Reflecting on Hannah Arendt and Eichmann in Jerusalem: a Report on the Banality of Evil
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Reading Arendt's on Revolution After the Fall of the Wall
Keeping the Republic: Reading Arendt’s On Revolution after the Fall of the Wall Dick Howard Introduction: From where do you speak, comrade? Two decades after the fall of the Wall seemed to announce – by default, as an unexpected gift – the triumph of democracy, optimism appears at best naïve, at worst an ideological manipulation of the most cynical type. The hope was that the twin forms of modern anti-politics – the imaginary planned society and the equally imaginary invisible hand of the market place – would be replaced by the rule of the demos; citizens together would determine the values of the commonwealth. The reality was at first the ‘New World Order’ of George H.W. Bush; then the indecisive interregnum of the Clinton years; and now the crass take over of democratic rhetoric by the neo-conservatives of George W. Bush. ‘Man is born free, yet everywhere he is in chains,’ wrote Rousseau at the outset of The Social Contract; how this came about was less important, he continued, than what made it legitimate: that was what needed explanation. So it is today; what is it about democracy that makes it the greatest threat to its own existence? In this context, it is well to reread Hannah Arendt’s On Revolution, published in 1963. On returning recently to my old (1965) paperback edition, I was struck by the spare red and black design of the cover, which was not (as I thought for a moment) a subtle allusion to the conflict of communism and anarchism for the realization of ‘true’ democracy, but simply the backdrop against which the editor stressed these sentences: ‘With nuclear power at a stalemate, revolutions have become the principal political factor of our time. -
Situating Systems Thinking Between Past & Future: Hannah
A Multicultural Interdisciplinary Inquiry Situating Systems Thinking between Past & Future Hannah Arendt’s Discourse on the Multicultural “World” Chanthou Thoeun There is by now a devastating cata- Lupinacci, 2011). What can be no longer promote a network of interrelationships logue of evidence revealing the depth and hidden from public consciousness is that among developed and underdeveloped breadth of corporate sponsored, govern- the earth’s natural resources cannot sus- nations, functioning instead as an exten- ment sanctioned acts of violence against tain the excessive consumption habits, sion of corporations’ and governments’ the environment across the globe. British persistent exploitation of human labor, expansion through acts of neo-imperial- Petroleum’s (BP) oil spill, for instance, is a and willful degradation and depletion of ism. The systemic nature of the assault testament to large-scale catastrophic eco- resources, particularly in underdeveloped on the environment and its testimony to logical damages resulting from corporate nations: the world is collapsing. That the the rise of mammoth-like corporations overexpansion and systemic ecological ecological crisis continues to be rendered has been largely underestimated by ignorance (Martusewicz, Edmundsun, & inconsequential at the structural level mainstream media and politics. Given depicts a disturbing image of our society; the urgency of the ecological crisis that all we are a society stuck in the midst of an levels of society face, a paradigmatic shift Chanthou Thoeun is a teacher ecological crisis that tests our values, toward restructuring politics, economics, of advanced placement English ideology, politics, and education. Beyond and education must take place to ensure and English language development exposing the corruption of a society that episodes such as the BP oil spill can be in the Stockton Unified School District privileges capitalism and progress and eradicated. -
The Truth of the Capture of Adolf Eichmann (Pdf)
6/28/2020 The Truth of the Capture of Adolf Eichmann » Mosaic THE TRUTH OF THE CAPTURE OF ADOLF EICHMANN https://mosaicmagazine.com/essay/history-ideas/2020/06/the-truth-of-the-capture-of-adolf-eichmann/ Sixty years ago, the infamous Nazi official was abducted in Argentina and brought to Israel. What really happened, what did Hollywood make up, and why? June 1, 2020 | Martin Kramer About the author: Martin Kramer teaches Middle Eastern history and served as founding president at Shalem College in Jerusalem, and is the Koret distinguished fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Listen to this essay: Adolf Eichmann’s Argentinian ID, under the alias Ricardo Klement, found on him the night of his abduction. Yad Vashem. THE MOSAIC MONTHLY ESSAY • EPISODE 2 June: The Truth of the Capture of Adolf Eichmann 1x 00:00|60:58 Sixty years ago last month, on the evening of May 23, 1960, the Israeli prime minister David Ben-Gurion made a brief but dramatic announcement to a hastily-summoned session of the Knesset in Jerusalem: A short time ago, Israeli security services found one of the greatest of the Nazi war criminals, Adolf Eichmann, who was responsible, together with the Nazi leaders, for what they called “the final solution” of the Jewish question, that is, the extermination of six million of the Jews of Europe. Eichmann is already under arrest in Israel and will shortly be placed on trial in Israel under the terms of the law for the trial of Nazis and their collaborators. In the cabinet meeting immediately preceding this announcement, Ben-Gurion’s ministers had expressed their astonishment and curiosity. -
