Lesotho a Landlocked Territory Whose Status As a Nation Remains in Question

profile july 2011

With almost half of the population living in poverty, shacks are not uncommon – such as these, near Mohale dam. Lesotho A landlocked territory whose status as a nation remains in question

esotho’s short-term prospects look bleak, as systemic problems: a still unresolved heritage of colonial- declining credit ratings stampede Prime Minister Pa- ism that blocked development of a sustainable local econo- Lkalitha Mosisili’s government to slash its wage bill, my in favour, in Lesotho’s case, of predominant reliance on provoking growing dissatisfaction among young Basotho. a single export: unskilled labour for South Africa’s mines. With local and national elections in September and ear- Food production in a region once coveted as Southern ly 2012 to be contested under a new, more representative Africa’s breadbasket, never evolved into a competitive, system, and Mosisili facing challenges within his Lesotho commercial farming model, and is declining. Congress for Democracy (LCD), party politics remain tur- And with revenues from mine labour down by two- bulent. thirds, Lesotho has moved to growing dependence on a The immediate trigger for the current predicament non-renewable export to South Africa: water – currently is the drastic cut in Southern African Customs Union offsetting the Sacu losses with a healthy US$53-million (Sacu) revenue, a 23,4% loss of GDP. (R350-million) a month, but potentially drying out Leso- But Lesotho is battling with longer-term, structural and tho’s own supplies within a decade. Isolated islands of eco- 2 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011 nomic success – notably in the textile sector If the country continues to intervene in the market to rescue – are too small to create the capital base Leso- recovers from Lesotho in a manner that has seen it signally tho needs, and anyway face increasingly stiff its immediate fail to do so in the 50-plus years since inde- competition from Asian producers. pendence. If the country recovers from its immediate crisis, it will Lesotho’s civil service is indisputably crisis, it will simply move out of a short-term simply move out bloated and its wage bill excessive, but the crisis into the arms of a long-term, structural of a short-term real problem lies elsewhere. economic crisis. crisis into the With few exceptions, Lesotho’s fractured More than half the adult population has and factious political formations appear un- concluded there is no solution, and that Leso- arms of a long- able to explore serious alternatives. Main- tho should recognise that it cannot survive as term, structural stream political discourse lacks perspectives a sovereign state. economic crisis that address the problems and needs of the Lesotho’s downward trajectory began a population – or the fact that most of the elec- century ago, when its economically active torate believes Lesotho should continue to population was transformed into a labour operate as a sovereign state. Whenever policy pool for South Africa’s mines, turning it into is aired, it tends to focus on technical adjust- a parody of a nation state. ments and solutions that fall far short of tack- Independence in 1966 had little effect, al- ling the bigger picture of the country’s dys- though competition for what little power the function. central government exercised has triggered There is a growing body of opinion in Le- several military coups and an endlessly split- sotho that would like to see it merge with ting and merging of Lesotho’s body politic. South Africa to put an end to the colonial di- When the South African mining industry visions that separate the two countries. There started its long-term contraction and automa- are various possible approaches to this, begin- tion 20 years ago, the impact on Lesotho was ning with the use of common identity docu- devastating. The crisis continues and affects ments and dual citizenship for Basotho to al- not only mineworkers but all other Basotho low the free movement of people. Allowing who seek work in South Africa. Couple this free movement would undoubtedly instantly with Lesotho’s HIV-Aids infection rate – the benefit the many thousands of Basotho who world’s third highest, spurred by the predom- have to cross the border on limited permits to inantly migrant character of Basotho labour work in the Republic. – and the country’s long-term prospects look It would also open up big possibilities for doubly bleak. productive partnerships on growth and devel- Upbeat prognoses for Lesotho’s economic opment with South Africa that are impossi- development in the short- to medium-term ble under the current Balkanised nation-state and bullish forecasts for its ability to over- status of Lesotho. come deficits and debts reflect a stubborn in- Whatever the outcome to the present frigid sistence that formulas for economic growth border regime, it is clear that the future of the can work in a country with virtually no do- two countries is inextricably linked, if not the mestic capital, and that its tiny private sector same. u can somehow find the means to bankroll a vi- brant, sustainable economy. While South Africa – along with much of the developing and developed world – has recognised the need for a direct state role in directing economic development in the after- math of 2008’s market failure, the ruling LCD contents geography: 3 history: 4 politics: 6 economy: 11 contacts: 15 bibliography: 17 July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 3

Quote in here in geography as many lines as are necessary Semi-arid kingdom in the clouds

esotho is aptly dubbed the “Moun- tain Kingdom”: with its border enclos- Ling a portion of the Drakensburg range that stretches across the south eastern param- eter of South Africa, it is the only independent state lying entirety a kilometre above sea level. A second geographical feature that it shares with only two other countries (the Vat- ican and Andorra) is that it is an enclave, en- tirely surrounded by one other, South Africa. The remnants of an ancient volcano, Le- sotho’s Maluti mountains feature kimberlite pipes that are mined for some of the world’s biggest diamonds, with consistently high per- carat values. Both the size and the quality of the gems contribute to Lesotho diamonds en- joying the highest dollar value per carat (an average of US$1 894 per carat compared to the world’s average of about US$81 per carat). Last One of the Little over 10% of the country is arable, with year two diamonds (one 184-carat and the oth- current pillars the most fertile lands located in the northern er 196-carat) discovered at the Letšeng mine of Lesotho’s and central lowlands, and the foothills of the were sold for US$22,7-million (R153,9-million). flimsy economy mountains. Soil erosion, over-farming and an Although far from being a water-rich coun- inadequate irrigation infrastructure are com- try, the two main rivers that flow across Le- is the sale of bining to put this limited resource under sig- sotho (the Orange and the Caledon) are, to- water and power nificant pressure – a particularly alarming fact, gether with the precipitation congruent with produced through given that 86% of its resident population de- u its high elevation, a vital source of export rev- hydroelectricity pend on subsistence farming for its survival. enue. One of the current pillars of Lesotho’s flimsy economy is the sale of water and power to South Africa produced through hydroelectricity to South – despite Topography Africa – despite the country struggling to the country 2 meet its domestic water needs. Known as the struggling to Total area: 30 355 km (ranked 140 out of Lesotho Highlands Water Programme, it is the 235 in the world) largest diversion of water in Africa. meet its domestic Total land borders: 909km (with South Africa) Rain and snow is far from consistent and water needs Highest point: 3 482m (Thabana Ntlenyana) the country is vulnerable to periodic droughts. Lowest point: 1 400m (confluence of the Lesotho’s water table is falling – 30% of natu- Orange and Makhaleng Rivers) ral wells and springs have dried up, and a future pattern of diminishing rainfall is anticipated. Lesotho is projected to experience sig- nificant water stress as early as 2019 by the Political geography United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Lesotho comprises 10 administrative districts While the government is attempting to re- (each with its own capital - called a “camptown”) spond proactively to the anticipated threats to Berea Mohale’s Hoek its water supply, it is unclear that its efforts Butha-Buthe mokhotlong are sufficient to prevent further stress to an Leribe Qacha's Nek already distressed agricultural sector while at Mafeteng Quthing the same time continuing to export water and Maseru Thaba-Tseka power to South Africa. 4 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011

