The Transmutation of Lee's Plan at Gettysburg
FROM DISASTER TO BRILLIANCE: THE TRANSMUTATION OF LEE’S PLAN AT GETTYSBURG John D. Wedo and Terrence L. Salada It is fitting to start by describing a battle in the American Civil War (ACW) in which the defender stayed behind defenses on elevated ground and waited for the opposing army to attack. When the attack began, it was repelled repeatedly at great loss. The defender maintained a defensive stance throughout the battle even when the attacking army was defeated before him. The defeated general collected his army and departed with no interference or attempted interference from the defender. The victorious general is lauded for his good sense in maintaining his position, whereas the defeated general is derided for attacking such a formidable position. The best example of such a tactical disaster was Fredericksburg, Virginia, fought on December 17, 1862, a Confederate victory. Except for the last sentence, it could also describe Gettysburg. But why are the historical opinions of the generals different for Gettysburg? Professor Warren W. Hassler, Jr., expressed the same thought: “There is probably no other battle," writes General Francis A. Walker, "of which men are so prone to think and speak without a conscious reference to the commanding general of the victorious party, as they are regarding Gettysburg.” Why, it might be asked, does this curious phenomenon exist regarding the commander of the triumphant Union Army of the Potomac, Major General George Gordon Meade?1 The measure of the battle is statistical, and the numbers should speak for themselves, but often do not register. On July 1, 2, and 3, 1863, the Army of Northern Virginia of General Robert E.
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