appendix 2: Maps illustrating the physical engagement and the interactions during each of the walking interviews 57 4.3 Appendix 3: Accumulation of the normalised relevant discussions about Stanage through each of the walking interviews 77

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1: The Peak District National Park and its surrounding cities. Reference: Google...... 9 Figure 2: Map of a walk from Sheffield to Hathersage, through Stanage Edge. Source: Across the Derbyshire Moors, 22nd edition, 1939...... 15 Figure 3: Stanage Edge's localisation, between Hathersage and Sheffield. Source: Google...... 18 Figure 4: Aerial view of Stanage, highlighting a different landscape management. Source: Google...... 19 Figure 5: Access points to Stanage. Source: Google...... 22 Figure 6: Process to get 20 walking interviews...... 23 Figure 7: Definition of the points to calculate the time spent in the circle...... 26 Figure 8: Time spent to go through 10-metre circles during the Walking Interview 4. Source: Google...... 27 Figure 9: Interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 4. Source: Google...... 28 Figure 10: Illustration of the convolution process...... 29 Figure 11: Areas of attractiveness...... 34 Figure 12: Interviewees’ age group distribution...... 42 Figure 13: Distance between interviewees' living place and Stanage...... 44 Figure 14: Proportion of the discussions referring to Stanage depending on the attractiveness of the place...... 47 Figure 15: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walks, comparing the walking interviews of active adults...... 48 Figure 16: Evolution of the proportion of the discussions about Stanage with the time through the 20 walking interviews ...... 49 Figure 17: Landscapes of the Peak Disrict National Park. Source: PDNPA...... 56 Figure 18: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 1. Source: Google...... 57 Figure 19: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 2. Source: Google...... 58 Figure 20: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 3. Source: Google...... 59 Figure 21: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 4. Source: Google...... 60 Figure 22: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 5. Source: Google...... 61 Figure 23: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 6. Source: Google...... 62 Figure 24: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 7. Source: Google...... 63 Figure 25: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 8. Source: Google...... 64 Figure 26: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 9. Source: Google...... 65 Figure 27: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 10. Source: Google...... 66 Figure 28: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 11. Source: Google...... 67 Figure 29: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 12. Source: Google...... 68 Figure 30: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 13. Source: Google...... 69 Figure 31: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 14. Source: Google...... 70

Figure 32: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 15. Source: Google...... 71 Figure 33: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 16. Source: Google...... 72 Figure 34: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 17. Source: Google...... 73 Figure 35: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 18. Source: Google...... 74 Figure 36: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 19. Source: Google...... 75 Figure 37: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 20. Source: Google...... 76 Figure 38: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walking interviews with families...... 77 Figure 39: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walking interviews with dog’s walkers...... 77 Figure 40: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walking interviews with retired people...... 78

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Presentation of the walking interviews conducted. 25 Table 2: Presentation of all the factual information for each of the 20 walking interviews. 33 Table 3: Average proportion of the nature of the interaction with interviewees. 34 Table 4: Proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walk depending on the type of walkers or hikers. 40

LIST OF PLATES

Plate 1: Stanage Edge from Plantation...... 11 Plate 2: Panoramic views from the Edge, arriving to the Edge from three different access point: Scenic Layby, Hooks's Car Park and Upper Burbage Bridge...... 35 Plate 3: The Millstones...... 35 Plate 4: The Trig Point...... 36 Plate 5: Robin Hood's Cave...... 36 Plate 6: Majestic rocks and boulders...... 36

ABSTRACT

This research focuses on the Peak District National Park, more specifically on Stanage Edge, 10 miles away from Sheffield. The concepts of nature and accessibility, central to the understanding of the Peak District National Park as a whole, and even more specifically Stanage, are first defined. Then, an overview of the history of access to the countryside and the walking movement are detailed to better understand their legacy on people’s psyche. It questions walkers’ and hikers’ perception of the place, in relation to the landscape through the implementation of walking interviews. Twenty walking interviews were conducted on Stanage to get empirical data, during which interviewees were tracked and recorded. The transcriptions from the recordings as well as the tracks of the walking interviews enabled the production of an important amount of qualitative data. Interviewees’ engagement with the landscape of Stanage as well as their related-perception or comments were then presented and analysed in the Chapter III. It appears that despite the diversity among interviewees, they all valued an aesthetic connection with the landscape. Accessibility was mentioned as a major feature characterising Stanage, even though the identity of Stanage appeared to be opposing the city-life. Another interesting result is that interviewees got some common benefits out of their walks while their motivations to walk were clearly distinct. These common benefits from spending time walking in such a landscape could be explained by the opportunity for escape that is provided by Stanage. Finally, processing the recording’s transcriptions as well as the GPS tracks seems promising: the research highlights pieces of evidence of the added value of walking interviews as well as highlighting some of the limits of the research. The places of attractiveness that appeared through the track processing are also the places in which most discussions about Stanage, the focus of this study, took place. However, after a duration, most walking interviews stopped being as effective to collect oral material. Further research at a larger scale would allow for more precision on how to precise and how to conduct effective walking interviews depending on a number of parameters, such as the size of the sample of the study, the place to wander in and the topic discussed with interviewees.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research would not have been possible without the support of my supervisor James Evans. His valuable insight enabled me to go forward. The University of Manchester as well as the ‘Ecole Nationale des Travaux Publics de l’Etat’ gave me the tools to pursue my academic career and projects. I would like to mention especially Catherine Prudhomme and Martin Evans who gave me my best chance to achieve my professional objectives. I would also like to thank Maria Kaika and Bernard Clément who helped me through this academic journey towards my Dissertation project. Richard Huggett and Christopher Perkins kindly helped me throughout my Dissertation, and John Moore provided me the essential technical support to conduct my fieldwork – making easy things that would have been much more complex. The Peak District National Park Authority receives all my acknowledgements for the support they gave me throughout this Dissertation. I would like to mention especially Rachel Gillis, Bryan Taylor, David Alexander, Amanda Nevett and, of course, Rebekah Newman for their continuous support and interest in my research. All the people I met on the field, members of the Stanage Forum as well as my interviewees helped me to understand better the territory and its perceptions. Last, I would like to thank Bill and Flo for their precious help and their friendship. I discovered more in the Peak District National Park with them than I could have ever hoped for.

INTRODUCTION

In 1951 the first National Park in the United Kingdom, the Peak District National Park (PDNP) was created (“History of the National Parks”, n.d.). This legal protection was a consequence of the huge human threats faced by the territory of the Peak District from major English northern cities, such as Manchester, Sheffield and Leeds. The precise localisation of the Peak District National Park is illustrated by the Figure 1 below. The industrial activity was quite intense at that time in these urban areas, sprawling into the countryside.

Figure 1: The Peak District National Park and its surrounding cities. Reference: Google. Notably, some quarries within the PDNP territory still highlight the historical use of natural resources, especially in the White Peak (“Peak District National Park Local Development Framework”, n.d.). Preserving the environment to enable people to escape from the polluted industrial cities was a priority at that time and led to the establishment of the National Parks, a powerful tool against human pressures and urban sprawling. Since then, this area has been managed by the Peak District National Park Authority (PDNPA) in partnership with the others stakeholders of the territory. The PDNP is one of the national parks most shaped by human activity through the decades – agriculture being one of the main activities developed in the PDNP, along with tourism. In addition, its proximity with the large cities of Manchester and Sheffield makes it one of the most accessible national parks in the UK. A revealing figure is that 79% of tourists that visit the PDNP do so for a day or less: this proportion is much higher than other popular English parks, such as the Lake District where 67% of visitors stay for less than a day (PDNPA, 2014).

Nowadays, the PDNP welcomes 8.75 million visitors per year and is the third most visited National Park in the UK (“National Park facts and figures,” n.d.). The visitors come mostly for recreation purposes such as walking, strolling, sightseeing, picnicking, dog walking, biking, climbing and riding (PDNPA, 2014; p. 12). Despite the visible impact of humans on the PDNP landscape and its proximity to human settlements, the Management Plan of the PDNPA places a “sense of wildness and remoteness” as one of eight key “special qualities” that draw tourists to the park (2012/2017) and are worthy of being managed and preserved (“Our vision: Peak District National Park Management Plan 2012/2017”, n.d.). Emphasis on the preservation of the perception of wilderness and remoteness echoes the 1995 Environment Act (Government Circular 12/96 – paragraph 11): “Particular emphasis should be placed on identifying those qualities associated with their wide open spaces, and the wildness and tranquillity which are to be found within them”. The special qualities of the PDNP territory such as the landscapes and the sensory experience that they convey are linked to the perception and understanding of nature. The Peak District is a vast territory composed of eight distinct landscape areas: the White Peak, the Dark Peak, the Dark Peak Western Fringe, the Dark Peak Yorkshire Fringe, the Derbyshire Peak Fringe, the Derwent Valley, the Eastern Moors and the South West Peak – illustrated in the Appendix 1 (PDNPA, 2009). Therefore, it is reasonable to focus on a specific area of the PDNP, to enable a more in-depth analysis. In choosing the geographical focus of the study, a special care was taken to choose a place that embodied major elements of the PDNP. The specific focus on Stanage Edge, an emblematic site in the PDNP, provides a distinct landscape to compare the perceptions of people. Stanage Edge is an iconic landscape within the PDNP, drawing half a million visitors per year, who are eager to enjoy the landscape and the scenic views. Given its location in the backyard of Hathersage and Sheffield, tourists frequent the site to escape from urban life and to be connected to nature (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002). Also, this proximity of Stanage Edge to Sheffield, the fifth most populated city of England (Census 2011) – with about 6 miles of distance between Sheffield’s city centre and Stanage – ensures that some issues described in this report will echo the issues faced by the PDNP as a whole, because of its accessibility. For numerous visitors, Stanage provides an easy place to reach to get out in the countryside and enjoy a dramatic landscape (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002; p. 5). This place is characteristic of the Eastern Moors; the rare heather moorland, bog, rough grazing and enclosed fields all form part of the diverse ecosystem. It has been defined as a Site of Special Scientific Interest, a Special Area of Conservation and a Special Protection Area for breeding birds: the Merlin, the Golden plover and the Short-eared owl (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002).