Quote“The sun in here lost itsin history aspower many when lines we as areburied necessary Moshoaila Boundaries [Moshoeshoe] ... The sky rumbled forged in a peculiar way, when we buried by survival the king. esotho and the lowlands to the north With both hands and west were occupied by Bantu-speak- he had scooped Ling clans between 400 and 600 CE, dis- out peace for us. placing or absorbing the Khoisan forager-gath- erer communities settled there – part of the We buried him, Bantu Expansion southward from the Great Thesele Matlama, Lakes, which would ultimately spread to popu- the Great-Binder- late virtually the entire Southern Africa. Together, the By the middle of the last millennium clans in a region covering modern-day Lesotho, king of the rich much of the Eastern Free State and parts of and the poor.” KwaZulu-Natal spoke a unique Sesotho dialect and referred to themselves as Basotho. Under pressure from the northward migration of colonial settlers from the Cape Colony Basotho poet, David Cranmer Theko Bereng – and from clans to the south displaced by the migration – the Basotho clans consolidated minating in the “Gun War” of 1880-1881, dur- into a single polity under Moshoeshoe in the ing which Basotho forces inflicted serious cas- early 19th century. After a series of clashes with ualties on colonial forces sent to subdue it. Le- Boer forces, Moshoeshoe entered into a treaty sotho reverted, in 1994, to a British Crown Pro- with British forces in the Cape Colony in terms tectorate, with Moshoeshoe’s son Lerothodi as of which Lesotho (“Basotholand”) became a paramount chief. British protectorate in 1869, but lost extensive During the Second Anglo-Boer War the col- land west of the Caledon River. ony was neutral. The population grew from 125 Anxious that the Boers would gain control 000 (1875) to 349 000 (1904). of trade routes to the north, the British – then Britain’s interest and investment in the tiny rulers of the Cape Colony – formally joined the protectorate waxed and waned until – in part fray. They entered into an alliance with Mo- due to the increasingly well-organised nation- shoeshoe in 1843 before proclaiming the area alist movement spearheaded by the Basuto- between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers as land Congress Party (BCP) – independence British Orange River Sovereignty in 1848 – fur- was granted on 4 October 1966. ther reducing land previously to the Basotho The new nation emerged from the colonial previously had access. era as a constitutional monarchy under Con- Systematically, the outcome of years of con- stantine Bereng Seeiso, who was crowned King flict and negotiation robbed the Basotho of Moshoeshoe II in 1960, holding two pre-in- land they regarded as theirs, until, with the dependence elections (1960 and 1965). A rift Treaty of Aliwal (1869) made between the Brit- emerged in the BCP in the late 1950s, mainly ish and the Boers, Moshoeshoe’s kingdom was caused by opposing views of how much pow- reduced to half its size. The boundaries estab- er in the new legislature should be dispersed lished are the borders that delineate Lesotho among the “commoners”, and how much today. should be retained by traditional chieftainship Decades of skirmishes and outright war structures and the monarchy. with both British and Boer republics ensued. Conservative, and initially apartheid- But Moshoeshoe’s acclaimed diplomatic skills backed, elements split off from the BCP to finally led – in 1868 – to the enactment of what form the Basutoland National Party (BNP) in he believed to be the only strategy by which 1958 – and although in 1960 the BCP won all his beleaguered people could be saved: decla- but 8 of the 40 elected seats in the legislature, ration of Basotholand as a British protectorate. it was unable to govern because the remaining A year after Moshoeshoe’s death in 1870, 40 seats were appointed from among chiefs the Cape Colony attempted to directly annex and conservative elements. Lesotho, provoking sustained resistance cul- In 1963, the Constitutional Review Com- July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 5 mittee arrived at a compromise recommenda- QuoteIntense in rivalry here in tion for how the new government should be asand many division lines as constituted: 60 seats in the Lower House to arewithin necessary the be elected by universal suffrage, with a Senate comprising 22 seats for chiefs and a further 11 junta saw this appointed by the monarch. The second pre-in- status quo dependence elections in 1965 saw the balance implode by 1990, of power between the BCP and the BNP swing when royalist radically, with the BNP winning majority seats and becoming the party that formally lead Le- supporters in the sotho to independence. Military Council The seesaw power struggle between the BCP were ousted and and the BNP was evident again in 1970s gener- King Moshoeshoe II al elections when the BCP once again captured a comfortable majority. But the BNP prime dethroned and minister, Leabua Jonathan, annulled the elec- forced into exile tion, declared a state of emergency and impris- oned BCP leaders, rather than accede power. Thus began 16 years of BNP rule by decree. Its power eroded by a combination of border blockades by apartheid South Africa – largely because Jonathan gave refuge to exile elements of South Africa’s African National Congress – sporadic attacks by BCP guerilla units, and an increasingly disenchanted elec- King Letsie III and Queen ’Masenate Mohato Seeiso torate, the BNP was overthrown in 1986 by a pro-monarchist military junta, which restored executive power to King Moshoeshoe II. of civil unrest ensued and, following a mutiny Intense rivalry and division within the jun- by junior offices in the army, the government ta saw this status quo implode by 1990, when struggled to maintain its hold on power and royalist supporters in the Military Council were law and order. Mosilili’s repeated requests for ousted and King Moshoeshoe II dethroned and military intervention by SADC were eventu- forced into exile. With the backing of Major ally answered when, in September 1998, Bot- General Justin Lekhanya, Moshoeshoe II’s son swana and South Africa sent in troops. With was crowned Letsie III. Lekhanya was himself some bloodshed, the mutiny was put down deposed a year later, and the new junta leaders and democratic order more-or-less re-estab- undertook to restore democracy. lished before the foreign forces withdrew eight The BCP won the long-awaited 1993 elec- months later. tions with an emphatic 70% majority. But In the interim, determined steps were tak- within 18 months King Letsie III, with backing en to address the systemic cause of much of from the military, suspended the constitution the political chaos: the “first-past-the-post” and deposed the BCP government. But this electoral system, which allowed the party win- new monarchist regime was also to be short ning majority votes to overwhelmingly domi- lived: local resistance and negotiations initi- nate the National Assembly – for example, al- ated by SADC saw the coup collapse, the BCP though the BNP won 24,5% of the 1998 vote, government restored, and Moshoeshoe rein- it secured just one seat. The review resulted in stalled as monarch. However, Letsie III again a new system in which the existing 80 elected regained the crown in 1996 when Moshoeshoe seats were retained but a further 40 seats – to died in a car accident. be filled on a proportional basis – added. Power struggles within the BCP resulted The 2002 elections held under the new sys- in a split and the formation of the Lesotho tem returned the LCD to the National Assem- Congress for Democracy (LCD), led by Nstu bly with a 54% majority, but the adjustment Mokhehle, which went on to win a resound- succeeded in giving opposition more represen- ing victory in the 1998 elections (it won 78 out tation with nine parties holding all 40 of the of the National Assembly’s 80 seats). Due to ill proportional seats. health, Mokhehle was replaced as prime min- Leadership squabbles within the LCD saw its ister by Pakalitha Mosisili – a position he re- Minister of Communications, Science and Tech- tains to this day. nology Tom Thabane leave to establish the All But the 1998 election results were vigor- Basotho Convention (ABC) in 2006, winning ously rejected by the defeated opposition, al- sufficient support to become the official opposi- though declared valid by observers. Months tion in parliament in the 2007 elections. u 6 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011