Hannah-Arendt-What-Is-Freedom.Pdf
WHAT IS FREEDOM? Mrio raise the question, what is freedom? seems to be a hopeless JL enterprise. It is as though age-old contradictions and antino- mies were lying in wait to force the mind into dilemmas of logical impossibility so that, depending which horn of the dilemma you are holding on to, it becomes as impossible to conceive of freedom or its opposite as it is to realize the notion of a square circle. In its the as the contradic- simplest form, difficulty may be summed up tion between our consciousness and conscience, telling us that we are free and hence responsible, and our everyday experience in the outer world, in which we orient ourselves according to the principle of causality. In all practical and especially in political matters we hold human freedom to be a self-evident truth, and it is upon this axiomatic assumption that laws are laid down in human com- munities, that decisions are taken, that judgments are passed. In all fields of scientific and theoretical endeavor, on the contrary, we proceed according to the no less self-evident truth of 'ruful ex "our nihilo, of nihil sine causa, that is, on the assumption that even to that if own lives are, in the last analysis, subject causation" and 143 144 Between Past and Future there should be an ultimately free ego in ourselves, it certainly never makes its unequivocal appearance in the phenomenal world, and therefore can never become the subject of theoretical ascer- tainment. Hence freedom turns out to be a mirage the moment psychology looks into what is supposedly its innermost -
A Special Supplement: Reflections on Violence by Hannah Arendt | the New York Review of Books
A Special Supplement: Reflections on Violence by Hannah Arendt | The New York Review of Books EMAIL Tweet Share A Special Supplement: Refections on Violence Hannah Arendt FEBRUARY 27, 1969 ISSUE I These reflections were provoked by the events and debates of the last few years, as seen against the background of the twentieth century. Indeed this century has become, as Lenin predicted, a century of wars and revolutions, hence a century of that violence which is currently believed to be their common denominator. There is, however, another factor in the present situation which, though predicted by nobody, is of at least equal importance. The technical development of implements of violence has now reached the point where no political goal could conceivably correspond to their destructive potential or justify their actual use in armed conflict. Hence, warfare—since times immemorial the final merciless arbiter in international disputes—has lost much of its effectiveness and nearly all of its glamor. “The apocalyptic” chess game between the superpowers, that is, between those that move on the highest plane of our civilization, is being played according to the rule: “if either ‘wins’ it is the end of both.”1 Moreover the game bears no resemblance to whatever war games preceded it. Its “rational” goal is mutual deterrence, not victory. Since violence—as distinct from power, force, or strength—always needs implements (as Engels pointed out long ago),2 the revolution in technology, a revolution in tool-making, was especially marked in warfare. The very substance of violent action is ruled by the question of means and ends, whose chief characteristic, if applied to human affairs, has always been that the end is in danger of being overwhelmed by the means, which it both justifies and needs. -
Arendt's Critical Dialogue with Heidegger KOISHIKAWA Kazue
Thinking and Transcendence: Arendt’s Critical Dialogue with Heidegger KOISHIKAWA Kazue Adjunct Faculty, University of Tsukuba Abstract : In the introduction to The Life of the Mind: Thinking (1977), Hannah Arendt explains that it was her observation of Adolf Eichmann’s “thoughtlessness” — his inability to think — at his trial in Jerusalem that led her to reexamine the human faculty of thinking, particularly in respect to its relation to moral judgment. Yet, it is not an easy task for her readers to follow how Arendt actually constructs her arguments on this topic in this text. The purpose of this paper is to delineate Arendt’s criticisms of Heidegger in order to articulate the characteristics of her own account of thinking in relation to morality. The paper first suggests the parallelism between Heidegger’s “wonder” and Arendt’s “love” as the beginning of philosophizing, i.e., thinking, and point out a peculiar circularity in Heidegger’s account of thinking. Secondly, the paper traces Arendt’s criticism of Heidegger’s account of thinking in §18 of the LM 1. Thirdly, the paper discusses why Arendt thinks Heidegger’s account of thinking is problematic by examining Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics (1929). Finally, based on the above analyses and discussions, the paper explores the nature of Arendt’s account of thinking to show how her conception of thinking provides a basis for moral judgment. In the introduction to The Life of the Mind: Thinking (1977), Hannah Arendt explains that it was her observation of Adolf Eichmann’s “thoughtlessness” — his inability to think — at his trial in Jerusalem that led her to reexamine the human faculty of thinking, particularly in respect to its relation to moral judgment. -
The Utilitarian Foundations of Natural Law