The area offers quietness and tranquillity. It is a large natural place: people can immerse themselves in it. The exceptional rock scenery of Stanage Edge captured in the Plate 1 below makes the place inspiring. Numerous outdoor opportunities can be enjoyed on Stanage, as visitors come there to participate in a

Plate 1: Stanage Edge from Plantation. wide range of activities including climbing, bouldering and photography (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002). Yet, the main activity of more than half of all visitors in the PDNP is hiking (PDNPA, 2014). Furthermore, hikers best represent the desire to engage physically with the landscape to enjoy a multisensory experience. Unlike other users, that have other physical or creative objectives, hikers are most likely drawn to Stanage by the opportunity to enjoy the aesthetics of the landscape (Moore et al., 2012). This research aims to define better the bond between hikers and walkers and the place of Stanage Edge. The research questions to be answered are the following: What is distinctive about the understanding and experience of Stanage Edge for walkers and hikers in the Peak District National Park? To what extent does Stanage provide an escape for walkers and hikers despite its accessibility and frequentation? How can walking interviews be used to widen the understanding of the relation between recreational visitors such as walkers and hikers and the landscape of Stanage? The theoretical framework will outline how the concept of nature can be discussed relating to the notion of accessibility and thus lead towards investigating how people relate to landscapes. The history of access to the countryside that is specific to England will be also an essential compound of the background of the study as it is still shaping part of the walkers’ relations and understanding of the place of Stanage Edge nowadays. The second chapter maps out the research design and methods through the presentation of walking interviews, the application of this methodology in the research and the procession of the data gathered during the fieldwork. Finally, the last chapter will focus on the analysis of the results in three distinct steps: an analysis of the transcriptions of the walking interviews, a thorough analysis of the GPS data gathered and its relations to the place and to the transcriptions, and last a discussion about the assets and the limits of the methodology developed.

1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CONTEXT

This first chapter develops the theoretical framework of the research, questioning the concepts of nature and accessibility. Then, it draws from the history of access to the countryside to the creation of the National Parks. The movement of walking is also detailed to give a better insight on this practice and its implications. Last, the previous issues are confronted with the geographical object of the case study: Stanage Edge.

1.1 Theoretical framework: Nature and Accessibility Nature is often reduced to its physical properties, described as what is untouched by humans. However, global, human-influenced processes such as climate change make it increasingly difficult to draw a clear boundary between nature and not-nature. Paul Wapner (2010) explains: “Over the past century or so the human world has encroached on and ultimately colonized nonhuman life to the point where we are increasingly being denied access to the untamed or unbidden” (Wapner, 2010; p. 4). Among significant numbers of the scientific community, there is a consensus that anthropological activities have become the main driver for environmental change. Indeed, nature should not be defined without taking into consideration human influences. This is why this concept can be better understood as a social construct rather than a pre-given physical reality. The perception of nature varies across individuals as nature and culture are co-constructed (Demeritt, 2002). It is possible to say that “the whole idea of nature as something separate from human existence is a lie. Humans and nature construct one another” (Wilson, 1992: p.13). John Sheail shared this perspective and took it further by reproaching the definition of ecological concepts for being “creations of the human mind which we impose on the facts of nature” (Sheail, 1987; p. 60); his point is that by considering ‘nature as other’, scientists “had failed to see how nature and human culture were so bound up with one another” (Sheail, 2000; p. 1100). Therefore, the importance of the links between the construction of humans’ societies and nature can be asserted, leading this research to question how people did relate to what they perceived as natural. The perception of nature is then a key constructed element into people’s psyche: “Humans act to change nature and, by interacting with these impacts, nature takes new forms and new patterns. … The new forms that nature takes also have value and, as human societies interact with them, that value will be overlain and enhanced by cultural links and associations” (Adams, 1997; p. 287). It is now essential to define the concept of accessibility. The Dictionary of Human Geography gives a definition of accessibility through the two ideas of “territoriality” and “mobility”. The easiness by which individuals can get to a desired activity site defines its accessibility. The latter activity can include a wide range of services, such as places offering employment, shopping, health services or recreational opportunities (Gregory et al., 2009, p. 2). To complete this spatial aspect, the dictionary takes into account a broader picture of accessibility by considering the social influences and mobility of communication that resulted from the developments of telecommunication and media (Gregory et al., 2009, p. 2-3). However, the understanding of the concept of accessibility can be further broadened. “The term ‘accessibility’ is not

12 confined with any strict territorial or material borders like fences or signs – ‘private area’ or ‘keep out’, but rather with the purpose to understand the general socio-political context behind these signs” (Semm and Paland, 2010; p. 6). Thus, the socio-political context of accessibility in the case of this research will be developed in the following sub-section to get a wider understanding of its meaning and the current consequences. Physical markers defining the environments are an image and a tool serving legal relations of power; which are consequently allowing or excluding people in the area. To be more precise, when a place is spatially defined through fences or borders for instance, this physical mark of property will shape to some extent a sensibility towards a use for this place; underlying are the issues of access, rights and privileges that participate in the construction of a legal bias (Blomley, 2005). Accessibility can be considered as one of the top causes of landscape change, along with urbanisation, globalisation and natural disasters (Antrop, 2005). In his perspective, the ability and ease for people to reach a place defines the site selection. Accessibility is an important factor in the determination of a place, whether through functional specialisation or its potential growth in terms of economic and political power. Therefore, the places that cannot be reached easily by people can often be defined as “stable natural landscapes” (Antrop, 2005, p. 26).

1.2 Context: From the evolution of the relation between people and landscapes to the history of access to the countryside and the creation of the Peak District National Park The relation between people and landscape is complex. This is why transdisciplinary research investigations started in the 1990s to understand how “identities were constituted in landscapes and how landscapes themselves impacted upon the cultural identities of people” (Huggett and Perkins, 2007; p. 26). One of the focuses was to look at landscapes and the aesthetic and recreational experience in places (Darby, 2000). In order to have an understanding of this link between people and landscapes in Stanage Edge, it is highly necessary to go through the history that linked people to the place and its uses. Indeed, as will be explained in the first section of Chapter I, the relation between English people and the countryside has evolved tremendously during the past three centuries, and is deeply rooted into the Peak District territory. At first, the Peak District appeared to be a quite remote and inaccessible territory for a long time, right in the middle of England (Bestall and Pigott, 1971). Since the medieval period, the moors around Hathersage – including Stanage Edge – were considered as common land. The lords of Dore and Hathersage gave their tenants grazing rights on the moors, while travellers could wander on the common rights of way. These rights were ‘agreed by customs’ (Bevan, 2007). However, during the 18th century, English major landowners completely changed their views upon common lands, influenced by ideas coming from the Enlightenment movement and the beginning of Capitalism. Their belief was that they should make their land more productive to strengthen their social status. As a result, during the 18th and the 19th centuries, landowners passed hundreds of Enclosure Acts of Parliament voted by Members of Parliament, who were often themselves landowners. These Acts removed customary rights and privatised rural territories. As landowners had shut their land from public access, they enclosed their land and improved it to make it more

13 productive with new models of farms. In the middle to late 19th century, the popular activity of landowners around the area of Stanage was grouse rearing and shooting. The moors became a landscape of leisure, kept for the pleasure and the enjoyment of landowners (Bevan, 2007). However, an increased demand for access to the countryside by the common people was taking place in parallel with the Enclosure movement: “It was from about 1870 onwards that a trickle of townsmen began to resort to the country for air, exercise, recreation and spiritual refreshment. With the coming in the twentieth century of the second industrial revolution, the trickle broadened out into a river; for the second industrial revolution was a revolution in transport” (Joad, 1945; p. 15). A deep change occurred from a perception of “landscape as theatre of power" in the 18th century to the understanding of "landscape as theatrical entertainment” for the English elite, while the concept of “landscape as panorama” gained momentum for the rest of the people (Darby, 2000). The understanding of the landscape in the late 18th century as a panorama was triggered off by two movements: landscape painting as well as theatre scenery. This perception was deeply influential and led to the popularity of travelling in places conveying the hypocritical marvellous experience of a vast wilderness and remoteness. Those contemplating the view were spectators and through this approach were actors as well. They had the opportunity to experience the wonderful view of the landscape. The panorama enabled people to get an access to the aesthetic wonders of a rural landscape of which the access was denied to them. The landowners, elite of the society had enclosed a landscape that could at least be enjoyed through an aesthetic approach (Darby, 2000). Therefore, an increased number of conflicts between landowners and other recreational users of the rural lands took place in the 19th and 20th century. As the Peak District was in the industrial heart of England, It became the scene of activism with the issues of class and nation. Indeed, the access of workers to the countryside was a concrete way for them to manifest access to nationhood. (Darby, 2000). This political and social struggle took place in the Peak District as numerous people living in the crowded and polluted industrial cities of Manchester and Sheffield were willing to escape from the cities to ramble healthily in the countryside. In the Peak District Moors, the first agitation started in 1876 and G.H.B. Ward decided in 1900 to walk with a small group what he called ‘the usual route of Kinder Scout’ – as a symbol for the right of way that had been lost. It marked the creation of the Sheffield Clarion Rambler Association, which purpose was to promote public access the countryside (Sissons, 2002). The social struggle to access the countryside that followed got national attention after the Kinder Mass Trespass in 1932 – a major event organised by the Manchester British Worker’s Sports Federation who was mainly composed of members from the Communist Party (Bevan, 2007). Numerous forbidden walks were then promoted by rambling associations,

14 such as the walk edited in 1939 by the Twenty-second Edition of Across the Derbyshire Moors: the Figure 2 illustrates a walk running from Sheffield to Hathersage through Stanage (Ward, 1939). As soon as the historic landowners consolidated their land holdings, rambling activists lobbied the new

Figure 2: Map of a walk from Sheffield to Hathersage, through Stanage Edge. Source: Across the Derbyshire Moors, 22nd edition, 1939. landowners: Sheffield City Corporation and the National Trust. They obtained the creation of two bridleways on the lands surrounding Sheffield. Eventually, the organisations fighting for public access to the countryside were a strong drive for the creation of the first UK’s National Park in 1951, the Peak District National Park. The consequences of the industrial revolution, notably the intensification of lead mining and quarrying also prompted the Government to declare the Peak District as a protected area. Open access to the moorland was consequently allowed to the public, however it was only formally decided in 1991 in an agreement between the Peak District National Park Authority and Sheffield City Council – still nine years before the implementation of the national Countryside and Rights of Way Act (Bestall and Pigott, 1971). English National Parks were designated according to the definition of John Dower that was officially recognised in the Part 2 of the 1949 Act. National Parks had to be composed of “extensive tracts of country” blessed with “natural beauty” and the “opportunities they afford for open-air recreation having regard to their character and in their position in relation to centres of population”. As its counterparts, The Peak District National Park’s initial purpose was defined as “preserving and enhancing [its] natural beauty and promoting [its] enjoyment to the public” (“National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act”, 1949; Part 2). A key priority is still to protect the heritage of the territory: in the sense of both the natural and the cultural heritage, which embed for example biodiversity as well as the local traditions. Second, it still aims at enabling a wider access for the public to the wonders of the territory. The physical accessibility itself

15 stayed an important issue and more and more is done to widen the spectrum of visitors that come to enjoy the place (MacEwen, A. & M., 1987).

