JOURNAL of AFRICAN ELECTIONS Vol 6 No 1 June 2007 VOLUME 6 NO 1 1
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The Notion of Religion in Election Manifestos of Populist and Nationalist Parties in Germany and the Netherlands
religions Article Religion, Populism and Politics: The Notion of Religion in Election Manifestos of Populist and Nationalist Parties in Germany and The Netherlands Leon van den Broeke 1,2,* and Katharina Kunter 3,* 1 Faculty of Religion and Theology, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands 2 Department of the Centre for Church and Mission in the West, Theological University, 8261 GS Kampen, The Netherlands 3 Faculty of Theology, University of Helsinki, 00014 Helsinki, Finland * Correspondence: [email protected] (L.v.d.B.); katharina.kunter@helsinki.fi (K.K.) Abstract: This article is about the way that the notion of religion is understood and used in election manifestos of populist and nationalist right-wing political parties in Germany and the Netherlands between 2002 and 2021. In order to pursue such enquiry, a discourse on the nature of manifestos of political parties in general and election manifestos specifically is required. Election manifestos are important socio-scientific and historical sources. The central question that this article poses is how the notion of religion is included in the election manifestos of three Dutch (LPF, PVV, and FvD) and one German (AfD) populist and nationalist parties, and what this inclusion reveals about the connection between religion and populist parties. Religious keywords in the election manifestos of said political parties are researched and discussed. It leads to the conclusion that the notion of religion is not central to these political parties, unless it is framed as a stand against Islam. Therefore, these parties defend Citation: van den Broeke, Leon, and the Jewish-Christian-humanistic nature of the country encompassing the separation of ‘church’ or Katharina Kunter. -
Likoti, Injodemar 3
International Journal of Development and Management Review (INJODEMAR) Vol. 3 No. 1 May, 2008 215 THE CHALLENGES OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO: 1993-2007 LIKOTI, FAKO JOHNSON Department of Politics and Administrative Studies National University of Lesotho [email protected] Abstract Lesotho got its independence from Britain in 1960. The country experienced a coup in January 1970 while it was still fresh from colonial rule. During this period, the country's political parties were fragile and parliamentarians (MPs) were yet to acclimatise themselves with their parliamentary responsibilities. From 1970-1992, the country did not have a democratically elected parliament. It was not until early 1993 that the dawn of democracy came to Lesotho. This meant that MPs were still inexperienced and the National parliament appeared to have been confronted with myriads of challenges. This paper argues that these challenges have not only undermined the parliament but have also impacted negatively on the legitimacy and accountability of parliament. It further opines that parliamentarians in any democracy are held in high regard by the electorate and have to conduct themselves with due diligence. As MPs, they are expected to conduct themselves in parliament in a manner befitting their public status. Key Words: Democratisation, Unparliamentary practices, Opposition parties, Legislative power, Lesotho. Introduction Lesotho is a Constitutional democracy. This means that the country subscribes to constitutional rule. The concept of constitutionalism limits the arbitrariness of political power. While the concept recognises the necessity of government, it also insists upon limitations placed upon its powers. In essence, constitutionalism is an antithesis of arbitrary rule. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Lesotho | Freedom House
Lesotho | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/lesotho A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 10 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy. King Letsie III serves as the ceremonial head of state. The prime minister is head of government; the head of the majority party or coalition automatically becomes prime minister following elections, making the prime minister’s legitimacy largely dependent on the conduct of the polls. Thomas Thabane became prime minister after his All Basotho Convention (ABC) won snap elections in 2017. Thabane, a fixture in the country’s politics, had previously served as prime minister from 2012–14, but spent two years in exile in South Africa amid instability that followed a failed 2014 coup. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The lower house of Parliament, the National Assembly, has 120 seats; 80 are filled through first-past-the-post constituency votes, and the remaining 40 through proportional representation. The Senate—the upper house of Parliament—consists of 22 principal chiefs who wield considerable authority in rural areas and whose membership is hereditary, along with 11 other members appointed by the king and acting on the advice of the Council of State. Members of both chambers serve five- year terms. In 2017, the coalition government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili—head of the Democratic Congress (DC)—lost a no-confidence vote. The development triggered the third round of legislative elections held since 2012. -