QuoteWhat isn’t in here in position parties. In many ways, this can be in- POLITICS ashealthy, many though,lines as terpreted as a sign of a healthy democracy, with areis the necessary extra- rigorous contestation between established and nascent parties for representation in govern- Another parliamentary ment. What isn’t healthy, though, is the extra- conflict and parliamentary conflict and dissent that all too split looms dissent that all frequently accompany such divisions, which too frequently – in some instances – has resulted in military esotho has been a constitutional coups and bloodshed (see History of Lesotho). monarchy since independence in 1966, accompany The current schism in the ruling centre-right Lwith executive power held by the gov- such divisions, Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), ernment under a prime minister, and a dis- which – in some which holds a majority with 62-seats in the Na- tinct separation of powers between the exec- instances – tional Assembly, has become more intense in utive, legislature and judiciary. The two-tier recent months. There are two main factions in- parliament comprises an elected parliament has resulted in volved: Lija-mollo (the fire-eaters) andLitima- (the National Assembly), and an appointed military coups mollo (the fire-extinguishers). Both are led by Senate. and bloodshed prominent cabinet members. Lija-mollo is clus- The National Assembly consists of 120 seats tered around Monyane Moleleki, the minister elected through a mixed member proportional for natural resources, while Litima-mollo is the representation system, under which 80 seats support-base of the communications minister, are contested on a simple majority basis and Mothejoa Metsing. 40 by proportional representation. Members Both men are reluctant to describe them- serve a five-year term. selves as faction leaders, though their support- The Senate consists of 33 seats, 22 held by ers, who include the similarly divided youth principal chiefs. The rest are appointed the wing of the LCD, have no qualms about iden- prime minister. tifying their leaders as such. Lija-mollo is cur- Since independence, Lesotho’s party poli- rently in a dominant position within the party tics have been a hotbed of power struggles and and provides both actual and ostensible sup- contestation, with regular splits from the rul- port for long-serving Prime Minister Pakalitha ing party resulting in the formation of new op- Mosisili, who has been LCD leader since the party was formed in 1997 and who took office the following year. Both LCD factions want to see Mosisili step down or be pushed aside, amidst growing dis- Political structure satisfaction with his rule. This dissatisfaction is most pronounced among the minority Litima- Capital: Maseru mollo and barely concealed by Metsing, who is Government type: Parliamentary constitutional also the secretary general of the LCD’s execu- monarchy. tive committee. Metsing’s supporters do not, Legal system: Based on English common law and however, control the executive committee, a Roman-Dutch law. Constitution was passed on 2 situation that compounds the factional stand- April 1993. off. Judicial system: High Court (chief justice ap- The tensions in the LCD are exacerbated pointed by the monarch acting on the advice of by the economic crisis that afflicts Lesotho the prime minister); Court of Appeal; Magistrate and which has accelerated due to the sudden Courts; customary or traditional court). drop this year in Southern African Customs Head of state: Monarch – since 1996, King Letsie Union (Sacu) revenue. The crisis in the ruling III. The monarchy is hereditary and seen as a “liv- party also appears to be coming to a head as ing symbol of national unity” with no executive or the country prepares for local elections in Sep- legislative power. tember this year and national elections in Feb- National government: Prime minister and ruary 2012. 18-member cabinet. If Lesotho’s party political history is anything National legislature: Bicameral Parliament con- to go by, the LCD is heading for a split. Most of sisting of the Senate (33 members, 22 of which are the 11 parties represented in the 120-seat Na- principal chiefs and 11 of which are other mem- tional Assembly are the result of factional splits bers appointed by the ruling party) and the As- over the years, from one of the two parties es- sembly (120 seats, 80 by popular vote and 40 by tablished before independence in 1966, the proportional vote). Members are elected to serve Basotho Congress Party and the Basutoland five-year terms. National Party. Such splits have usually taken Central Bank governor: Moeketsi Senaoana place in the run-up to elections, determined less by political or ideological differences than by July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 7

Quote in here in It is therefore Key ministers asuncertain many lines as arewhether necessary the LCD Current incumbents elected 2007; next elections to will be able to be held by February 2012.