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1989 The Utilitarian Foundations of Natural Law Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Epstein, "The Utilitarian Foundations of Natural Law," 12 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 711 (1989). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 10 SYMPOSIUM ON THE COMPATIBILITY OF RIGHTS AND CONSEQUENTIALIST ANALYSES HeinOnline -- 12 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 711 1989 0Q HeinOnline -- 12 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 712 1989 THE UTILITARIAN FOUNDATIONS OF NATURAL LAW RICHARD A. EPSTEIN* Contemporary thinking about rights draws a sharp line be- tween deontological and consequentialist ethical theories. De- ontological theories are associated with the natural law tradition as it has developed in this century, while consequen- tialist theories may be conveniently, if inexactly, grouped as utilitarian. The points of opposition between these approaches have been so often rehearsed that it is only necessary to sum- marize them briefly here. Natural rights theories regard them- selves as theories of individual entitlement, not as theories of social good. Their emphasis on the justice of the individual case, the intimate connection between the doer and the sufferer of harm, makes them overtly anti-instrumental in orientation.' They disavow the idea that the consequences of any legal rule could justify its adoption or rejection. -
Mood-Consciousness and Architecture
Mood-Consciousness and Architecture Mood-Consciousness and Architecture: A Phenomenological Investigation of Therme Vals by way of Martin Heidegger’s Interpretation of Mood A Thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER of SCIENCE in ARCHITECTURE In the School of Architecture and Interior Design of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning 2011 by Afsaneh Ardehali Master of Architecture, California Polytechnic State University San Luis Obispo, CA 1987 Committee Members: John E. Hancock (Chair) Nnamdi Elleh, Ph.D. Mood-Consciousness and Architecture abstract This thesis is an effort to unfold the disclosing power of mood as the basic character of all experiencing as well as theorizing in architecture. Having been confronted with the limiting ways of the scientific approach to understanding used in the traditional theoretical investigations, (according to which architecture is understood as a mere static object of shelter or aesthetic beauty) we turn to Martin Heidegger’s existential analysis of the meaning of Being and his new interpretation of human emotions. Translations of philosophers Eugene Gendlin, Richard Polt, and Hubert Dreyfus elucidate the deep meaning of Heidegger’s investigations and his approach to understanding mood. In contrast to our customary beliefs, which are largely informed by scientific understanding of being and emotions, this new understanding of mood clarifies our experience of architecture by shedding light on the contextualizing character of mood. In this expanded horizon of experiencing architecture, the full potentiality of mood in our experience of architecture becomes apparent in resoluteness of our new Mood-Consciousness of architecture. -
Arendt's Violence/Power Distinction and SARTRE's Violence/Counter-Violence Distinction: the Phenomenology of Violence in Co
CHAPTER SIX ARENDT’S VIOLENCE/POWER DISTINCTION AND SARTRE’S VIOLENCE/COUNTER-VIOLENCE DISTINCTION: THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF VIOLENCE IN COLONIAL AND POST-ColonIAL CONTEXTS Kathryn T. Gines The theme of violence can be traced throughout Hannah Arendt’s major political writings such as The Human Condition and On Revolution where she draws connections between war, violence, and necessity (or libera- tion from necessity); The Origins of Totalitarianism where she examines Europe’s uses of violence in concentration camps, as well as massacre and imperialism in Africa; and, of course, On Violence where she condemns the violence of the Black Power movement and of anti-colonialism. The essay that follows will take as its starting point the violence/power dis- tinction and then the appropriate uses of violence versus non-violence as presented in Arendt’s On Violence. I argue that this distinction between violence and power is misapplied in Arendt’s critique of Jean-Paul Sar- tre and Frantz Fanon’s analyses of anti-colonial revolutionary violence in Algeria. Arendt wrongly interprets Sartre and Fanon’s analyses of violence and counter-violence in The Wretched of the Earth and Critique of Dialecti- cal Reason and her critique of violence proves to be unbalanced. On my view, she rejects their analyses because they argue for the use of violence by the oppressed to overcome the violent system of colonialism. I con- tend that it is because they argue for revolutionary violence (or counter- violence) against their oppressors that Sartre and Fanon are accused of glorifying violence for violence’s sake. In the concluding section of the essay, I briefly consider the possibil- ity that while Arendt’s critique of anti-colonial violence is misguided, her analysis might prove helpful when applied to the post-colonial context in which former anti-colonial leaders fighting for independence strike out violently against the people. -
Rethinking Hannah Arendt's Representation of The