Implications for Consolidation of Democracy in Lesotho by Libuseng Malephane
Contesting and turning over power: Implications for consolidation of democracy in Lesotho By Libuseng Malephane Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 17 | February 2015 Introduction Since its transition to electoral democracy in 1993, Lesotho has experienced a series of upheavals related to the electoral process. Election results were vehemently contested in 1998, when the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) won all but one of the country’s constituencies under a first-past-the-post electoral system, and a military intervention by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was required to restore order. A mixed member proportional (MMP) model introduced in the run-up to the 2002 general elections resulted in more parties being represented in Parliament. The MMP model also led to the formation of informal coalitions as political parties endeavoured to maintain or increase their seats in Parliament in the 2007 elections (Kapa, 2007). Using a two-ballot system, with one ballot for constituency and another for the proportional-representation (PR) component, the elections preserved the ruling LCD’s large majority in Parliament and precipitated another protracted dispute between the ruling and opposition parties over the allocation of PR seats. Mediation efforts by the SADC and the Christian Council of Lesotho led to a review of the Constitution and Electoral Law. The resulting National Assembly Electoral Act of 2011 provides for a single-ballot system that allows voters to indicate their preferences for both constituency and PR components of the MMP system (UNDP, 2013). Meanwhile, the new All Basotho Convention (ABC), which had broken away from the LCD in 2006, became the largest opposition party in Parliament after the 2007 elections. -
The Road to Nexit a Look Into Dutch Euroscepticism
The road to Nexit A look into Dutch Euroscepticism FINAL EXAM PROJECT 8 June 2018 Sofyan El Bouchtili Sofyan EL Bouchtili Europe in the World 2017-2018 Examiner: Asbjørn Jørgensen Final Exam Project 8 June 2018 Table of Contents ON THE ROAD TO NEXIT (25.079 CHARACTERS)……………………………………………………………………………….3 REFLECTION REPORT (17.760 CHARACTERS)……………………………………………………………………………………17 SOURCE LIST .............................................................................................................................. 24 2 Sofyan EL Bouchtili Europe in the World 2017-2018 Examiner: Asbjørn Jørgensen Final Exam Project 8 June 2018 Link to story on Medium: https://medium.com/@elbouchtili.sofyan/on-the-road-to-nexit-9eac93f9dd48 On the road to Nexit Brexit caused a shock to the process of European integration and has left many Eurosceptic parties with the idea that an exit from the European integration project is possible after all. In the Netherlands a new party is advocating for a Nexit. Forum for Democracy has set its sights on the exit door, but to leave the Union they have another challenge first: convincing the Dutch. Daniel Hannan, British Conservative and Member of the European Parliament, came to speak about ‘Brexit, and the opportunities for the Netherlands’. Photo: Sofyan El Bouchtili “I drank champagne on the morning of the results of the referendum”, says one of the youths as he congratulates British Conservative and Member of the European Parliament Daniel Hannan on Brexit. Brexiteer Daniel Hannan was invited to an event at the Red Hat in Amsterdam on 25 May. The renowned debating center in the heart of the historic center of the city was the venue of choice for Forum for Democracy to talk about ‘Brexit and the opportunities for the Netherlands’. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². -
US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East
The London School of Economics and Political Science US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East The Pursuit of Hegemony? Dionysius Markakis A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 86.627 words. 1 Abstract The promotion of ‘democracy’ abroad has been a feature of US foreign policy since the earlier part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and then communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of communism and the state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy. -
Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho 2007-2012
