June 23 - 26, 2014
IV INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CRITICAL EDUCATION Critical Education in the Era of Crisis
Conference’s Proceedings Editors: George Grollios, Anastasios (Tassos) Liambas, Periklis Pavlidis ISBN: 978-960-243-698-1
Full Reference Grollios, G., Liambas, A. & Pavlidis, P. (2015). Proccedings of the IV International Conference on Critical Education “Critical Education in the Era of Crisis”, pp. ff-gg, http://www.eled.auth.gr/, date of access mm/dd/yy.
International Organizing Committee
Chair: Dave Hill (Anglia Ruskin University, UK) Co-chair : George Grollios (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece)
Members Ahmet Yıldız (Ankara University, Turkey) Alexandros Chrisis (Panteon University, Greece) Alpesh Maisuria (University of East London, London, UK) Antonis Lenakakis (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Argyris Kyrides (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Ayhan Ural (Gazi University, Turkey) Bessie Mitsikopoulou ((National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece) Bill Templer (Editor of JCEPS – Eastern Europe) Brad Porfilio (Lewis University, Illinois, USA) Christodoula Mitakidou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Christos Antoniou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Christos Tzikas (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Curry Malott (West Chester University, Pennsylvania, USA) Deborah Kelsh (College of St. Rose, Albany NY, USA) Dennis Beach (University of Göteburg, Sweden) Despoina Desli (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Dimitris Charalambous (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Dimitris Mavroskoufis (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Dimitris Patelis (University of Crete, Greece) Durgun Göktürk (Purdue University, USA) Eleni Theodoropoulou (University of Aegean, Greece) Eleni Ftiaka (University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus) Efi Papadimitriou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Eva Fista (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Evangelia Tressou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Faith Agostinone Wilson (Aurora University, Wisconsin, U.S.A.) Fatma Gök (Bogazici University, Turkey) Fevziye Sayilan (Ankara University, Turkey) Grant Banfield (University of South Australia, Australia) Gregory Martin (University of Technology, Australia) Gyorgy Meszaros (Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest, Hungary) Helena Sheehan (University College Dublin, Ireland) Helen Drenoyianni (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) José Luis Bernal (University of Zaragoza, Spain) Juha Suoranta (University of Tampere, Finland) Kemal İnal (Gazi University, Turkey) Kostas Malafantis (National and Kapodistrean University of Athens, Greece) Kostas Skordoulis (National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece) Manolis Dafermakis (University of Crete, Greece) Maria Pournari (University of Ioannina, Greece) Marnie Holborrow (University College Dublin, Ireland) Martin Power (University of Limerick, Ireland) Melpomeni Tsitouridou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Meral Uysal (Ankara University, Turkey) Micheal O'Flynn (University of Limerick, Ireland) Panayota Gounari (University of Massachussets, Boston, USA) Panayota Karayanni (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Panayotis Sotiris (University of Aegean, Greece) Pepi Leistyna (University of Massachussets, Boston, USA) Periklis Pavlides (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Peter McLaren (University of California, Los Angeles, USA) Polina Chrysochou (Anglia Ruskin University, UK) Ramin Farahmandpur (Portland State University, Oregon, USA) Ravi Kumar (South Asian University, New Delhi, India) Rifat Okcabol (Bogazici University, Turkey) Salim Vally (University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa) Samet Baykal (Ankara University, Turkey) Soner Şim şek (Bogazici University, Turkey) Spyros Krivas (University of Patras, Greece) Spyros Sakellaropoulos (Panteon University, Greece) Spyros Themelis (University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK) Sharzad Mojab (University of Toronto, Canada) Takis Politis (University of Thessalia, Greece) Tasos Liambas (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Thanasis Aidinis (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Thanasis Alexiou (University of Aegean, Greece) Triantafilia Kostouli (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Tricia Kress (University of Massachussets, Boston, USA) Tu ğba Öztürk (Ankara University, Turkey) Ulas Basar Gezgin (Istanbul Gelisim University, Turkey) Ünal Özmen (Turkish Journal of Birgun, Turkey) Vasilis Alexiou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Wayne Ross (University of British Columbia, Canada)