solve its factional l Prime minister, defence & national security: differences and Pakalitha Mosisili unite itself before l Deputy prime minister, home affairs & public safety, and of parliamentary affairs: next year’s local Lesoa Lehohla and national polls l Agriculture & food security: Ralechate Mokose l Communications, science & technology: Mothejoa Metsing l Education & training: Mamphono Khaketla l Employment & labour: ’Maphoka Motoboli l Finance & development planning: Pakalitha Mosisili Timothy Thahane l Foreign affairs & international relations: Mohlabi Tsekoa jockeying for leading positions. l Forestry & land reclamation: Metsing’s supporters have sought to bring Kabelo Gilbert Mafura matters to a head by forcing the LCD’s execu- l Gender & youth, sports & recreation: tive committee to convene a special conference Mathabiso Lepono to tackle the party’s problems. This was bol- l Health & social welfare: Mphu Ramatlapeng stered in May by an interim High Court order l Justice, human rights & correctional services, brought by LCD MPs Rethabile Marumo and law & constitutional affairs: Tšoeu Mokeretla and by the party’s Maseru Mpeo Mahase-Moiloa l Local government & chieftainship: youth league chairperson Ramahooana Ma- Ponts’o Sekatle tosa. The convening of the special conference l Natural resources: Monyane Moleleki is seen as an attempt to topple the prime min- l Prime minister’s office:M otloheloa Phooko ister and give the LCD a new leadership before l Public service: Semano Sekatle the elections. l Public works & transport: Ts’ele Chakela It is therefore uncertain whether the LCD l Tourism, environment & culture: will be able to solve its factional differences ’Mannete Ramaili and unite itself before next year’s local and na- l Trade & industry, co-operatives & marketing: tional polls. Although there is otherwise little Leketekete Ketso to distinguish the competing factions in political terms, the “fire extinguishers” are appar- ently keen to posit political reasons for their stance, and Metsing told Southern Africa Report that government inactivity over Lesotho’s high unemployment rate has become a problem. The political content of the National As- sembly’s daily business would perhaps be less scant if there was a sizeable enough opposition with sufficiently coherent policies to challenge migrant worker remittances 2000 - 2008, the ruling party. Until last year the centrist All in million maloti Basotho Convention (ABC), itself a splinter of the LCD, was in alliance with the centre-left Lesotho Workers Party (LWP), and together they held 27 seats in the Assembly. The alliance had no common political perspective and was formed by the two parties purely to max- imise their votes at the 2007 elections. It has since collapsed amid factionalism and person- al wrangling. Of the smaller parties in the National As- sembly, the left umbrella party the Popular Front for Democracy (PFD) has the most dis- tinct political agenda (somewhat similar to the policies of South Africa’s African National Con- Source: Central Bank of Lesotho, 2009 gress) for dealing with Lesotho’s huge develop- 8 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011

ThoughQuote in some here in mental problems. It argues that state resourc- Parties in parliament ofas themany demands lines as es need to be more effectively channelled into clearlyare necessary address tackling the country’s massive HIV-Aids rate Lesotho has 19 registered political parties, 10 of (23,2%), boosting education and agricultural which are represented in the National Assembly: Lesotho’s development using the public sector. l Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD): The economic The PFD maintains that Lesotho’s burgeon- ruling party. Polarised into two factions: Lija-mol- crisis, others ing unemployment of between 25-40% of the lo (fire-eaters) andLitima-mollo (fire-extinguish- are concerned population could be alleviated if there was free ers). Formed in 1997 as a breakaway from the Ba- border movement between Lesotho and South sotho Congress Party (BCP). with the need Africa. This is advocated to varying extents Seats: 62 for developing by other parties, among them the Alliance of l National Independence Party (NIP): Split democratic Congress Parties (ACP), which argues for eas- from the Basutoland National Party (BNP) in 1985 structures and ier cross-border movement between Lesotho when the BNP started to seek relations with the and South Africa (see Knocking on Pretoria’s Soviet Union and China. Allied with LCD. government door). Former Deputy Prime Minister Kele- Seats: 21 accountability bone Maope, who now heads the Lesotho l All Basotho Convention (ABC): Formed in People’s Congress, one of the partners in the 2006 in the run-up to the 2007 elections as a ACP, also argues for changes to Lesotho’s bor- breakaway from the ruling LCD. In alliance with der regime and against Lesotho’s underinvest- the LWP the ABC constituted the main opposition ment in human development. bloc (with 27 seats in total) in the National As- In other respects it is difficult to extract def- sembly, until it broke with the LWP. inite political standpoints from the array of Seats: 17 parties represented in the National Assembly. l Lesotho Workers’ Party (LWP): Formed in Lesotho’s economic problems are becoming 2001 in part by ex-mineworkers and trade union- more intractable and the impoverishment of ists. Allied with the ABC following the 2007 elec- the 1.8-million population, described by some tions as the official opposition. Broke with the political analysts as a time bomb, is worsening. ABC and is seeking a partnership with the LCD. Poverty afflicts over 60% of rural communities, Seats: 10 which in turn contain 70% of the total popula- l Basutoland National Party (BNP): Formed in tion. Overall, about half a million people in Le- 1957 at the instigation of the National Party in sotho do not get enough to eat. South Africa and the Catholic Church in Lesotho. The political reaction to this situation is in- Ruled from independence to 1986 when it was creasingly taking an extra-parliamentary char- ousted by an apartheid-backed coup. acter, as trade unions, the students’ movement Seats: 3 and NGOs are finding more common ground in l Alliance of Congress Parties (ACP): Sought a opposing government inactivity in dealing with revival of the congress movement by forming an the country’s problems. This manifested explic- alliance between the Lesotho People’s Congress (LPC) and the Basotho Congress Party (BCP). The Turn to page 10 BCP was founded in 1952. The LPC, founded in 2006, is a splinter of the LCD. Seats: 2 The number of annual new hiv infections l Basotho Batho Democratic Party (BBDP): among adults in lesotho, 1984 – 2008 Formed in 2006 by ex-mineworkers on a manifes- to based around seeking negotiations with South African mine owners concerning the situation of retrenched Basotho mineworkers. Seats: 1 l Basotho Democratic National Party (BDNP): Split from the BNP in 2006 over military domina- tion of BNP’s leadership. Seats: 1 l Marematlou Freedom Party (MFP): Royalist splinter of the BCP formed in 1961 to champion the reten- tion of absolute executive powers by the monarch. Seats: 1 l Popular Front for Democracy (PFD): Formed in 1984 as a left umbrella party in the wake of the banning of the Communist Party of Lesotho. Source: Lesotho UNGASS Country Report, Status of the National HIV & AIDS Seats: 1 Response, 2007 to 2009 9 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011