1.3 Walking: a relation to the landscape and an activity with a diversity of expectations and benefits Parallel to the accessibility movement, walking became an object of academic and literary interest. But the practice of walking itself has always been intertwined with human societies as emphasises Thomas Clark in his poem In Praise of Walking: “Always, everywhere, people have walked, veining the earth with paths visible and invisible, symmetrical or meandering” (Clark, 1988). This activity has a long history that transformed landscapes little by little. Walking was even considered as a practice fundamental to human lives, from how we think to how we act or behave (Ingold and Vergunst, 2008). Walking was assumed to be an activity in real places having a deep “conceptual”, “spectral”, and “personal” outcome (Macfarlane, 2012; p. 26). Frederic Gros, Professor of Politic Philosophy in the University Paris-XII, defined four main distinct types of walk in an interview with Le Monde (Truong, 2011): - the friendly, poetic and electric wander in cities; - the promenade in the great outdoors to get some fresh air and to escape from the hectic and stressful daily life environment; - the pilgrimage that appears both as a challenge and as an achievement; - the long hike, requiring a good physical health but offers access to magnificent landscapes. This is why, given the nature of the walk, the activity could fulfil a diversity of expectations. Different outcomes appear and are worth being underlined. Here are two examples: it varies from a spiritual exercise to which Jean-Jacques Rousseau referred to in the fourth book of his Confessions: “I can only meditate when I am walking … when I stop I cease to think; my mind only works with my legs” (Rousseau, 1782; p. 382) to a way of taking a break to get a better perspective, in the sense that walking can offer to “slip back out of this modern world” (Hudson, 2011; p. 21). Consequently, the reasons motivating the walks refer to a number of various subjects quite distinct from the activity of walking itself: “Walking is usually about something else – about the walker’s character or encounters, about nature or about achievement, sometimes so much so it ceases to be about walking” (Solnit, 2001; p. 132). Within the walking literature, a special importance was given to rural walking. For a long time, it was specifically associated with virtuous beliefs (Solnit, 2001). When the walking activity takes place in rural areas, The Countryside Agency defended that it contributed to a number of human benefits:

Enhanced physical health and social well-being – the development of social and personal skills – the development of practical skills and sense of achievement – improved quality of life – enhanced community development and cohesion – wider opportunities for education and economic development – a greater appreciation and understanding of the natural environment. (The Countryside Agency, 2004; p. 3)

Recently, Karolina Doughty concluded from her research in 2013 that the: “therapeutic countryside walkscape is understood as a mobile field of supportive relations that unfolds with the walkers through

16 shared movement”, giving importance not only to the countryside landscape but also the practice of walking through it to get relational and social benefits (Doughty, 2013; p. 145). It is therefore relevant to focus on people’s walking experiences in rural territories in order to understand this multiplicity of assumed benefits.

1.4 Application of the theoretical framework to the case study: Stanage Edge The importance of the activity of walking especially on Stanage is not to be undermined, as Terry Howard from the Ramblers Association highlights: Stanage has been a Mecca for many generations of walkers and ramblers. Being within easy reach of one of the United Kingdom’s largest urban areas (Sheffield), it has provided the fresh air and recreational opportunities sought by many city dwellers. It offers that first feeling of wilderness and freedom with magnificent views over the surrounding area. (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002; p. 8)

The uniqueness and magnificence of Stanage makes this place different to the usual urban features visitors are used to in their daily lives. Walkers and hikers can easily get to Stanage while the landscape still offers a sense of achievement: “The popularity of this promenade is easily understood for the marvellously spacious view is a rich reward for what can be so little effort.” (Richards, 1987; p.95) The struggle to access the countryside is still deep into people’s psyche, and feeds the need for visitors to walk here. Indeed, Stanage is “especially important for walking: as an important area for open access” (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002; p. 5). To understand better the specificities of Stanage, it is necessary to describe the landscape with some details. The edge is almost 6.5 km in length, with a 20-metre high gritstone cliff which rises above of Hathersage. The highest point of Stanage culminates at 458 metres above sea-level. These elements explain why Stanage Edge is often described as an area with a majestic landscape (Simmonite, 2007; “Stanage Edge”, n.d.). It has been transformed by humans during centuries through the activities of quarrying, farming and for leisure, it is far from being an untouched landscape – as most areas of English National Parks. However the sense of wildness and remoteness it conveys, defended by the Peak District National Park Authority, is an interesting assumption given the proximity of Stanage to Sheffield, with approximately 6 miles of distance as the Figure 3 highlights it (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002).

Figure 3: Stanage Edge's localisation, between Hathersage and Sheffield. Source: Google.

The geographical land of Stanage is divided into two landholdings that are distinctly owned and managed: on the one hand, the southern part is managed by the Peak DNPA while the northern part is owned privately by descendants of Victorian entrepreneurs (Gordon: Warden of Stanage North Lees Estate of the PDNPA, 2015). The following example details the differences in landscape management, depending on landowners’ priorities. In fact, grouse shooting is still currently an activity in the Peak District and on a section of Stanage, it is “part of the scene and part of the economy of the countryside” (Bestall and Pigott, 1971; p. 47). Indeed, it can be easily illustrated by the following aerial map of Stanage, the Figure 4.

Figure 4: Aerial view of Stanage, highlighting a different landscape management. Source: Google. While the southern part of Stanage is owned and managed by the Peak District National Park Authority, it is composed of bracken and heather (Calluna vulgaris) that reaches the four stages of growth: pioneering, building, mature and degenerative (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002). This area is physically distinct to the northern part of Stanage, composed of a mosaic of carefully managed burnt heather that never get to its climax. The private owners of the northern territory of Stanage manage their land to produce grouse and then to shoot them; this is why they transformed the landscape to provide the ideal habitat to farm as many grouse as possible (Gordon: Warden of Stanage North Lees Estate of the PDNPA, 2015). Actually, the management of the biodiversity and the public is at the heart of the conundrum faced by the PDNPA. This is illustrated by the fact that the PDNPA produced in partnership with the local community and users, a book called An accessible wilderness, Life at Stanage and North Lees Estate which sums up the paradox of the landscape (Edgar, 2003). Since the creation of the National Park, Stanage offers good accessibility, proven by its frequentation as it welcomes up to half a million visitors a year (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002; p. 5). However, this accessibility appears as a mixed blessing as the land is under a huge human pressure. As Cyril Edwin Mitchinson Joad was explained in 1945, the impacts of human frequentation could be threatening the place. He was then expressing concerns about what he called “the country’s enemies”: litter, development of urban features, “the sprawl [of the towns]”, disrespect to the landscape and wildlife and the development of industries (Joad, 1945; p. 25-48). The situation has not evolved much since then: because of its popularity

19 notably, Stanage is facing currently a significant number of frequentation and urban fringe issues (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002).

2 METHODOLOGY: WALKING INTERVIEWS TO COLLECT AND PROCESS DATA FROM WALKERS AND HIKERS IN STANAGE EDGE

First, the definition and presentation of the approach of walking interviews was developed. Then, the way the fieldwork was conducted is detailed, leading us to the processing of the data extracted from the recording on the one hand and from the GPS tracks on the other hand. Finally, a sub-section highlights the challenges faced during the fieldwork and processing of the data gathered.

2.1 Presentation of the approach of walking interviews Walking interviews is an approach aimed at capturing the difference between what people say about a place, how they actually experience it, and where they go. The approach consists in following people during a walk while listening to them or discussing with them. This is a recent but increasingly popular method in social sciences (Evans and Jones, 2010). However, “the go-along draws from — and yet complements — two other qualitative methods … field observation and interviewing” (Carpiano, 2009; p. 265). Walking interviews are a time-wise efficient way to get a contextual insight when a qualitative research is conducted (Carpiano, 2009). A number of reasons contributed to the choice of conducting walking interviews for the research: - This social science methodology is considered by some to be ideal to understand the relation between people and a place (Jones et al., 2008). Therefore, this research questioning the relation between walkers and hikers and the landscape of Stanage falls directly within this objective. - Walking interviews appeared especially relevant to understand better landscapes perceptions (Bergeron et al., 2014). Furthermore, the spatial context can enhance interviewees’ expression: it can feed their conversation and prompt more spontaneous comments from them (Anderson, 2004; p. 260). - It enables the researcher to collect audio data with the sound recording as well as recording spatial data with the GPS tracking, which might give a better insight on the relation between people and places. It enables to incorporate the qualitative data from the interviews alongside the spatial data thanks to GIS (Carpiano, 2009). Some behaviours are therefore recorded, such as someone stopping to appreciate the landscape. As far as limitations to this methodology are concerned, it can be argued for instance that some places are not adapted to the practice of walking and that some people cannot participate in walking interviews (Evans and Jones, 2010). Nevertheless, in the case of this research, Stanage Edge naturally attracts walkers and hikers and the study focuses only on these users. Therefore, these usual limitations of walking interviews are not an issue.

2.2 Fieldwork: implementation of the walking interviews A qualitative approach was developed through this study. Walking interviews were conducted on Stanage Edge, with a sample of 20 walkers and hikers. The interviews questioned accessibility as well as the hikers’ understanding and sensory awareness of their experience of Stanage Edge, and eventually what they would value in Stanage. Eight distinct access points enable the visitor to get to Stanage. However, different users are unevenly distributed along these entry points. First, some access points to Stanage are very quiet and were avoided because of time constraints. It appeared that some other entry points to Stanage were mainly used by climbers and boulderers, among whom Stanage is massively renowned (PDNPA, 2003). Last, two other entry points would be specific to day-hikers who do not fit into the research sample. According to the Stanage Parking and Visitor Survey, were chosen the most relevant access points to conduct walking interviews with hikers. Out of the eight access points to Stanage, some access points were more likely to be starting points for walkers and hikers: Scenic Layby, Upper Burbage Bridge and Hook’s Car Park, that can be seen on the following Figure 5. Therefore, the fieldwork focused on these three access points to the territory.