Local Organizing Committee
Chair: Ioannis Kaskaris (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece)
Members Aliki Laspidou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Efi Pavlidou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Glykeria Fista (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Kostas Ziogas (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Mary Hatzitheodoridou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Opi Miltsakaki (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Roula Karantaidou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Thalia Bekeridou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Thalia Kaplani (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Vassilis Koulountzos (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece)
CONTENTS
George Grollios, Anastasios (Tassos) Liambas & Periklis Pavlidis
Introduction i
Hasan Hüseyin Aksoy
Class matter: Exploitation of vocational school students through apprenticeship training in 1 Turkey
Marianthi Anastasiadou, Athanasios Marvakis & Jasmine Samara
Contesting the “Dictatorship of the Progressives”: Neo-Nazis challenging equality and 16 human rights
A. Argyriadis & S. Nikolidakis
Seeking educational solutions in classic studies. The crisis as a challenge 26
Grant Banfield
Reclaiming History: Marx, education and class struggle 38
Arslan Bayram & Ay şegül Arzu Bayram
The privatization of education in Turkey in the context of globalisation 64
Antje Biertümpel & Ioanna Menhard
Crises experiences and educational processes in Greek and German contexts 73
Evangelia Bougatzeli, Efi Papademetriou & Maria Douka Critical search and evaluation practices of Web information resources applied by senior students in the Department of Primary Education of AUTH for the design of alternative 85 projects in teaching language
Gökçe Çataloluk
Legal education, its limits and possibilities. Notes on critique and the example of Turkey 114
Zhuljeta Cinga
Critic thinking in the curricular reform of the basic education in Albania 129
Karin Cudak
Educational spaces in times of post-industrialisation and EU-2-Enlargement 152
Engin Delice
End of the critical education or Aristotelian phronesis, Marxian praxis and dialectics 173
Despina Desli
Cooperative learning in primary school mathematics: Identifying teachers’ and children’s 180 interactions for creating classroom communities
Stavroula Domouzi
The concept of culture as the ideological foundation of intercultural education 190
Helen Drenoyianni
Conceptions or misconceptions? The Greek ICT rationale through teachers' perceptions of 207 and discussions about ICT in primary school
Dionyssios Gouvias
Youth and labour market(s) in Europe: ‘opportunities’ or just ‘risks’? – Findings from the 249 European Social Survey
Dave Hill
From deconstruction to reconstruction: Critical pedagogies, critical education, Marxist 286 education
Eve Kaplani
Comparative analysis of C.R. Rogers’ and L.S. Vygotsky’s theories on education and the 310 development of personality
Funda Karapehlivan & M. Meryem Kurtulmu ş
Transformation of higher education and the future of universities in Turkey 318
Martha Katsaridou & Koldobika Vío
Theatre of the Oppressed as a tool of educational and social intervention: The case of 334 Forum Theatre Katsarou E., Strantzalos A., Arsenakis A., Dargenta D.E., Dimitriadi K., Drandaki A., Gourgolitsa M., Hatzielanidis P., Kakogianni K., Panagiotaki E., Papadopoulou P. & Renieri I. Alternative students’ assessment in a junior high - school in Greece: A teaching and 357 research intervention
Gianna Katsiampoura
Alexandra Kollontai and Inessa Armand: How socialist feminism may empower critical 390 education
Eleni Kottaridi & Kostas Skordoulis
Critical science education and its pedagogical practice 399
Vassilis Koulountzos & Fanny Seroglou
An emerging learning and communication forum in science education: Discussions inside 426 atlaswiki
Anastassios (Tassos) Liambas
Michel Foucault and Antonio Gramsci: Education, power and student assessment 443
Kostas Magos
Imprisonment and education. A critical action-research in a Greek prison 458
Dimitris Mavroskoufis
The use of cognitive dissonance / conflict and impasse-driven learning as a tool for critical 474 teaching
Valentina Millozzi
From EU policies to the economic crisis: The rise of the neoliberal agenda and the demise 490 of public education in Italy
Alexandra Mitsiali
Financial crisis and the dreams of High School students for the future 498
Symeon Nikolidakis & Calliope Tsantali
Nonverbal communication in instruction 511
Dimitris Nikoloudis
Developing literacy activities through viewing films 527