VOLUME 13 NO 1 93 ALLIANCES, COALITIONS AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN LESOTHO 2007-2012 Motlamelle Anthony Kapa and Victor Shale Dr Motlamelle Anthony Kapa is lecturer and head of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the National University of Lesotho e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Dr Victor Shale is EISA’s Zimbabwe Resident Director e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper assesses political party alliances and coalitions in Lesotho, focusing on their causes and their consequences for party systems, democratic consolidation, national cohesion and state governability. We agree with Kapa (2008) that formation of the pre-2007 alliances can be explained in terms of office-seeking theory in that the political elite used alliances to access and retain power. These alliances altered the country’s party system, leading to conflict between parties inside and outside Parliament, as well as effectively changing the mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system into a parallel one, thereby violating the spirit of the system. However, the phenomenon did not change state governability; it effectively perpetuated the one-party dominance of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and threatened national cohesion. The post-2012 coalition, on the other hand, was a product of a hung parliament produced by the elections. The impact of the coalition on the party system, state governability and democratic consolidation is yet to be determined as the coalition phenomenon is still new. However, state governability has been marked by a generally very slow pace of policy implementation and the party system has been both polarised and reconfigured while national cohesion has been strengthened. -
Toll Booths to Be Removed, GPS-Based Toll Collection in a Year
https://www.facebook.com/centralchronicle CENTRAL CC PAGE 09 PAGE 11 Raipur, Friday, March 19, 2021 I Pages 12 I Price R 3.00 I City Edition I Fastest growing English Daily of Chhattisgarh www. centralchronicle.in BRIEF Toll booths to be removed, ‘Mamata’s appeasement politics behind infiltration’ GPS-based toll collection in a year ‘Khela Shesh tions will be counted, Didi’s ‘khela shesh hobe, New Delhi, Mar 18 (PTI): The GPS system will be Hobe’: PM vikas shuru’ (her game obtained with the help of responds will be over and develop- India will do away with Russia and the toll charges ment will start),” he said, toll booths and implement will be directly deducted to Mamata’s dare in a sarcastic reference to complete GPS-based toll from the user’s bank ac- the West Bengal chief min- collection within one year, count, the minister had Purulia, Mar 18 (PTI): ister’s “Khela Hobe” (the Road Transport and said. game will happen) slogan Highways Minister Nitin In February, Gadkari’s Excoriating Mamata that she chants at all her Women labourers pull a Gadkari said on Thursday. ministry had made auto- Banerjee for pursuing “ap- election rallies. Modi re- cart laden with waste He said 93 per cent of matic toll plaza payment peasement and vote bank peatedly accused Banerjee, building material, in the vehicles pay toll using system FASTag mandato- politics”, and presiding Prime Minister Narendra the ruling TMC supremo, Ahmedabad, Thursday. FASTag, but the remain- ry. The government had over a corrupt administra- Modi speaks during a BJP of appeasing a section of ing 7 per cent have still not said the system would help tion, Prime Minister election campaign rally, people for vote bank poli- Tax-free budget taken it despite paying a promote digital payment Narendra Modi Thursday ahead of West Bengal as- tics. -
1 the Expression of Right-Wing Populism in the Netherlands Across
The Expression of Right-Wing Populism in the Netherlands across Facebook Posts Agneta Fischer1, Charlotte Brands2, David Abadi1 1 Department of Psychology – University of Amsterdam 2 Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) – University of Amsterdam Corresponding author: Agneta Fischer E-mail address: [email protected] Funding Note This research was funded by the H2020 project Democratic Efficacy and the Varieties of Populism in Europe (DEMOS) under H2020-EU.3.6.1.1. and H2020-EU.3.6.1.2. (Grant agreement ID: 822590). 1 Abstract When it comes to political communication on social media, Facebook has arisen as one of the most important platforms. Recent research on populist discourses provides evidence for populist ideology fragments emerging across Facebook posts. Moreover, the level of populist language styles and the adoption of typical populist rhetoric appears to be ‘endemic' across political actors across the whole political spectrum, even among non-populist ones. In total, 51 posts from Geert Wilders were analyzed before and 71 in the period after the 2019 Dutch elections (N = 122). This study tackles the use of the founding elements of populist communication strategies: references to the people, references to the elites, and references to the others. For a populist leader, Wilders’ Facebook posts do not contain many references to the people. Instead, he focuses on the elites (e.g., the EU) and on the others (e.g., Muslims or asylum seekers). The clearest difference between the pre- and post-election period seems to be that Wilders gradually changes his populist communication strategies from a focus on the elites, to a focus on the others.