Figure 5: Access points to Stanage. Source: Google.

In order to ensure that the spatial data collected would show as much information as possible, a special effort was made to select subjects we could follow during their whole walk on Stanage. This further reduced the number of possible subjects within the category of hikers and walkers. First, to ensure that subjects were specifically coming to Stanage, the study focused on hikers and walkers staying in the area. Most day hikers

22 would come for a hike going beyond the Stanage area, and were therefore excluded. Then, conducting a walking interview for more than four hours poses two issues: subjects would be more reluctant to be followed for such a long time and it would be hard to process the data of 20 day interviews. Having around 20 walking interviews was a target, so their length should be adapted to ensure all of them would be processed. The walking interviews of hikers or walkers staying on Stanage lasting up to 4 hours finally appear more relevant to the study in terms of efficiency (time versus information gathered). This fieldwork took place over a month-time period: from the 16th of June to the 26th of July. The interviews were conducted between 10 a.m. and 8 p.m., during weekdays and week-ends, to ensure a diversified sample of walkers and hikers on Stanage. With the same objective, the fieldwork duration did include a week of school holidays, from the 20th to the 26th of July. 34 subjects were approached for interviews, and 22 walking interviews were actually conducted; of which 2 were incomplete, which led to the 20 walking interviews processed in the research as the Figure 6 describes it.

Figure 6: Process to get 20 walking interviews. Therefore, around two thirds of people asked to participate in walking interviews did accept. However, some people refused to be interviewed for distinct reasons: some people come specifically to Stanage to discuss untoward personal issues, some people were not interested or regarded it as a constraint. Another factor of acceptance was the weather: during windy or rainy days, people were more likely to refuse to participate to the study. Apart from all the factual information that was needed, the walking interview was designed to let people express themselves. First, after a presentation of the study and the confidentiality rules, the consent of the participants were given. Then, all the factual information desired were asked, to know the name, the age and the nationality of the interviewees. Regarding the issue of accessibility, walkers and hikers were asked three specific information: - their postcode,

- the mean of transport they used to come - if they had already visited Stanage - the frequency of the visits to Stanage Afterwards, only opened questions were asked during the walk, to avoid prompting any answers from subjects. These questions were asked at any moment of the walk, often concentrated in the first half of it. Interviewees were questioned about their perception of the place, their feelings while on Stanage, the way they could describe their experience and what features would they value the most and the least on Stanage Edge. In the following Table 1 is the overview of the demographics on the walking interviews conducted.

Num ber of the Length Living place, walking Composition of the group interviewed of the Distance to Stanage interview interview (WI) Chesterfield An English woman: WI 01 1h38 54 years old Between 10 and 20 miles An English father with his son and his daughter: Sheffield WI 02 1h10 15, 11, 40 years old Less than 10 miles A retired English couple (with dogs): Kent WI 03 3h47 64, 64 years old 210 miles A retired English couple: Oxford WI 04 1h08 62, 69 years old 150 miles An English couple: Sheffield WI 05 0h51 49, 58 years old Less than 10 miles An English man: Sheffield WI 06 2h31 57 years old Less than 10 miles

An English couple with the woman’s parents from Richmond WI 07 Sweden: 0h49 41, 49, 70, 70 years old 167 miles An English couple: Worksop WI 08 2h40 18, 28 years old Between 20 and 30 miles An Indian man with three friend from India: Sheffield WI 09 0h41 45, 61, 64, 72 years old Less than 10 miles A retired English man (with a dog): Sheffield WI 10 0h28 66 years old Less than 10 miles An English pair of friends (with a dog): Sheffield WI 11 0h49 59, 64 years old Less than 10 miles

An English couple with two friends and with their Sheffield WI 12 daughter and their son: 1h32 2, 5, 28, 330, 33, 34 years old Less than 10 miles Huddersfield An English woman (with dogs): WI 13 0h20 49 years old Between 20 and 30 miles A retired English couple: Leigh WI 14 1h00 65, 66 years old 50 miles An English couple with their daughter: Sheffield WI 15 0h11 2, 36, 40 years old Less than 10 miles

A Polish man with his wife and a friend: London WI 16 0h31 37, 39, 41 years old 165 miles An English couple with their son and their Dronfield WI 17 daughter, the woman’s sister and their niece: Between 10 and 20 1h58 1, 3, 5, 33, 34, 36 years old miles An English mother with her daughter and her son: Sheffield WI 18 0h32 22, 24, 57 years old Less than 10 miles An English couple with their daughter and their son, Colchester WI 19 0h38 as well as the woman’s parents from Lichtenstein: 187 miles 20, 23, 48, 50, 70, 73 years old

An English couple with their daughter and their Sheffield WI 20 son: 0h52 3, 5, 36, 38 years old Less than 10 miles

Table 1: Presentation of the walking interviews conducted.

The equipment to conduct the walking interviews was composed of a digital recorder with a lapel mike, as well as a GPS tracker Garmin 60.

2.3 Processing of the data collected 2.3.1 Transcription process The recordings were partially transcribed to start the analysis: all the factual information, as well as the discussions about Stanage were transcribed. On the contrary, not all the personal or general information was transcribed in the process. This enabled the interviewer to be more efficient and to highlight the essential results in our research while keeping time for the analysis of the discussions themselves.

2.3.2 Mapping process Two types of maps were generated for each walking interview. Their aim is to find the areas where people stop or slow and where they speak about Stanage or other topics. It might enable to highlight possible correlations between areas of interest and relevant discussions they might have about Stanage. Common places of interest for interviewees are also going to be presented thanks to the creation of a heat map. A two-step process was followed to create the maps. First, the aim was to spot the areas where people stop by studying their GPS tracks. And second, to study their sound record and to correlate it with the GPS tracks to spot where they speak about Stanage. To identify people’s stops, a circle was moved along the GPS track and the time that was needed to go through this circle was computed. This solution enables to smooth the imprecisions due to the GPS tracking and to show a result less sensitive to the form of the tracks. A 10-metre radius circle was chosen to get a good balance between accuracy and smoothing. The second step is conceptually easier than the first one but is very time consuming. For every sound recording, a timeline is generated with a time step of 15 seconds. For each time step, was stated if the interviewee had a relevant talk about Stanage or not. The latter is a subjective process. In order to reduce

25 the subjectivity, only clear talks about Stanage or about its characteristics were retained. After that, an arbitrary value, which is only used to discriminate the different types of conversation, was given to each time step of the timeline, depending of the relevancy of the talk. And finally, the timeline was projected on the GPS track. These two processes are described in the next section. The Walking Interview 4 is an illustrative example of both procedures.

 Script to map the evolution of the time spent on an area on Stanage This script defines, for each point of the GPS tracks, Figure 7: Definition of the points to calculate the time spent in the circle. a 10-metre radius circle centred on each respective point. It determines the time needed to walk from the first point of intersection between the circle and the track to the second point of intersection. If the track cuts the circle more than twice, only the two closest points to the centre of the circle are considered. This script is written in Python and used the QGIS Python API. The first step of this process is to download the GPS data in the QGIS software and create an empty file to store the new segments that are going to be created. Then the process iterates over all GPS track points and calculates the distance between the current point and the next one. Knowing the times associated with these two points, it is then easy to compute the mean speed between them. Then the process iterate over each previous point of the GPS track in reverse order, starting from the current one, and, for each point, computes the distance between these two points. If this distance reaches at least 10 metres, the process determines the exact moment when the track did cut the circle, considering as a hypothesis that the speed between two following points is constant and equal to the speed previously computed. The same process is repeated for the following points, in order to calculate the second moment when the track cut the circle. The figure number 7 presented on the right illustrates the two points defined by the script between which the time spent was calculated. Finally, a segment is added to the new file, to which is associated the speed, the time spent between the two moments

just previously defined and the times of the two GPS points that define the segment. After this process, a set of segments is obtained for each of which the speed, the time spent to go through a 10-metre radius circle centred on the first extremity of the segment and the exact times of both the extremities are known.

The script was then applied to each geographical data set collected from the 20 walking interviews. Through the QGIS software, a map was created for each walking interview, as shows the following Figure 8 representing the evolution along the track of the time spent in a 10-metre radius circle for Walking Interview 4.

Figure 8: Time spent to go through 10-metre circles during the Walking Interview 4. Source: Google.  Script to map the evolution of the conversations

The sound recordings were used to create timelines, in parallel with the transcription work. For the sound recording of each walking interview, the content of the conversation was described: silence, general discussion or discussion related to Stanage. The time unit chosen of fifteen seconds enabled to have a detailed evolution of the discussion during the interview.

First, the GPS data is imported in the QGIS software, loading the data linked to the segments created through the previous script. Then, the timelines created for an interview were stored into vectors. A new attribute ‘conversation’ was associated to the segments. Then, the conversation recording data was synchronized to the GPS track. If the time lag between the GPS tracks and the conversation recording was unknown, the assumption was that it was equal to the difference between the beginning of the timeline and the beginning of the GPS track. Then the process iterated over each segment: finding back the date/time attached to the GPS point. Afterwards, it went through the timeline vector in order to find the first point of which the date/time is inferior or equal to the date/time of the current GPS point, but for which the time difference between both date/time did not exceed fifteen seconds as timeline points were set every

27 fifteen seconds. However, if no point satisfies these criteria, then a specific value was attributed in order to make it distinct. Last, the current segment was attributed a conversation attribute which was defined as follows: 1 for silence, 2 for a general discussion, 3 for a specific discussion relating to Stanage Edge and 0 when no data was found. The Figure 9 below describes the discussion pattern of Walking Interview 4.

Figure 9: Interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 4. Source: Google. This kind of map is hard to interpret and it is even harder to extract global features from a numerous maps. Therefore, the maps obtained are processed in order to sum up their data so that the extraction of global feature is easier. Thus a graph representing the mean distribution of relevant discussions in a normalised interview is plotted. A normalised interview is an interview in which all time steps are divided by their duration, which means that all normalised interview time steps are going from 0 to 1. Another map will be made in order to find the correlation between the relevance of discussion and the position of the interviewees, so that one can see if the areas of interest previously defined induce more relevant discussions or not.