İlker Özdemir & Sefer Yetkin I şık
Teachers in 2000s: An anthropological view from inside 538
Yalçın Özdemir
As an element of the process of making-becoming labour: Internship 551
Maria Panagiotou
The importance of personal autonomy in the era of crisis 564
Periklis Pavlidis
Social consciousness, education and transformative activity 587
Robert Pfuetzner
The social and the spacial as educators. What to learn from 19th century socialist 596 educational theory
Maria Pournari
Critical thinking and its critiques in the Philosophy of Education 609
Ermolaos Psarianos
Dewey’s critical pedagogy in time of crisis 623
Mehmet Sa ğlam
Reconstructing 1980’s primary school students’ educational experiences in Turkey with 633 their own words: The school rules and students’ punishments
Anastasia Saraga
Dilemmas and perspectives about the use of ICT in education 649
Alexander Segal
“Much learning does not teach understanding”: On introspective methodology of protection 657 against manipulations
Guy Senese
Plato, Piketty, and the United States of sovereign exception 664
Stavroula Siatira, Labros Sdrolias, Nikolaos Kakkos & Georgios Aspridis
The effect of external environment of high schools in the workplace of secondary education 689 faculty: A systemic approach
Kostas Skordoulis
Social resistance in the 21 st century: Results and prospects 715
Marina Sounoglou
The fairness in education in the era of crisis 727
Oskar Szwabowski
The real subsumption under the capital and pedagogy of strike 741
Vasileios Symeonidis & Zoi Galanopoulou
Free school choice in the neoliberal era. The case of Sweden 754
Yasemin Tezgiden-Cakcak
Empowering potential of critical reading for non-native English teacher candidates 782
Konstantinos Vasileiadis & Konstantinos Tsioumis
Strengthening democracy, equality and social empathy. Theoretical approaches and 801 practices for citizenship education
Aikaterini Vissariou & Zoi Ziontaki
The Social Policy Committee of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki in the era of crisis: 821 2010-2013
Tony Ward
The theory and practice of critical pedagogy in bicultural community development. Part 1: 833 Theory. Capitalism and community health: An indigenous perspective
Tony Ward
The theory and practice of critical pedagogy in bicultural community development. Part 2: 877 Practice. Capitalism and community health: An indigenous perspective
Lois Weiner
Democracy, critical education, and teachers unions: Connections and contradictions in the 915 neoliberal epoch
Zoi Ziontaki & Aikaterini Vissariou
The consequences of the financial crisis in the educational praxis: A content analysis in the 929 light of critical pedagogy
Strengthening democracy, equality and social empathy. Theoretical approaches and practices for citizenship education
Vasileiadis Konstantinos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki Tsioumis Konstantinos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
Abstract The modern multicultural environment is characterised by the simultaneous advance of neo-liberal reactionary policies. These policies produce a special kind of political economy of thought, moving in two opposing poles: of want and lack, leading on one hand to a psychological determinism- which effectively removes from the subject any attempt of change of the social paradigm, thus establishing a veil of silence driven by sadness and deprivation- and on the other hand offering an extreme version of hope (Hilgers 2011: 353) where the social and collective are replaced with the “convictions of an operational self which is exempt from the reasoning of social responsibility and public accountability.” (Giroux, 2008[2010]: 566) Being active educationalists and perceiving the human soul as the “essence of history” we suggest and argue in favour of adopting educational approaches and practices that are routed on the principles of multicultural education and critical pedagogy, attempting the elimination of stereotypes and rationalisations that sustain and perpetuate the status quo and using as a principal tool active research that sustains our work and offers motivation to children. The goal of this study is the creation of those theoretical tools that will direct educational practices as well as connect them with the practices that aim at the creation of a critical transformative citizen, offering at the same time the potential for social transform. Perceiving the act of education as a “transformative” process, we aim to give prominence to thought and reflection as a principal educational paradigm and therefore imperative for an education that will have as an objective the critical understanding of the world and action-taking (Banks 2008:.135, Nieto 1999: 206- 210; Amosa & Gorski 2008: 167; Ajodhia-Andrews 2013: 35-36; May 1999: 30-32).