Quote in here in Knocking on as many lines as Pretoria’s door are necessary

Lesotho’s colonially-derived borders have resulted in the tiny nation being little more than a labour reserve for its neighbouring South Africa, and severely delim- ited the tiny nation’s prospects to thrive and prosper. Following some two decades of retrenchments, today 40 000-odd Basotho still depend on South Afri- can mines for work. Many more are employed in other sectors South Africa’s economy and bring their wages home to Lesotho. Over the years thousands have left Le- sotho altogether and relocated to South Africa, including many educated Basotho attracted to the better job prospects across the border. Until 2010 cross-border movement was controlled by the use of six-month travel documents alongside regular passports. The travel documents gave Basotho six- month permits to be in South Africa. But the permit regime was lax and open to abuse, and it was easy to get Lesotho travel documents and passports under the counter. To tighten security for the Fifa 2010 World Cup – and to respond to post-9-11 criticism of the country’s relative- ly porous borders – South Africa suspended the documents, accepting only month-long visas stamped in passports. The measure, meant to be temporary, has still to be lifted. The problem was not resolved during President Jacob Zuma’s state visit to Lesotho last year. There is anyway little love lost between the ruling parties of the two countries. During the South African freedom struggle, the African Nation Congress faced persecution by the hostile Basutoland Congress Party, of which Lesotho’s Some 60% of people in Lesotho support the intro- present ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) is duction of dual citizenship, according to a 2008 report an offshoot. of the African Peer Review Mechanism. In addition, 30 Earlier, there were reasons to be optimistic that by 000 people have signed the LPCM’s open border peti- 2007 there would be a more open border. But a quarrel tion, the demands of which now have greater traction in on the modalities for identity documents for Basotho light of the current border crisis. nationals derailed what progress had been achieved. The LPCM’s supporters stress that the free cross-bor- The ongoing dispute is the cause of numerous headaches der movement would greatly benefit the economies of for those on both sides of the border. Those Basotho who both countries, and they argue that the only way to put work in South Africa have to return home once a month to an end to the dysfunctional nature of Lesotho and the get their permits renewed to stay in South Africa. The sit- effect of its borders is for it to merge with South Africa. uation has led to mounting corruption among border offi- They do not believe that such a move would undermine cials, illegal crossings and a wasteful over-concentration of the identity of the Basotho people or the existence of its resources by South Africa’s hard-pressed Home Affairs De- monarch but that would simply undo one of the more partment on administering the border posts. ruinous legacies of colonialism. The Lesotho People’s Charter Movement (LPCM), Opponents of the open border regime and dual citi- meanwhile, has been lobbying for total free movement zenship are mainly clustered around the ruling party, between the two countries. The movement is a broad the business elite and the array of smaller rightist par- public lobby spearheaded by lawyers, academics, the ties. They mainly argue from nationalistic perspectives trade unions and supported by the Popular Front for the sanctity of the Basotho nation and their suspicions Democracy and the Communist Party of Lesotho. It about South Africa’s designs on Lesotho. However, those argues that there should be dual citizenship for Basotho in government and business positions who have man- and a proper regime of identity documents created in aged to secure South Africa passports for themselves Lesotho, which currently has no ID system. seem in no hurry to swap them for Lesotho ones. u 10 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011 itly in early May this year by the protest march QuoteThe LCD in andhere A inBC Previously this system has been open to in Maseru to the parliament building and the aslater many admitted lines as abuse, shown during the 2007 elections when office of the prime minister. The demonstra- arethat necessary the system the LCD and the ABC placed some of their pro- tion involved a broad coalition of trade unions spective MPs on the lists of smaller parties – and federations, taxi operators, students, busi- was flawed but with which they had struck up temporary al- ness owners and the social movement Voice of argued blithely liances – for the PR vote to ensure that they the Voiceless. Each group had a separate list that there was would get more seats. The LCD and ABC lat- of demands which were delivered to the prime no law to stop er admitted that the system was flawed but minister, but many of their concerns were the argued blithely that there was no law to stop same: an end to government financial corrup- them abusing it. them abusing it. The change to the electoral tion, transparency in public accounting, easing The change to law has closed that loophole. cross-border movement, and the need for better the electoral law The new electoral legislation and efforts by public services, including sanitation and clean has closed that Lesotho’s Independent Electoral Commis- water to rural communities. sion (IEC) have also sought to deal with abus- These demands are likely to attract broad- loophole es by the ruling party in using government re- er public support the longer the government sources and equipment, such as government remains unresponsive to the country’s prob- vehicles, to conduct election campaigning. lems. Though some of the demands clearly ad- However, the murky matrixes of government dress Lesotho’s economic crisis, others are con- patronage to garner support among the busi- cerned with the need for developing democrat- ness community and other opulent circles and ic structures and government accountability. the use of food handouts in poor communities The rule of law within the democratic frame- during election time to buy votes remain diffi- work still needs to gain more solid ground. Po- cult to thwart. u litical violence, such as the attempt in 2009 to assassinate the prime minister during a failed coup attempt, and sporadic efforts to pressure journalists from reporting political wrongdo- ing, have been stifled but not eradicated. In March this year a new high-profile, non- governmental initiative was launched to tackle corruption. Known as Operation Mandamus, the campaign is being run by Lawyers for Hu- man Rights, MoAfrika FM radio, and lawyer and PFD president Lekhetho Rakuoane. The initiative has drafted and submitted to the parliamentary ombudsman two draft statutes. The first seeks to enforce compliance with the sections of Prevention of Corruption and Eco- nomic Offences Act concerning the declaration of assets by public office holders. The second aims to track the use of cash donated to Leso- tho through overseas development projects, much of which remains unaccounted for. Pressure for change may also be reflected in the results of the forthcoming local and national elections. The latter will take place under a reformed electoral system that makes it under-five mortality rate less prone to manipulation. 1990 – 2015 actual and undp-desired trends A recent amendment to the election law provides for a single vote under the Mixed Member Proportional Electoral System. This combines a simple majority, or first-past-the- post, system with proportional representation (PR) within a single vote. Previously, people voted twice in elections, once in a constituency ballot, which elected 80 members of the Na- tional Assembly under the first-past-the-post system, and once in a proportional representation ballot to elect the Assembly’s remain- Path to Millenium Development Goal ing 40 MPs. Now they will vote once but their Actual trend votes will be counted twice. Source: Ministry of Finance and Development Planning 2010 (2010 – 2012 are estimates) July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 11