 Script to find the common areas of interest This script uses the segments defined above in order to generate a map which highlights the interest of people for some areas. For this the heat map extension of QGIS is used. It computes the estimation of a kernel density to create a density raster (a heat map) from a punctual vector layer. The density is calculated from two variables: the number of points located in one place and the weight associated to each point. An

28 important number of points or a high weight will lead to high values. The weights are equal to the time spent to go through the 10-metre radius whose value is limited to 100 seconds, in order to reduce the spurious data coming from very long stops (i.e. picnics’). The first step of the process that creates this map is to extract the first extremity of each segment previously defined and to associate the segment’s values to it. Then all points for which the speed is greater than two kilometres per hour are discarded because we focus on the areas where people slow down or stop. Then the QGIS plugin computes the convolution of the remaining points with a Gaussian kernel and projects the result on a regular grid (pixels). Finally, the values are normalized by the maximum value so that a value of 1 states for a very attractive area for the interviewees while a 0 value means that no one came in this area and is thus considered as non-attractive. A third of the maximum was chosen because the greater values are very rare (only 1.5%) and are due to unwanted behaviours such as picnics that the previous threshold of 100 seconds did not discriminate. The Figure 10 illustrates the convolution process of a number of points with a Gaussian kernel. In this figure, ωi is a Gaussian kernel centred on a GPS point and f is the curve resulting from the convolution. As one can see, many close points with low weights ([-8:0] on the figure) can give the same value than fewer points with greater weights ([0:8] on the figure). After this process, a map defining the main areas of interest of the interviewees was created using QGIS.

 Graph of relevant discussion distribution In order to represent when the discussions about Stanage occur during a walking interview, the timeline

Figure 10: Illustration of the convolution process. is associated to a binary value representing the presence or absence of such discussion. A first graph representing the accumulation of this presence of discussion about Stanage is then plotted as a function of time. Then, in order to study the relative distribution of such conversations during walking interviews, a new graph is plotted. For each timeline, the initial time is subtracted into each time step which are then divided by the duration of the interview. Then the interval [0, 1] is divided in 10 uniform classes and all time steps

29 in which interviewees had a discussion about Stanage are summed for each class. Finally, each class is normalised by the total number of time step with discussions about Stanage.

 Correlation between position and relevancy of discussions Firstly, the areas of interest that are located on a car park are filtered because they are not related to Stanage. The remaining areas of interest are then projected on a regular Cartesian grid whose cells are 5- metre squares. Then, the number of segments where interviewees had a discussion about Stanage intersecting each cell is counted. Finally, the sum of these numbers is computed for cells in which the coefficient of attractiveness is greater than a variable threshold. Thus a graph is plotted for this number as function of the threshold.

2.4 Methodology implementation challenges A first necessary step was to define exactly the area of study before the start of the fieldwork. Stanage North Lees is divided into three areas: Stanage Edge, Open Moors, Slopes and Valleys with woodlands (PDNPA, 2009). From the top of Stanage Edge, one gets a global view of the three areas (“Stanage Parking and Visitor Survey”, 2003). However, documents produced by the Peak District National Park Authority do not give a clear definition of the area of Stanage. The central feature is the gritstone edge and the only defined boundary is the road running from Long Causeway to Upper Burbage Bridge – south- west of the edge. Because Stanage is such an open landscape, the northern and eastern boundaries of this territory vary across individuals (Gordon, Warden of Stanage North Lees of the Peak District National Park Authority, 2015). It is important to highlight that the focus on one type of user exclusively – walkers and hikers – in this study made the process of finding subjects for walking interviews more difficult and time consuming. Then, the restriction to the geographical area of Stanage was another difficulty. Some major access points to Stanage that we can see on Figure 5 lead to other attractive areas, such as Burbage. Therefore, a number of hikers and walkers were arriving at the access point but not going to Stanage, lengthening the process of finding suitable walking interview subjects. The quality of the data collected did make it hard to process sometimes, due to inherent difficulties of the fieldwork. One first technical issue was the loss of radar signal making the track irregular. The solution was therefore to adapt the script creating the maps. Other technical issues were linked to the quality of the sound recording. First, Stanage Edge is a much-opened landscape in which the wind is strong and consistent. This often blurred the audio recordings during the transcription step. In order to tackle the issue, we used an appropriate lapel microphone with special foam on its end. Another sound recording related issue was that some interviewees did turn-off the lapel microphone temporarily because of false moves. And last, because of interviewees were often walking or hiking in groups, some members of the group would go on speaking of relevant subjects but not always close enough to the interviewee holding the lapel microphone. The solution we applied was to write a summary of each interview as soon as one was finished to have a continuous image of the walk and the discussions.

Finally, the nature of the GPS data collected forced some adaptations in the mapping process. Indeed, for its first step, it would be possible to measure the average speed between two points of the track, and to highlight all the places where the average speed is very low. But this approach is very sensitive to the inherent inaccuracy of the GPS tracker that induces a spurious scattering of points. Thus the speed calculated for two contiguous segments can vary a lot which make difficult to spot the areas of interest. Furthermore, this method is only one dimensional - along the GPS track - and so it could not give any information about areas. For these reasons, another method was preferred in order to go beyond the linear characteristic of the track.

3 RESULTS, DISCUSSIONS AND CRITICAL APPROACH ON THE STUDY

In this third chapter, the results are going to be defined and discussed. From an overview of the walking interviews, to the presentation of places of attractiveness, to the main topics discussed and last, to a typology enabling to examine possible common social patterns for interviewees who fall into a common category. Last, a critical approach on the study will be presented.

3.1 Presentation of the results 3.1.1 Presentations of the walking interviews conducted Table 2 below presents the 20 walking interviews conducted. It does gather all the factual information asked to the interviewees and enable to give an overview of each walking interview.

Numb er of the Living Previous Composition of Main reason(s) Frequency of the walking place, Distance knowledge the group interviewed motivating the walk visits interview to Stanage of Stanage (WI) Chesterfiel An English d To exercise, to practice More than once WI 01 woman: Yes Between for a trail. a year 54 years old 10 and 20 miles An English father Sheffield To take the family with his son and his More than once WI 02 Less than 10 away from the city, in the Yes daughter: a week miles great outdoors. 15, 11, 40 years old A retired English To do a levelled and Kent WI 03 couple (with dogs): easy walk No Not applicable 210 miles 64, 64 years old with their dogs. A retired English Oxford To take pictures of the WI 04 couple: Yes Once a year 150 miles millstones. 62, 69 years old Sheffield An English couple: To walk and get More WI 05 Less than 10 Yes 49, 58 years old outside. than once a month miles Sheffield An English man: To meet friends and to More than once WI 06 Yes 57 years old Less than get out. a week 10 miles An English couple with the woman’s To get out in nature Richmond More than once WI 07 parents from Sweden: and show the parents the Yes a year 41, 49, 70, 70 167 miles place and the landscape. years old Worksop An English couple: To get out and have a More than once WI 08 Between 20 Yes 18, 28 years old nice hike. a year and 30 miles An Indian man To feel rejuvenated in with three friend Sheffield the outdoors and to show More than once WI 09 from India: Yes Less than friends the historic features a month 45, 61, 64, 72 10 miles of the place. years old

A retired English Sheffield To walk his old dog More than once WI 10 man (with a dog): that only gets lively around Yes Less than a week 66 years old 10 miles the sheep. An English pair of Sheffield To get fantastic views More than once WI 11 friends (with a dog): while walking in an Yes Less than a year 59, 64 years old 10 miles accessible place. An English couple with two friends and Sheffield To get for a fun walk with their daughter Yes More than once WI 12 with the children as it is and their son: Less than a month accessible and free. 2, 5, 28, 330, 33, 34 10 miles years old Huddersfi An English eld To do a short walk More than once WI 13 woman (with dogs): with the dogs, to get fresh Yes Between a year 49 years old 20 and 30 air. miles

A retired English Leigh To do a nice and easy WI 14 couple: walk in the outdoor and Yes Once a month 65, 66 years old 50 miles maybe meet friends there. An English couple Sheffield To get outside for a More than once WI 15 with their daughter: little and easy walk as the Yes Less than a year 2, 36, 40 years old 10 miles weather was nice. To get a beautiful view A Polish man with London in the aesthetic landscape More than once WI 16 his wife and a friend: Yes of Stanage Edge and to do a year 37, 39, 41 years old 165 miles an easy walk. An English couple with their son and Dronfield To get the family play their daughter, the and explore nature in an More than once WI 17 woman’s sister and Between Yes easy, fun and accessible a month their niece: 10 and 20 place. 1, 3, 5, 33, 34, 36 years miles old

An English Sheffield To pursue their mother with her tradition of coming here to More than once WI 18 Yes daughter and her son: Less than discuss and share moments a year 22, 24, 57 years old 10 miles away from the city. An English couple with their daughter To get back to their and their son, cultural roots, to show as well as the woman’s Colchester More than once WI 19 rural England to the Yes parents from a year 187 miles grandparents with the Lichtenstein: viewpoint from the edge. 20, 23, 48, 50, 70, 73 years old An English couple Sheffield To get the family out, with their daughter More than once WI 20 in an easily accessible place Yes and their son: Less than a year in the open air. 3, 5, 36, 38 years old 10 miles

Table 2: Presentation of all the factual information for each of the 20 walking interviews.

Then, the average proportion of the different type of interaction with interviewees is presented in Table 3 below.

Average proportion of the nature of the interaction with Nature of the interaction interviewees out of the 20 walking interviews

Discussions about 0,245 Stanage

Other discussion 0,661

Silence 0,093

Table 3: Average proportion of the nature of the interaction with interviewees. The discussions related to Stanage therefore account for 24.5% of all the interactions during walking interviews.

3.1.2 Description of the attractive places of Stanage The main attractive areas on Stanage are presented in Figure 11.

Figure 11: Areas of attractiveness. The two points on the bottom right of the map are the car parks, they should not be taken into consideration. As they were at the start or at the end of the walks they do not offer a better insight on interviewees’ engagement with Stanage. Therefore, the attractive areas include the Edge – with three

34 different areas depending on which access point was used – the Millstones, the Trig Point, Robin Hood’s Cave, places with majestic rocks and boulders. If their attractiveness is significant enough, these places are going to be presented below, each with two relevant quotes from interviewees who referred to them.

 The Edge was mentioned explicitly by 8 different interviewees for being a feature of interest. It was a place in which 5 groups of interviewees took pictures. Plate 2 is a panoramic view of the Edge. “When you come here and climb up to the Edge, you have a sense of accomplishment. It is not difficult.