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Keywords: Critical multicultural education, political socialization, critical citizen, social empathy.
Introduction Differentiations in the structural organisation of societies impose new ways of action and create novel identities which reflect the special kind of relationships, interpersonal or in groups, thus creating new roles for the historical subject. The differentiation in roles find their expressions in the political field as well. (Rose 1974: 147) The functional character of fragmented societies (Gellner 1996[1994]: 56) produced new collective behaviours (states) that operated in the name of mechanical solidarity (Durkheim 1893 at Blackledge & Hunt 1995: 31) and social empathy, such that defined beforehand individualism, even to the extent of caging them in life values and attitudes towards certain people or social groups. This structure, as the polar opposite of a ‘state of anarchy’ (Bauman 1994[1973]: 89 & 82- 86) created new collectives (states) however it also formed ideologies that while they were asking for the liberation and emancipation of the individual, they none the less led to new prejudices and restrictions, where the individualized person seems more to be “an impersonal carrier of self-defence rights against society and of the rational, free individual (Tsoukalas 2010: 39), has formed a political economy of consciousness which forms new concepts and practices towards basic social terms such as trust and reciprocity. According to research by Bohnet et. al, trust and reciprocity in western societies is not based on any mechanism to prevent deception, but more on mechanisms of cost reduction (Bohnet et. al 2012: 152-155). The utilitarian individual establishes relationships not based on principle of ‘honour’ or ‘reputation’ but on the estimation of gain and damage. However, conscious will forms a reality that might be a distortion of the imaginary freedom of the individual (Tönnies 1985[1887]: 171), rationalizing its actions. Nevertheless, it is unable to define its context as moral or immoral; instead it attempts to rationalize any decision, arguing for or against it. The best argumentation tends to prevail and thus form a social relationship (Kondylis 2007[1999]: 744 -745, Strauss 1988[1950]: 130-131 & 171), which shapes a new type of human, the Homo Economicus (Kondylis 2007[1999]: 102-103), while at the same time it creates the myth of equivalency and
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thus subduing reality to a formalism of reason (Horkheimer & Adorno 1986 [1947]:44). Neoliberalism attempts to create a new type of ‘emancipated human’ who is led by pre-ordained practices and is intended to be “perpetually accepting” Olsenn 1996 at Apple 2004: 21). In educational terms, however, that is translated into the achievement of a tangible goal: ”the creation of individuals capable of being integrated in order to contribute to the production line (Apple 2008; Nikolaou 2009: 32; Mitchell 2003). The ratio of performance/efficiency is dominant in the reasoning of neo-liberalism, thus transforming the connotations of equality. The dominion of this market logic where the free individual is called upon to depend on their own powers- and in the opinion of the neoliberals is opposed to the social state which, always according to the neoliberals, applies “paternalistic policies” promoting the interests of certain groups- in essence conceals the dichotomy that is attempted between the concepts of equality and efficiency, as the individuals or groups in reality start off from different positions. The biggest difference between classic liberalism and neo-liberalism, though, is that neo-liberalism separates politics from economy, thus making the latter a regulator of politics, all in the name of an abstract notion of equality and freedom. In this way, any attempt to “democratise’ authority and power, through the division between politics and economy” (see Iglesias 2000: 1052, Mc Cluskey 2002: 787-788), is artfully suppressed. Citizenship education in modern multi-cultural era. The ultimate goal of a citizenship training would be to delve into the kind of interaction that will lead and guide the relationships between individuals, while at the same time identifying both the restrictions and the alternatives that the Political itself provides as far as the formation, production or/and transformation of social relationships is concerned. As pointed out above, neo-liberalism as a political-economic system produces a political economy of thought, moving in the two polar opposites of want and lack- deprivation. This anthropological distortion of the individual renders them incapable of examining the reasons and conditions of its circumstances. The private self is controlled on one hand by an illusion of acquiring wealth in some ‘magical’ way (Hilgers 2011: 353),such that it entraps the self in a state of social inaction and alienation, thus weakening the concept of collectiveness and social action. The isolated, private individual, accepts this state as is, due to personal weakness or 803