QuoteUnder pressurein here in ECONOMY asfrom many Cape lines as Key indicators, 2009 are necessary Population: 2.1-million Town, colonial GDP: US$1.6-billion (R11-billion) Still struggling policy demoted GDP per capita: US$642 (R 4 432) agriculture, GDP (PPP) as share (%) of world total: 0.01 with its and from the colonial legacy early 20th century Lesotho over 60%. This is extremely high even by the mall and landlocked – Basotho increasingly standards of “ultra-poor” economies, catego- describe it as “South Africa-locked” – became a vast rised by the United Nations at above 40%. Sthe creation of Lesotho within its pre- and readily The rapid spread of the HIV pandemic in Le- sent-day boundaries by colonial Britain in sotho over the last 20 years has exacerbated 1869 set the course for the country’s dysfunc- sourced labour the poverty crisis. The country now has the tional economic development towards the pool for the world’s third-highest level of HIV infection. plight it now faces. South African Lesotho managed to attract foreign invest- At that time the country was a fecund economy ment in the late 1990s – mainly from Asia – breadbasket for the surrounding region, sup- to develop textile and apparel manufacturing, plying food to South Africa and particularly the country’s cheap labour and lack of strong to its fast-growing mining industry. It could trade unionism making it a prime candidate have stayed that way, but under pressure for preferential treatment by the US under from Cape Town, colonial policy demoted ag- the US Africa Growth and Opportunity Act riculture, and from the early 20th century Le- (Agoa). The industry now employs roughly 50 sotho increasingly became a vast and readi- 000 people in 43 mainly foreign-owned fac- ly sourced labour pool for the South African tories that produce for leading global brands economy. such as Gap, Levi-Strauss and Reebok, as well Describing the importance of Basotho la- as supplying companies such as Walmart, K- bour in 1910, Britain’s South African Native Mart and Sears. Commissioner wrote: “It supplies the sinews But clothing and textile manufacturing of agriculture in the Orange Free State, to a has been hard hit by the recent global reces- large extent it keeps going railway works, coal sion and, before it, in 2005, by the ending of mining, the diamond mines at Jagersfontein the global textile quota system according to and Kimberly, the gold mines of the Transvaal World Trade Organisation prescriptions. It is and furnishes, in addition, a large amount of unlikely that the industry will recover to its domestic services in the surrounding territo- former position and – with Lesotho’s prefer- ries… To [those] who urge higher education ential status with the US due to expire with of the natives, it may be pointed out that to Agoa in 2015 – its decline will likely become educate them above labour would be a mis- precipitous. take.” Although Lesotho’s domestic water table Just over 100 years on, Lesotho is still grap- is falling and the country will experience sig- pling with the consequences of this policy. nificant water shortages by 2019, continued The country’s manpower became increas- water and power sales to South Africa have ingly channelled to the South African mining more durable prospects. The first phase of the sector, which employed some 120 000 Baso- Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP), tho during the peak periods of the 1970s and early 1980s. The remittances brought home by Basotho mineworkers were the mainstay Total cereal production in metric tonnes per capita, of the economy. The next decade saw a pro- 1999 – 2008 longed wave of retrenchments, and now only about 40 000 Basotho work in South Africa’s mines, though many thousands more work in other sectors. Unemployment has mush- roomed, and is continually added to as the mining industry across the border periodical- ly continues to shed workers. The lack of any planning for reintegrat- ing former mineworkers – most of them from Lesotho’s rural areas – into the agricultural economy, itself severely degraded, ensured that poverty deepened to its present level of Source: Bureau of Statistics, 2009 12 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011 completed in 1997, supplies Gauteng and Free PQuoteerky IMFin here in has sharply boosted unemployment, espe- State with water through a system of tunnels aspredictions many lines that as cially among young people who graduated at from the Katse and Mohale dams high up areLesotho necessary will the end of last year and had banked on being in Lesotho’s rain-drenched mountains. The employed by government. The recruitment sales of water provide the government with recoup the lost freeze, described by some as a panic measure, a steady income of US$53-million (R350-mil- Sacu revenue has started to ratchet political opposition to lion) a month. in the next few the ruling party. The second phase of the LHWP, which will years through The government has also sought to squeeze increase water delivery to South Africa, start more cash from the beleaguered populace by sales to Botswana and step up electricity gen- the growth of the expanding and upgrading the Lesotho Rev- eration for sale to South Africa, was delayed private sector enue Authority to improve overall tax collec- for a while by a lack of agreement with South seem ungrounded tion, as well as to deal with non-tax revenue Africa on modalities of payment for the pro- collection. The latter covers such things as ject. These have now been resolved and the user and license fees, fines and payments for second phase should start soon. But Lesotho permits and official documents – the costs of has yet to budget for its US$1,8-billion (R12- which have all recently more than doubled. billion) one-third contribution to the project, In line with IMF policy stipulations, Leso- for which South Africa will stump up the re- tho officially accepts that its main hope for mainder. It will be some time before Lesotho economic development lies in the dynamic benefits from this new phase of the LHWP, growth of the private sector, with all the trick- and though the scheme is invaluable for the le-down benefits to the rest of society that country’s medium to long-term development, this is supposed to imply. The government it does not help tackle some of its more im- has set up a US$7,5-million (R50-million) mediate economic problems. credit guarantee fund to help people secure These are mainly linked to the decline in bank loans for launching SMEs. In this con- Southern African Customs Union (Sacu) text it has identified four main areas where it revenue, which represents a 23,4% loss of believes private sector growth is needed and GDP. Perky IMF predictions that Lesotho will is viable: mining, commercial agriculture, recoup the lost revenue in the next few years tourism and manufacturing. through the growth of the private sector seem One problem with the strategy is that there ungrounded, as even government insiders ad- is a mismatch between policy pronouncement mit that the ruling party has generally lacked and resource allocation. The credit guarantee a comprehensive strategy to improve invest- fund is not enough on its own to raise the pro- ment. At the end of May, Fitch Ratings down- file of the four target areas and it hardly pro- graded Lesotho’s long-term foreign currency vides an attractive prospect for aspiring entre- Issuer Default Rating from “stable” to “nega- preneurs. tive” due to the country’s “weakened public Without firm and committed interest and external finance prospects” in the con- by government in drawing up an integrat- text of the cut in Sacu income. ed growth and regeneration policy package In February this year the government an- backed up by solid investment, these tar- nounced it would be “freezing all new posi- get growth areas are unlikely to get off the tions and vacancies at least for the next two ground. The stimulus has to come from gov- years” in an effort to cut its wage bill, now ernment – as it has in neighbouring South accounting for 17% of GDP. Government is Africa, where vigorous public investment ac- Lesotho’s main employer, and so the freeze cording to its “new growth path” targets areas similar to the four categories pinpointed by Lesotho. But Lesotho currently lacks such South african custom union revenue 2000 – 2012 an integrated strategy. On the other hand, it would be hard pressed to come up with either the domestic or foreign capital investment needed to pursue it. The absence of any integrated growth plan, whether driven by public or private funds, dovetails with questions about the country’s systemic viability. The target areas are nevertheless ones in which Lesotho has the best potential chances of development. Tourism could be a clear fa- vourite, due to the country’s spectacular ter- rain, but it needs packaging, marketing and developing in concert with South Africa’s sub- stantial tourism base – and a global reputa- July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 13 tion enhanced by the success of the Fifa 2010 Quote in here in World Cup. as many lines as On manufacturing, the government wants are necessary to diversify away from the reliance on textiles and apparel, at least in their current form. It hopes to attract more foreign investment in manufacturing by its cheap labour, relative to South Africa, and fairly close proximity to the South African ports of Durban, East London and Port Elizabeth. One area of textile manufacturing that has been barely explored is the use of domestic wool and mohair, which are practically all exported in raw form. Again, the problem is one of a lack of government resource allocation. Commercial agriculture remains even less explored, and drifts unsupported by any integrated agricultural policy to redevelop the sector and improve the land. The government hopes that it will be able to export fresh produce to Europe and the US. A few years ago it had a foothold in asparagus canning and exported to Germany and the US, but the market shifted in favour of fresh asparagus and Commercial R400-million infrastructure repairs following Lesotho’s growers, unsupported by govern- agriculture the recent heavy rains. The government aims ment, were unable to adapt. One view is that remains even to reduce the deficit to 3% of GDP in the next if Mejametalana Airport were enlarged to less explored, few years, but this may be impossible with- handle large freight carriers there would be a out sacrificing other programmes – all essen- better chance of developing an export market and drifts tial to economic growth. On the other hand it for fresh produce. unsupported by is receiving US$61,4-million (R405,4-million) The mining sector is similarly underex- any integrated support from the IMF, under the fund’s Ex- plored. All four Lesotho diamond mines are agricultural policy tended Credit Facility (ECF) and US$75,5-mil- expected to be fully running by the end of the lion (R498,3-million) budget support for pov- year, encouraged by the recovery of world di- to redevelop erty reduction from the World Bank. amond prices. The government receives tax the sector and The ECF regime entails stipulations on fi- and royalties from the diamond industry in improve the land nance management, including government line with its 30% stake in the Letseng mine accounting and auditing, which have been and 26% share of the Liqhobong mine. Pros- sorely neglected in recent years. The govern- pecting continues at other sites, but the sec- ment now has audits for 2007 and 2008 but tor is not labour intensive and will never be a not yet for 2009 and 2010, contrary to what great source of employment or income. What is required by the constitution. The recent is needed, analysts say, is for far more atten- passing by parliament of the Public Finan- tion to be devoted to mining exploration to cial Management and Accountability Bill see what other mineral deposits lie under Le- may improve things. This devolves quarter- sotho. Again, this requires strong investment ly financial reporting to parliament from the by government at least at the surveying stage. finance ministry to the line ministries. This, In the short term, then, the prospects for it is hoped, will make the separate ministries economic development are elusive unless more accountable in their use of public mon- there is a more serious focus by government ey. on elucidating policy in greater detail and However Lesotho will not be able to see its backing it up with the necessary resources to way out of the current economic crisis sim- achieve results. The danger of relying purely ply using technocratic solutions, necessary on the private sector in its chosen areas is that though they may be to achieve greater trans- too little will be achieved, too few in Lesotho parency in public finances and in tracking re- people will benefit and nothing will be done sources such as the fate of development aid. to dent the country’s crisis of underdevelop- Conventional economic wisdom holds that ment. country has the resources and potential to This is, however, a long-term, slow motion put itself on a firmer growth path that would crisis: closer at hand the government is grap- eventually address the severe problems affect- pling with a rising deficit, now up from the ing the population, as long as there is more projected 15% to 17,2% of GDP, occasioned by serious attention to development policy. In 14 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011