Plate 2: Panoramic views from the Edge, arriving to the Edge from three different access point: Scenic Layby, Hooks's Car Park and Upper Burbage Bridge. A little accomplishment, but still.” Walking Interview 18 (Quote 1) “The rocks are leading your eyes into the distance and then you have the Edge coming in a curve in the same area.” Walking Interview 16 (Quote 2)

 The Millstones were explicitly mentioned by 8 different interviewees for being a feature of interest. It was a place in which 3 groups of interviewees took pictures. Plate 3 is a panoramic view of the Millstones.

Plate 3: The Millstones. “Big wheel! ... So kids, why there are some big wheels here? Kids, what people used to do is to put one on top of the other and they used to grind things in between them or they could stand up like that and turn them and you could sharpen a knife, and in Sheffield there are a lot of famous people used to make cutlery.” Walking Interview 16 (Quote 3)

“There is also a lots of evidence of industrial activity with the creation of mill stones for creating floor from wheat.” Walking Interview 19 (Quote 4)

 The Trig point was explicitly mentioned by 5 different interviewees for being a feature of interest. It was a place in which 3 groups of interviewees took pictures. Plate 4 is a panoramic view of the Trig Point.

Plate 4: The Trig Point. “All around, everywhere you can see, you are on top. You are on the highest, highest point. It's amazing.” Walking Interview 17 (Quote 5) “This is the high point.” Walking Interview 07 (Quote 6)

 Robin Hood’s Cave was explicitly mentioned by 4 different interviewees for being a feature of interest. It was a place in which 1 group of interviewees took pictures.

Plate 5: Robin Hood's Cave.

“Come down and see, this is where Robin Hood's lived! This is where Robin Hood came and spied on all the bad people.” Walking Interview 12 (Quote 7) “I remember bringing my son up here, there is a cave called Robin Hood's Cave and he decided with friends to sleep here. When I came back for them, they were smelling like sheep.” Walking Interview 14 (Quote 8)

 Places with majestic rocks or boulders were explicitly mentioned by 11 different interviewees for being features of interest. 3 groups of interviewees took pictures with such rocks or boulders.

Plate 6: Majestic rocks and boulders. “This is iconic, this kind of rocks.” Walking Interview 07 (Quote 9) “It is such a unique type of rock.” Walking Interview 17 (Quote 10)

3.1.3 Main topics related to Stanage discussed In this third sub-section, the main subjects mentioned during the walking interviews are detailed. For each topic, the number of different groups of interviewees referring to it is presented, as well as two quotes to understand better people’s perceptions.

 The view, mentioned in each of the 20 interviews: “It is just scenic, nice. This is a massive area you can oversee.” Walking Interview 05 (Quote 11) “Look at the view, why would you go anywhere else?” Walking Interview 12 (Quote 12)

 The fauna and the flora, mentioned in 15 interviews: “Every day is different, different flowers, different animals ... it is fascinating.” Walking Interview 01 (Quote 13) “There is quite a lot of bird life. So there are a lot of fledging birds. If you are lucky we might see ring ouzels or something like that, you know.” Walking Interview 17 (Quote 14)

 The accessibility, mentioned in 14 interviews: First, Stanage Edge was considered as a place easy to get to, in the sense that 11 groups of interviewees considered the cost to get to Stanage was low, timing wise and economically wise: “It is so accessible. … You go the local park if you want its outdoor space; but in Sheffield the Peak District Park is our local park.” Walking Interview 02 (Quote 15) “I come very often here, the only reason is the dog. She likes it because she can smell the sheep. … We only walk to that fence below the edge. And then we walk back.” Walking Interview 10 (Quote 16) Second, physical accessibility was mentioned by 9 groups of interviewees, as they considered Stanage to be easy to walk on: “Ah it is lovely. It is not too steep.” Walking Interview 08 (Quote 17) “Today we wanted an easy walk so not too much uphill walking and downhill walking.” Walking Interview 16 (Quote 18) Then, the right of accessing the countryside and Stanage was mentioned 4 different times: “People saw the hills from their homes when cities were very industrialized, polluted, very dirty places to live in, and they wanted a bit of it for themselves. Then they got the right to roam. Now, we are allowed to walk wherever we wish.” Walking Interview 01 (Quote 19) “Here, you have the freedom to roam.” Walking Interview 04 (Quote 20) Last, 2 interviewees mentioned that there were a number of access points such as car parks enabling to get to Stanage. This is not detailed in this research as the numbers are not significant enough.

 The experiences and relations with Stanage, mentioned in 14 interviews: “I do not live here anymore, but every time I come back to Sheffield I come here. Two or three times a year.” Walking Interview 07 (Quote 21)

“Stanage in particular because we came here for our first real date so we want to come back again.” Walking Interview 08 (Quote 22)

 A Sense of wildness and remoteness, mentioned in 10 interviews: A sense of wildness: “I would say, the wildness. Even though it is not wild, there is the path and so on.” Walking Interview 18 (Quote 23) “I feel pretty high and pretty wild. … It's quite close to the road but it's still feels quite wild even if it is farmed and it is managed. If feels wilder than it is.” Walking Interview 17 (Quote 24) A sense of remoteness: “I think it is a great place to walk and to see views and to feel like if you were in the middle of nowhere even though the city is just over the horizon.” Walking interview 11 (Quote 25) “When I come to Stanage, it's mainly early in the morning so it's quite deserted. And that's what I enjoy and there are not a lot of people around and you can feel that it is nearly like a remote place. Which is really not the case because there are the towns around.” Walking Interview 16 (Quote 26)

 An opposition with the city life, mentioned in 10 interviews: “To be out in the fresh air, to be away from people, to be away of the concrete streets.” Walking Interview 07 (Quote 27) “And you just get away from all like the traffic and the noise and everything else. So just really relax and ease. Stanage is literally so close but feels so far.” Walking Interview 08 (Quote 28)

 A relaxing place, mentioned in 9 interviews: “It is a place to be peaceful and to relax. Calm, is the main feeling. It is like a therapy from the week at work. It is, at work you are kind, you have to do as you are told and you have to perform at a certain level. Stanage does not care, you can fall asleep for five hours and Stanage is quite happy with you here. So yes, you can escape from the stress of the week and recharge your batteries.” Walking Interview 13 (Quote 29) “I feel relaxed. Before when you are working, you have like two days at the week-end to do what you want. So when you come out here you just feel freedom, your pace of life just slows right down.” Walking Interview 14 (Quote 30)

 An opened landscape, mentioned in 9 interviews: “But I think it is the longest in terms of what you have got like unbroken lines of rocks going on. And the curve is quite nice, the way it goes.” Walking Interview 16 (Quote 31) “It is so nice because you can see so far that you can feel at the top of the world. I can see nearly the world.” Walking Interview 20 (Quote 32)

 A social side, mentioned in 8 interviews: “We often meet with friends at the lay-by. It is our meeting point, it is convenient.” Walking Interview 06 (Quote 33)

“It accommodates a really wide variety of people, you get the rock guys, you get a new kind of families as well that you never used to see in the outdoors and now they are enjoying it as well, it is good. It is a good site because you have a full mix.” Walking Interview 13 (Quote 34)

 A sense of ownership, mentioned in 7 interviews: “I was raised in Manchester because my dad was a professor in the University of Manchester so this my backyard.” Walking Interview 19 (Quote 35) “It has always been a family tradition to come here. It makes me feel proud of where I am from. If I went back home without coming to Stanage, it wouldn’t be complete. Is there anything you dislike about this place? No, nothing at all. Nothing. I love Stanage.” Walking Interview 18 (Quote 36)

 An escape, mentioned in 7 interviews: “We tend to live very hectic life, very busy. For some people it is very stressful. This beautiful place should be accessible to everyone to be able to switch off and escape from their everyday lives. … It is usually windy up here, which is nice as well, it washes city grim and tension. It is good physically, it is good mentally as well.” Walking Interview 01 (Quote 37) The best thing is just that it is very nearby our house. ... And then you go back and carry on with your normal life.” Walking Interview 02 (Quote 38)

 A feeling of wellbeing, mentioned in 6 interviews: “It is great to clear the head. I tell people I come here for physical health but I come here for mental health. It keeps me sane.” Walking Interview 02 (Quote 39) “There is nothing to dislike. Whenever I come up here I always got a good feeling. It is because you have got the view and you feel sort of free. I feel free.” Walking Interview 10 (Quote 40)

 Other: A direct exchange with the local fauna was witnessed in 5 distinct interviews: “Oh, there is a sheep stalking us!” Walking Interview 8 (Quote 41) An impression of Stanage being timeless was described in 4 distinct interviews: “It is very old, you feel insignificant. Somehow, whatever problems you have, become very small. … It is just irrelevant.” Walking Interview 03 (Quote 42)

3.1.4 Different types of walkers and hikers The three groups presented in the following section are significant. More than 4 distinct walking interviews within one same group was the limit drawn to ensure a representative group of users and to enable to have an overview of their common interests. A last group of users was added, those who were coming to Stanage with a therapeutic purpose as explained in the last paragraph.

 Overview of typological behaviours in the discussion patterns The Table 4 below presents the total of the interviews as well as three distinct groups for which the average proportion of discussions about Stanage are presented. The proportions appear quite homogeneous.

Average proportion of the discussions about Stanage in the walking interviews Total: 0,245 20 walking interviews Families with young children: 0,208 5 walking interviews

Retired people: 0,257 4 walking interviews

Dog walkers: 0,259 4 walking interviews

Table 4: Proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walk depending on the type of walkers or hikers.

 Families with young children Specific topics of interest: the fauna and the flora with the 5 interviews concerned, strong links with the place with 4 of the interviews concerned, and last an easy walk mentioned in 3 interviews. 3 of these interviews did refer to Stanage as being their “playground” Quote 43.

 Retired people Specific topics of interest: a relaxing place with the 4 interviews concerned, an opened landscape with 3 of the interviews concerned, and finally a wellbeing feeling mentioned in 2 interviews.

 Dogs walkers No specific pattern was found in the transcriptions of the recording of interviewees walking their dogs.