Understanding, Reconciliation, and Prevention – Rethinking Hannah Arendt’s Representation of the Holocaust by Lindsay Shirley Macumber A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department for the Study of Religion University of Toronto © Copyright by Lindsay Shirley Macumber 2016 Understanding, Reconciliation, and Prevention: Rethinking Hannah Arendt’s Representation of the Holocaust Lindsay Shirley Macumber Doctor of Philosophy Centre for the Study of Religion University of Toronto 2016 Abstract In an effort to identify and assess the practical effects and ethical implications of representations of the Holocaust, this dissertation is a rethinking and evaluation of Hannah Arendt’s representation of the Holocaust according to the goal that she herself set out to achieve in thinking and writing about the Holocaust, understanding, or, “the unmediated, attentive facing up to, and resisting of, reality- whatever it may be.”1 By examining Arendt’s confrontation with the Holocaust from within the context of systemic evil (which is how I argue she approached the Holocaust), and in light of her ultimate aim to “be at home in the world,” I conclude that understanding entails both reconciling human beings to the world after the unprecedented evil of the Holocaust, as well as working towards its prevention in the future. Following my introductory chapter, where I argue that Arendt provided an overall representation of the Holocaust, and delimit the criteria of reconciliation and prevention, each subsequent chapter is dedicated to an aspect I identify as central to her representation of the Holocaust: Her claim that totalitarianism was unprecedented; that the evil exemplified by Adolf Eichmann was “banal;” and that the Jewish Councils “cooperated” with the Nazis in the destruction of their communities. -
The Political Theory of Hannah Arendt: the Problem of Evil and the Origins of Totalitarianism
Narrative Section of a Successful Application The attached document contains the grant narrative and selected portions of a previously funded grant application. It is not intended to serve as a model, but to give you a sense of how a successful application may be crafted. Every successful application is different, and each applicant is urged to prepare a proposal that reflects its unique project and aspirations. Prospective applicants should consult the Education Programs application guidelines at http://www.neh.gov/grants/education/summer-seminars-and-institutes for instructions. Applicants are also strongly encouraged to consult with the NEH Division of Education Programs staff well before a grant deadline. Note: The attachment only contains the grant narrative and selected portions, not the entire funded application. In addition, certain portions may have been redacted to protect the privacy interests of an individual and/or to protect confidential commercial and financial information and/or to protect copyrighted materials. Project Title: The Political Theory of Hannah Arendt: The Problem of Evil and the Origins of Totalitarianism Institution: San Diego State University Project Director: Kathleen Jones Grant Program: Summer Seminars and Institutes for School Teachers 1100 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W., Rm. 302, Washington, D.C. 20506 P 202.606.8500 F 202.606.8394 E [email protected] www.neh.gov TABLE OF CONTENTS The Political Theory of Hannah Arendt: The Problem of Evil and the Origins of Totalitarianism Narrative Proposed Texts 1 Intellectual Rationale 1 Project Content and Implementation 10 Project Faculty and Staff 15 Participant Selection 17 Professional Development 17 Institutional Context 18 Budget 21 Appendices Outline of Seminar Topics 22 Selected Bibliography 24 Curriculum Vita- Kathleen B. -
Ways of Narrating Memory: Hannah Arendt's “Eichmann in Jerusalem
Ways of Narrating Memory: Hannah Arendt’s “Eichmann in Jerusalem“ and 184 Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List“ Wolfgang Heuer DOI 10.12957/dep.2012.3545 Ways of Narrating Memory: Hannah Arendt’s “Eichmann in Jerusalem“ and Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List“1 Wolfgang Heuer2 Abstract It is self-evident that events of the past are bound to places and acting people, they are playing a decisive role for memory and history. Meaning and importance of places and actions in the past depend on their contexts and each change inevitably also changes the meaning of the events itself. I would like to demonstrate some of the consequences of such a change by comparing Hannah Arendt’s “Eichmann in Jerusalem“ with Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List“ who decontextualized a factual story and thus changed places and acting people. But before doing this, I would like to emphasize the importance which places and acting people play for memory and history with some perhaps unusual remarks. They refer to the official European history and politics which seem to be marked by the absence of places and acting people. Resúmen El cineasta Wim Wenders señaló que la historia tiende a alejarse de sus lugares. Las películas norteamericanas se distinguen por una historia cuyo lugar es permutable en la mayoría de los casos, mientras que las películas europeas están más marcadas por un sentido de lugar, de particularidades regionales y locales. Wenders asignó a este sentido de lugar el rol clave en su trabajo cinematográfico. Para sus películas, los lugares constituyen las fuentes más fuertes de imágenes, ellas escriben la historia, no el autor del guión, para cuyo texto solamente se tiene que buscar cualquier lugar adecuado.