Lesotho itself, a sizeable majority increas- Quote in here in ingly believes the only practical solution for as many lines as the mountain kingdom is for it to abandon are necessary its crippling national borders in favour of ab- sorption into South Africa. u

exports 2000 - 2008, million maloti

Source: Bureau of Statistics, 2009 The Katse Dam, part of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project is Africa's second largest dam and was completed in 1996

Lesotho: Doing business in a regional context (ranked out of 183 countries) Botswana Lesotho Namibia South Africa Swaziland Starting a business 90 140 124 75 153 Dealing with construction permits 127 163 36 52 40 Registering property 44 146 136 91 156 Getting credit 46 128 15 2 46 Protecting investors 44 147 74 10 120 Paying taxes 21 64 99 24 52 Trading across borders 151 140 153 149 147 Enforcing contracts 70 116 41 85 170 Closing a business 27 69 53 74 63 Overall 52 138 69 34 118

Nqosa mahao If it is ever to prosper, Lesotho must abandon its colonial borders and be absorbed into South Africa Interview Read and listen to the Mahao interview at www.southernafricareport.com July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 15

Quote in hereGender in & Youth, Sports and Recreation as many linesTel: as +2231 4763 contacts are necessaryFax: + 2231 0506 Postal address: PO Box 729, Maseru, 100 Country code: +266 Email: [email protected]

Government website: www.gov.ls Health & Social Welfare Tel: + 2231 4404* Fax: + 2232 3010* Postal address: Unavailable Government ministries Email: None

Agriculture & Food Security Home Affairs & Public Safety, & of Parliamentary Affairs Tel: + 2232 2741* Tel: + 2232 3771* Fax: + 2231 4516 Fax: Unavailable Postal address: PO Box 24, Maseru, 100 Postal address: Unavailable Email: None Email: None