 Therapeutic use of Stanage A specific type of user was added to the previous list: those who came to discuss difficult personal or untoward issues. Only the Walking Interview 18 enabled to witness this specific use of Stanage, using it as a purely therapeutical place. However, as mentioned in the methodology chapter, 3 groups refused to take part in a walking interview because they came to Stanage Edge especially to discuss untoward personal issues. This is why this research highlights the Walking Interview 18 – highly likely to represent an important group of users that could be overlooked in other studies as they are reluctant to be followed, to speak about their experience. “There is something we say: the walls have ears so you don’t want to have some conversation at home, and you come around here. Here, the wind blows your words away. It is almost therapeutic, you can do active walk.” Walking Interview 18 (Quote 44)

3.1.5 Identified threats over Stanage Edge During the walking interviews, an opened question was asked to get a wider picture on people thoughts relative to Stanage: “Is there anything you dislike about Stanage?” 6 interviewees, a significant

40 number started saying that they had nothing to dislike here, that “it [was] all perfect” Walking Interview 07 (Quote 45). However, other interviewees did mention a number of features they did not like about Stanage Edge expressed during the walking interviews: - Stanage sometimes appearing too busy, mentioned in 8 interviews. - Cement factory and quarry intruding the view, mentioned in 5 interviews. - Cars intruding the view, mentioned in 2 interviews. - Conflicts with other users, notably the bicycles users and cars, mentioned in 2 interviews. - Anthropic pressure on the wildlife, mentioned in 1 interview. - Fly tipping, mentioned in 1 interview. - Light pollution, mentioned in 1 interview.

3.2 Discussion of the results 3.2.1 General information Overall, it appeared that walkers and hikers interviewed formed a very diverse sample. As far as age was concerned, the interviewees’ groups were formed by people ranging from 1 to 73 years old, with the distribution detailed in the Figure 12 below. Furthermore, there was an important difference on subjects’ aims, from walking the dog, escaping from

Figure 12: Interviewees’ age group distribution. the city life, to doing some exercise or taking pictures (Table 2): most of the different types of walks mentioned by Frederic Gros (Truong, 2011). Also, depending on the composition of the interviewed group (age and relations between groups’ members) then their experiences of Stanage were distinct. It is important to highlight this important diversity of expectations and uses while the walking area covered by the study is not large (Figure 11 represents all the tracks of the walking interviews). This shows the numerous facets of Stanage Edge which consequently attracts numerous different visitors, as the Quote 38 expressed it: “It accommodates a really wide variety of people.” In An Accessible Wilderness, this richness of Stanage is also well described, as “its stunning views and air of wilderness attracts people from all walks of life and with interests in different forms of leisure activity” (Edgar, 2003; p. 7). This is directly illustrated by the wide variety of interviewees of this study. Therefore, when the question of walkers’ and hikers’ perception and experience is asked, a first essential step is to acknowledge the diversity of these visitors on Stanage.

3.2.2 Analysis of the places of attractiveness on Stanage The map representing the areas of attractiveness on Stanage, Figure 11, corresponds perfectly with the five major features of the landscape presented previously: the Edge with three different places of

42 attractiveness depending on which access point to Stanage was used, the Trig Point, the Millstones, Robin Hood’s Cave and areas with impressive rocks and boulders. It confirms that, despite the diversity of walkers and hikers interviewed, their physical experiences of Stanage have some common relation with these major features of the landscape. This sub-section aims at discussing these common areas of interest. On the one hand, the Edge is strongly associated with a sense of achievement from the interviewees’ perceptions, as highlighted by the Quote 1. As one can see on the Plate 2, the Edge offers a wide view on an opened landscape, which was also a subject of interest mentioned in 9 interviews. The visual experience the Edge offers is linked to its access: managing the short climb to get to the Edge and get this opened view conveyed a feeling of accomplishment (Richards, 1987); this could explain the high number of pictures taken there: 5 distinct groups of interviewees took pictures there. On the other hand, the Trig Point is acknowledged as the highest point of Stanage by some interviewees (Quotes 5 and 6). Actually, if the Trig Point is not the highest point of Stanage as a whole, it is still the highest of its southern area. It is actually quite close to the Edge as far as people’s perceptions are concerned. What is known as Robin Hood’s Cave was previously called Sled House, before the Victorian period (Stanage Forum Steering Group, 2015). It turned into an adventurous and cultural feature named on numerous maps of Stanage Edge and therefore, it is often researched as a specific landscape to investigate and explore. The following guidebook refers to Robin Hood’s Cave this way: “certainly worth inspecting”, and the “legendary champion ever resorted to this exposed hideaway may not be proved but it seems quite plausible” (Richards, 1987; p. 95). This is shaping people’s expectations from the place. It appeared in the research that interviewees did indeed go there for social purposes first such as playing, educating through sharing knowledge (Quote 7). The Millstones are an historic feature. It is the easiest area of attractiveness to access, it does not require going up much (Figure 11). While links with the history of Stanage were clearly stressed as important by 8 distinct groups of interviewees, this historical heritage adds to the understanding of the place (Quotes 3 and 4). It stands as a reminder of the previous local activities and contributes to a more complete experience of Stanage. Massive rocks and boulders are part of the uniqueness of the place according to the Quote 10. 11 distinct groups of interviewees mentioned rocks and boulders as something specific to the area and sometimes something they would play with. As parts of the Edge, any massive rocky feature might be associated closely with the identity of Stanage. Even further, Stanage is famously known for the climbing opportunities it offers (PDNPA and Stanage Forum, 2002), it is even described as a “Mecca” for climbers (Edgar, 2003; p. 7). As a number of walkers and hikers also practice climbing and bouldering, they might have a special sensitivity and affection for geological features which could contribute to the importance of this feature. Therefore, thanks to walking interviews, these specific features of attractiveness give clues to understand walkers’ and hikers’ experience and perceptions of the place of Stanage, and how they did engage with it physically (details on the Figure 11 and the Appendix 2).

3.2.3 Analysis of the main topics mentioned about Stanage The features of Stanage are essential to understand the engagement of walkers with the landscape; however numerous other information came from the oral material collected. Some topics related to Stanage have a major importance in the understanding of the place. As all the interviews mentioned it, the view was the first thing valued on Stanage (Quotes 11 and 12). This proves a strong aesthetic engagement with the landscape from the interviewees, that walkers and hikers traditionally have (Moore et al., 2012). It is also likely that this aesthetic connection is a heritage from the 18th century movement of “landscape as panorama” that was much linked to the perception of rural landscapes (Darby, 2000). The accessibility of Stanage was mentioned in 14 different interviews, mainly because Stanage was considered as close (Quote 15) and easy to access to (Quotes 17 and 18). It is important to stress that some people had not expressed any special interest about Stanage. They thought either that neighbouring places were similar or they simply researched a bit of the countryside to wander or walk their dog. If some people have not a strong special interest in the place, it confirms that the cost of getting there can be low for them – if not they would not make the effort. The Quote 16 illustrates this issue. To understand deeper the notion of accessibility, Figure 13 below illustrates the distance between Stanage and interviewees’ living place.

Figure 13: Distance between interviewees' living place and Stanage. It confirms that most walkers interviewed were living close to Stanage: 15 groups of interviewees lived under 50 miles from Stanage. However, 5 groups of interviewees lived further. As 19 groups of interviewees already knew the place, it appears that most have a relationship with Stanage even if accessing Stanage is more difficult and visit often (Table 2). Experiences and memories of the place surely plays a key role in having people finding it accessible even though they live around Leigh or London. Indeed, most interviewees mention having a relationship with the place: 14 groups out of 20. They had memories and

44 previous experiences in Stanage, which was described as part of their life, part of their individual and social construction: “It has always been a family tradition to come here.” Quote 40 and “We often meet with friends at the lay-by. It is our meeting point, it is convenient” Quote 37. Actually, it can be argued that Stanage complies with every requirement of a brand: most groups of interviewees had a promise, an expectation of it, and then they had an enjoyable experience during the walks. A number of interviewees said it was the best place in the world, just as the Quote 45. Last, they constructed have a memory, a souvenir of it. Because 14 groups of interviewees mentioned they already had memories and experiences in Stanage, this place can be recognised as a brand. Furthermore, walkers and hikers expressed a sense of ownership in 7 distinct interviews (Quotes 35 and 36). As the Quote 40 highlights it: “it makes me feel proud of where I am from”; Stanage’s identity is deeply associated with people’s identities as well. Numerous walkers and hikers interviewed expressed that Stanage was their “backyard” (Quote 35), including one of them who lived in Colchester (Walking Interview 19). This is why being local to Stanage is something very relative, depending on the relationship between people and the place. The management of the place confirms the existence of this sense of ownership when the PDNPA advertises: “Stanage, ours to care for” (“Royal visitor discovers how Stanage-North Lees connects people to the national park”, n.d.). This sense of ownership is linked with the 4 groups of interviewees mentioning the right of access to the countryside. (Quotes 19 and 20). It is likely that this sense is linked to the legacy of the struggle to access the countryside. Another issue raised is that 10 interviews did refer to Stanage as being opposed to the city. Stanage’s identity can be understood socially as an opposition to the urban city life (Quotes 27 and 28). Even further, 7 groups of interviewees said that Stanage provided a place to “switch-off and escape” physically and mentally (Quote 37). Consequently, Stanage appeared as a relaxing and a feel-good place. 9 interviews mentioned that interviewees felt relaxed (Quotes 29, 30), while 6 interviews that they associated the place with well-being. The link between well-being and Stanage’s opposition with the city is highlighted in the Quote 37: “it washes city grim and tension”. Behaviours witnessed include people singing, interviewees talking or interacting with farmed animals such as sheep. This marks a sharp contrast with city-life, the opportunity for escape provided by Stanage enables a numbers of visitors to enjoy from mental and physical benefits. Last, only one interview clearly states the therapeutic effect of Stanage as the main reason motivating their walk (Walking Interview 18). However, a number of interviewees referred to this benefit of Stanage (Walking Interviews 01, 02, 13 and 14), strongly linked to the opportunity of escape Stanage’s provides: “It is like a therapy from the week at work” (Quote 29). One reason for that could be that such a dramatic landscape helps to put things into perspective. Some burdens, constraints or problems of everyday life become “insignificant” in this timeless and impressive landscape, as mentions the Quote 46. An extract of the poem W.V.J.K. (1919) also shared this feeling for rural landscape and the walking activity: Out on the jewelled path, Away all cares we fling, Deep in our hearts a song, The song of wandering.