personal (in-) ability, while simultaneously it is incapable of comprehending the social and political factors that lead it to one or another condition. This caging of the spirit promotes an apolitical attitude of the kind that does not stop to examine power relationships and is restricted in postmodern values (self-realisation, anti-conformism, freedom of expression) of a soft ideology, seeking quantitative changes rather than qualitative. 1 It is an exploitation of the Unconscious, in order for the subject to become more rationalized so that its actions can be better controlled and predictable. As Jost mentions, the conscious and the unconscious play an important role in the acceptance and rejection of certain social and political norms, in such ways that even inequality between groups might be perceived as moral and legal (Jost 2001: 89, Jost & Banaji 1994: 16). The Unconscious “contributes to the formation of world-view rationalizations” just as much as the conscious, which most times is that which defines what must remain unconscious. In this way, worldview rationalizations become crystallized as social relationships; “an articulation of positions of the rationalizing actor against the positions of other rationalized actors” (Kondylis 2007[1999]: 746-747; Jost 2001: 90). Kay et al., through a series of researches, have proven that on cases where the individual might lose their personal control over the circumstances they are faced with, there is a tendency to turn to religion or other socio-political systems in order to attempt to regain control ( compensatory control ) (Kay et al 2008: 31). Perceiving education- and in extension the educational process- as a purely political action, we believe that that the goal of citizenship education would have to be one that enables citizens to perceive, evaluate and reform the reality in which they exist. The crucial point here is that the objective reality is perceived as is, as granted, by the illiberate- in essence- individual, who has been objectified. Submission to a formalisation of thought that the immediate offers (Horkhaimer & Adorno, 1986[1947]: 44), creates a survivalist morality relating to the immediate fulfillment of wants, a private morality that proletariatises thought and separated it from social
1 This observation stems from the Events of May ’68. One worthy critique of the uprising of the youths of that era, see Huyghe, 1990, The soft Ideology, particularly pp 61-75. As is mentioned characteristically in regards the revolution of ’68: “In order for that revolution to be successful, one had to deny one little thing: the revolution.” (Huyghe, 1990, p.71). As is mentioned by Alexiou, it is rather “an attempt to prepare for the ideological dominion of the new middle-class” (Alexiou 2008, p.108).
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authorities. (Adorno 2000[ 1951]: 172). What capitalism achieved with the partition of labour, neo-liberalism comes to extend on at a level of thought and intellect. It transmutes the ideas of equality and freedom, stripping them of their social dimensions 2 and thus presenting them as ‘personal complaints’ rather as ‘collective pursuits’ 3. The proletarianisation of thought leads to the acceptance of a fatalistic attitude that creates a sense of passivity in the individuals that now feel weak and powerless to change their own reality. At the same time, more and more often they turn to ‘experts’ to treat whatever ‘disadvantages’ or ‘weaknesses’ (Lash, 2007[1977]: 40). This “unmediated power of fact”, as is pointed out by Christofer Lasch, creates a tangible yet ‘invisible’ enemy. “This is the way things are and they will get worse” and “nothing is going to change” are at best an admission of defeat against something that is named as reality but in essence has no substance. Moreover, additional stereotypes, like “better poor but honest”, “rich therefore thief” come to excuse inequality and to also provide to the individuals the ability to absorb inequality and ‘withstand’ the difference between ‘an ideal equality’ and the reality they experience (Blasi & Jost 2006: 1123, Jost & Kay 2005: 499), “neutralizing and compensating for a hegemonic advantage that a group possesses with something else” (Jost & Kay 2005, p.505) creating in this manner a notion of complementary justice through which the social roles that are attributed to each group are rationalized, thus concealing any inequalities 4 (Kay & Jost 2003).