Communications, Science & Technology Justice and Human Rights and Correctional Services Tel: +2231 6581 Tel: + 2232 2683* Fax: +2231 0264 Fax: + 2232 0027 Postal address: PO Box 36, Maseru, 100 Postal address: Unavailable Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

Defence & National Security King’s office: The Royal Palace Secretariat Tel: +2231 6570 Tel: + 2232 2170 Fax: + 2232 6133 Fax:Unavailable Postal address: Private Bag A166, Maseru, 100 Postal address: PO Box 527, Maseru, 100 Email: None Email: [email protected]

Education & Training Law & Constitutional Affairs Tel: +2231 3045* Tel: + 2231 5983 Fax: + 2231 0562* Fax: + 2231 1092 Postal address: Unavailable Postal address: PO Box 33, Maseru, 100 Email: None Email: None

Employment & Labour Local Government & Chieftainship Tel: +2232 2564 Tel: + 2232 5331 Fax: +2232 5163 Fax: +2231 1269 Postal address: Private Bag A116, Maseru, 100 Postal address: PO Box 686, Maseru, 100 Email: None Email: None

Finance & Development Planning National Assembly Tel: +2231 101 Tel: +2232 3035 Fax: + 2231 0157 Fax: + 2231 0438 Postal address: PO Box 395, Maseru, 100 Postal address: PO Box 190, Maseru, 100 Email: None Email: None

Foreign Affairs & International Relations Natural Resources Tel: + 2231 1150 Tel: + 2232 2334 Fax: + 2231 0178 Fax: + 2231 0520 Postal address: PO Box 1387, Maseru, 100 Postal address: PO Box 772, Maseru, 100 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

Forestry & Land Reclamation Office of Labour & Employment Tel: +2231 3057 Tel: +2232 2564 Fax: + 2232 4081 Fax: + 2232 5163 Postal address: PO Box 774, Maseru, 100 Postal address: Private Bag A116, Maseru, 100 Email: None Email: None

* Southern Africa Report had been unable to validate this number 16 Southern Africa Report LESOTHO July 2011

Office of the Prime Minister Quote in hereFax: in + 2231 0189 Tel: +2231 1000* as many linesPostal as address: PO Box 1378, Maseru, 100 Fax: +2231 0102 are necessaryEmail: None Postal address: PO Box 527 , Maseru, 100 Email: None National University of Lesotho Tel: + 2234 0601 Public Service Fax: + 2234 0701 Tel: + 2231 1130 Postal address: PO Box 180, Maseru, 100 Fax: + 2231 0883 Email: None Postal address: PO Box 228, Maseru, 100 Email: None International organisations Public Works & Transport Tel: +2232 7310 South African High Commission Fax: + 2231 0125 Tel: + 2231 5758 Postal address: PO Box 20, Maseru, 100 Fax: + 266 2231 0128 Email: [email protected] Postal address: Private Bag A266, Maseru, 100 Email: [email protected] Tourism, Environment & Culture Tel: + 2231 3034/2232 1426 United Nations Development Programme Fax: + 2231 0194 Tel: +22 31 3790 Postal address: PO Box , Maseru, 100 Fax: + 2231 0042 Email: None Postal address: PO Box 301, Maseru, 100 Email: None Trade & Industry, Cooperatives & Marketing Tel: + 2231 7454 Fax: + 2231 0644 Trade/other organisations Postal address: PO Box 747, Maseru, 100 Email: None Lesotho Congress of Trade Unions Tel: +2232 2181* Fax: +2231 2768* State organisations Postal address: PO Box 727, Maseru, 100 Email: None Central Bank of Lesotho Tel: + 2231 4281 Lesotho Highlands Water Project Fax: + 2231 0051 Tel: + 2231 1280 Postal address: PO Box 1184, Maseru, 100 Fax: + 2231 0665 Email: [email protected] Postal address: PO Box 7332, Maseru, 100 Email: [email protected] Lesotho Communications Authority Tel: + 2222 4300 Lesotho Manufacturers Association Fax: + 2231 0984 Tel: +2231 7106 Postal address: PO Box 15896, Maseru, 100 Fax: +2231 0410* Email: None Postal address: PO Box 4173, Maseru, 100 Email: None Lesotho National Development Corporation Tel: + 2231 2012 Fax: + 2231 0038 Postal address: PO Box 666, Maseru, 100 Email: [email protected]

Lesotho Revenue Authority Tel: + 2231 3796 Fax: + 2231 2091 Postal address: PO Box 1085, Maseru, 100 Email: None

Lesotho Tourism Development Corporation Tel: + 2231 2238

* Southern Africa Report had been unable to validate this number July 2011 LESOTHO Southern Africa Report 17

Quote in here in africanhistory.about.com/od/lesotho/p/ bibliography as many lines as LesothoHist1.htm are necessary Wikipedia – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Websites History_of_Lesotho African development bank – http://www. World Bank – http://web.worldbank. afdb.org/ org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/ AFRICAEXT/LESOTHOEXTN/0,,menuPK:3 BBC – http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/ 56035~pagePK:141159~piPK:141110~theSite country profiles/1063291.stm PK:356029,00.html CIA Worldfact Book – https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/ Publications geos/lt.html Lesotho Country Strategy Paper 2008- Fitch Ratings – http://wwwlfitchratings.com 2012 – African Development Bank, African International Monetary Fund – http://www. Development Fund, 2008 imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2011/pr11115. World Economic Forum, The Global htm Competitiveness Report 20-1011 – edited by IRIN – www.irinnews.org/Country. Klaus Schwab. Geneva, Switzerland, 2010 aspx?Country=LS History of Lesotho – by Stephen J Gill. Lesotho government – http://www.gov.ls/ National University of Lesotho, Institute of Lesotho Times – http://www.lestimes.com/ Southern African Studies, 1993 United Nations Central Emergency Prophets with Honour: A Documentary Response Fund – http://ochaonline.un.org/ History of Lekhotla la Bafo – edited by Default.aspx?tabid=4325 Robert Edgar. Raven Press, Johannesburg, United Nations Development Programme – 1988 http://www.undp.org.ls/millennium/default. A Change of Tongue – by Antjie Krog. php Random House, Johannesburg ,2003 United States Department of State – http://