However, this therapeutic effect was highlighted specifically for Stanage when Marina Lewycka, interviewed on Stanage in 2010 by the Financial Times, said: "When you worry about reviews or publications, whether you've said the right thing, you come here and everything seems insignificant” (Flanagan, 2010). All these elements contribute in the shaping of people’s relationship with Stanage and therefore, their experiences and perceptions there. 3.2.4 Analysis of different types of users Some common patterns appeared through the study of the relevant data for one of the groups previously defined: families with young children, detailed here because they showed the most significant differences.  Families with young children – 5 interviews Stanage was described and experienced as an adventure place to educate and learn: it enabled to discover wildlife (all referred to it), it was the starting point to share historic and cultural knowledge, the history that can be illustrated by the Quote 3. Stanage appears as important as well in the social construction of the kids because in this place they can play and challenge themselves: it is perceived as their “playground” Quote 43. It enables parents to educate children about their surrounding world and about themselves as well. It can be argued that education was the only solution to engage everyone to respect a heritage (Joad, 1945). In a way, parents make their kids learn about the place, which might lead them to value it and respect it afterwards.

3.3 Analysis of the threats and objects of dislike mentioned More than being mere objects of dislike, interviewees’ comments on specific features did often refer to the threats that they perceive towards Stanage Edge. Interviewees mostly said that the place was often too busy to be enjoyed peacefully (8 interviews) and were having concerns on users’ conflicts with bicycles for instance. Other perceived threats on Stanage were often linked to urban fringe issues, for instance visual intrusions that are a recurring subject: development of industrial features such as the cement factory and the quarry (5 interviews), development of urban features such as cars’ parking on road when Stanage reaches its carrying capacity or even before (2 interviews), waste dumping, and other human impacts. This is close to the “enemies of the countryside” that are detailed in the Chapter I (Joad, 1945; p. 25-46). All these issues referred to human pressures on the territory. It highlights the importance of the management of the place and therefore, the role of the PDNPA as well as local users and associations. Interestingly, the identification of the threats on Stanage as mostly human-driven conflicts with the sense of wildness and remoteness expressed by 10 distinct groups of interviewees. Stanage’s landscape appear quite paradoxical considering the value given to the area and the issues it faces. Stanage’s inherent accessibility is at the heart of this conundrum.

3.4 Discussion about the approach of the research The qualitative data gathered through walking interviews is probably distinct to the one in sitting interviews, as the researcher joins the walker’s or hiker’s group. Sharing the activity is likely to make

46 interviewees more talkative and spontaneous compared to a classic interview. Especially if the walking interview is long enough, people often have already answered the open questions and tend to go back to their usual behaviour. Thus, interviewees made spontaneous comments on the place for example, not directed towards the interviewer anymore. A compelling example is the Quote 41: “Oh, there is a sheep stalking us!” People tend to get more relaxed as the walk passes, which is also linked to the effect of walking on Stanage for them, as the previous sub-section highlighted it. The maps in the Appendix 2 show the input of interviewees along the walk – whether they were speaking or engaging physically – and help having a critical view about walking interviews in this context. To have a critical view on the discussion input during the process of a walking interview, it is worth considering where and when people did speak about Stanage during their walk. First, where do people speak about the topic of interest is going to be detailed. The Figure 14 below highlights the proportion of the discussions about Stanage depending on the coefficient of attractiveness of the place where the interaction takes place with the interviewees.

Figure 14: Proportion of the discussions referring to Stanage depending on the attractiveness of the place.

Figure 14 illustrates that 31.5% of the discussions about Stanage took place in the areas having the coefficient of attractiveness 1. These areas cover 12% of the surface of the whole area in which people walked. Half of the discussions about Stanage took place in areas having at least a coefficient of attractiveness of 0.35, which cover 29.5% of the surface of the whole area in which people walked. It highlights that interviewees tend to express themselves about Stanage more when they stand in areas of interest. Being in-situ appears as a strong drive prompting comments from the interviewees, or giving them more inspiration to answer questions. Walking interviews therefore seem to have an important asset as they enable the researcher to witness people engaging with the landscape and expressing themselves simultaneously.

Second, the distribution of the discussions about Stanage out of the whole walk gives a valuable insight to understand how people responded to walking interviews. The Figure 16 below and the Appendix 3 (with a Figure illustrating each of the specific type of user defined in the sub-section 1 of the Chapter III) show the evolution of interviewees’ discussions about Stanage throughout their walks. It seems that the discussions about Stanage took place mostly in the first part of the interviews. In order to infirm or confirm this idea, a time-normalised graph was created, to highlight when people spoke most

Figure 15: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walks, comparing the walking interviews of active adults. about Stanage during their walks. Figure 15 below shows this proportion for the whole 20 walking interviews.

Figure 16: Evolution of the proportion of the discussions about Stanage with the time through the 20 walking interviews Actually, it shows that most of the valuable input appear during the first 60% of the walk: 77.5% of the discussions about Stanage. Explanations could include the idea that at some point, interviewees had maybe said most of what they could think about. Also, interviewees might have wanted to get back to their car so would have given less information because the focus of their walk had changed: coming back to the car instead of enjoying the walk and the place. It would be relevant to conduct further research to understand the exact reasons of such a decline in the input. This sub-section highlights both strong and weak points in our research. It is worth mentioning that to conduct this in-depth analysis of the data, the time spent to synchronise and process the data was important. Nevertheless, it can be considered that the value added by the spatial context in walking interviews outweighs the drawbacks, such as the time required to process the data, in the case of our research. Indeed, the focus on the relation of walkers and hikers to the landscape of Stanage is particularly adapted to the methodological approach developed; especially because the spatial information formed a link with the construction of an identity for the place and highlighted it through the transcription of the recordings.

CONCLUSION

To conclude, the emphasis on the historical context, the access to the countryside as well as the walking movement both presented in the Chapter I, have given a valuable insight to understand the relationship between walkers and rural landscape. The theoretical concepts of accessibility and nature have also appeared to be at the heart of people’s perceptions of the landscape of Stanage, as there, the main issue faced by the PDNPA is to protect the natural heritage while accessibility is already very consequent – leading to important human impacts. The walking interviews conducted on Stanage with hikers enabled to collect empirical data, in opposition to most studies of the Peak District National Park Authority that are more statistical (PDNPA, 2014). Thanks to the interviews, walkers and hikers shared their perceptions about Stanage and what they did value or not there. Huge differences between interviewees appeared as far as diversity of people, expectations and physical engagement were concerned. Despite the diversity of the sample of interviewees, the third chapter also highlighted common features of interest. Indeed, the aesthetic experience was emphasised during each interview as expected (Moore et al., 2012). Use of GPS data showed interviewees’ engagement with the place: specific landscape features attracted people, notably the uninterrupted line of the Edge and the majestic rocks and boulders. However, two more historical and cultural features were also highlighted as areas of attractiveness: the Millstones and Robin Hood’s Cave. If accessibility appeared as a mixed blessing. The threats and features of dislike interviewees mentioned were all a result from human activities, which shows the importance of the key role of Stanage’s management. Last but not least, the managed landscape of Stanage appears to be socially constructed in opposition to the city and to one extent, opposed to human- made places. It is a place to change one’s pace of life and to relax: a kind of mental and physical escape. The walking interviews also showed that some types of walkers, such as families with young children, had a number of specific, consistent experiences and perceptions on Stanage because of common expectations and motivations. Actually, the use of walking interviews to understand how people engage with a rural landscape appeared promising: it is an easy process to conduct in order to spend time with the walkers and hikers specifically, as the researcher adapts to their pace and is not perceived as a burden. The research conducted is quite innovative considering the recent development of walking interviews, it drew on recent research. As methods to conduct and process walking interviews in social sciences will keep on being developed, this piece of research is a contribution in a specific case: walkers and hikers as interviewees in the rural landscape of Stanage. The processing of the data gathered during the walking interview, especially through the synchronisation of the transcriptions with the GPS tracks enabled a considerable insight of the interviewees’ engagement with the landscape and also reactions to the walking interviews method. Notably, the use of all the geographical data collected to define common areas of interest and then the link between the oral material and the geographical data seemed to give consistent and relevant results, a better insight into the understanding of the relation between walkers and Stanage. Not only did it enable to find areas of attractiveness that are strongly associated with the identity of the landscape, but it appeared that most

50 discussions about Stanage took place in these areas, which confirms for the case of this research a common- sense result: being in places of attractiveness was prompting more relevant comments about the place. However, the limits of the study have to be highlighted, as well as the opportunities for further research. The research conducted a relatively small number of walking interviews – adapted to the length of the project – so it would be relevant to conduct this approach at a larger scale and to compare results with sitting interviews. It would ensure that the nature of the qualitative data gathered could be objectively compared. In addition, it appeared that a long time was needed to conduct and process the interviews. Particularly, the proper synchronisation of the transcriptions results with the geographical information gathered was a drawback, forcing the researcher to anticipate more. Also, it appeared that the input of interviewees during the walks were not constant and often dropped during the last third of the hike, especially for long interviews. Maybe more research on the subject would enable better choice from researchers in the process of planning walking interviews. In the same perspective, the process conducted provides the researcher with a lot of data, so knowing what to discuss in priority is important and could be suggested by future research in this field. Last, another possible research development would be to conduct this type of research in other geographical areas: places in the Peak District National Park and then other UK National Parks as well. This would enable to determine what the perceptions of walkers on these places are, and therefore, what is definitely specific to Stanage for them.

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4 APPENDICES 4.1 Appendix 1: Peak District National Park, a territory composed of different geographical landscapes

Figure 17: Landscapes of the Peak Disrict National Park. Source: PDNPA.

4.2 Appendix 2: Maps illustrating the physical engagement and the interactions during each of the walking interviews

Figure 18: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 1. Source: Google.

Figure 19: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 2. Source: Google.

Figure 20: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 3. Source: Google.

Figure 21: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 4. Source: Google.

Figure 22: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 5. Source: Google.

Figure 23: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 6. Source: Google.

Figure 24: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 7. Source: Google.

Figure 25: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 8. Source: Google.

Figure 26: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 9. Source: Google.

Figure 27: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 10. Source: Google.

Figure 28: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 11. Source: Google.

Figure 29: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 12. Source: Google.

Figure 30: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 13. Source: Google.

Figure 31: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 14. Source: Google.

Figure 32: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 15. Source: Google.

Figure 33: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 16. Source: Google.

Figure 34: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 17. Source: Google.

Figure 35: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 18. Source: Google.

Figure 36: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 19. Source: Google.

Figure 37: Physical engagement and interactions with the interviewees during the Walking Interview 20. Source: Google.

4.3 Appendix 3: Accumulation of the normalised relevant discussions about Stanage through each of the walking interviews

Figure 38: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walking interviews with families.

Figure 39: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walking interviews with dog’s walkers.

Figure 40: Cumulated proportion of the discussions about Stanage during the walking interviews with retired people.