2 As is mentioned by Apple (2008, 96), these concepts are not connected to oppression and the unequal treatment of groups anymore. “Now, it is just a matter of personal choice within free-market conditions.” In his book, Modernization and Conservatism in Education, he points out the effort of conservative policies to transform “the meaning of the most basic categories of the key words we use to comprehend the social and educational world and our position in it Apple 2002[2001], p.11). 3 See Lasch (2007[1977] ,p.40). As Banks mentions: “What the liberal integration approaches accomplish through their emphasis on the individual is to be characterized as the interests of a dominant group as ‘public’ while those of individuals as characterized as ‘special’ (Banks 2008, p.130- 131). 4 Such kinds of complementary stereotypes play a compensatory role when dealing with social and economic inequality. Stereotypes of the “poor but honest” kind, or that women are more friendly and focused more on care-giving than taking on roles that demand determination and a decision –making ability, are according to Kay & Jost a way of rationalization equality and of perpetuating the status quo. See also Lane R. E (1959). The fear of equality...and Jackman M.R (1994), The Velvet Glove:
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This kind of rationalization, through a kind of self-evaluation- which however, stems not from the ideology of self, but from the ideology of others –effectively contradicting the first compound of the word (self-) and thus concealing the internalized peer-assessment- is what leads not to the increase of self-esteem but mainly to the increase of the preference for the outer-group and the legalization of any kind of inequality 5 (Takis, 2011: 32). Its role becomes paramount in the rationalization of the system and clarifies the possible role of stereotypes and prejudices. On the other hand, it places the notion of self-evaluation under critical negotiation. An educational theory that is rooted in social and political psychology, should at the same time be rooted in, and promote, a critique on “the ideology of others”, which, despite its non-neutrality (no ideology is neutral) is characterized by its dialectic power: it operates as a subject (critically) on its own object (ideology). We believe that the emergence of reasoning, views, beliefs, and values of individuals is the key question in an education approach on citizenship training. This means that evaluation should, on a first basis, have a context that will lead it not towards the emergence of the reasoning of value (what is useful, value as a functional measure) but on the emergence of the value of reasoning. Only then will the possibility be given for reasoning, values and convictions to emerge, and for them to be an object of debate and critical assessment. This will on one hand release potential, encouraging participation, and on the other hand might lead to reformed practices, by aiming at the reformation of stereotypes and prejudices that possess the oppressed as well as the oppressors. The proletarianisation of thought, where the subject has been rendered incapable of thinking and visualizing its future, acting rather as an executor than an a creator, has formed a mass political culture that has to do more with the “adaptability of the individual to their social and political setting” (Demertzis 1989: 262-263; Schwartzenberg 1984[1977]: 193). In essence, the proletarianisation of thought has led to a political culture which at the best of cases is characterized by apathy and at
Paternalism and Conflict in Gender, Class, and Race Relations...as mentioned in Kay & Jost (2003, p.824). 5 Erikson, in his work Childhood and Society, mentions that the realization of the identity of self stems from the conviction that homogeny and the continuity it has accomplished, will be identical to the homogeny of the way in which others see the individual(Erikson 1963, p.261-262).
806 the worst of acceptance, of a capitalistic way of production and lifestyle, which the structure itself has cultivated. We argue thus: the social policies that have developed in western society behind the seeming reduction of inequality have led, in practice, mainly to the acceptance of inequality, since the recipients of the social welfare is marginalized due to their inability to contribute to the production process (Bauman 2004[1997]: 134, Tsoukalas 2000). This way, the concept of the political and the political relationship is disconnected from its social-historical context, as the “primary structural identity” of the individual as an employee “Is cancelled to promote the identity of the insurance- paying citizen” (Alexiou 1999: 92-93). Social policies are therefore put forward as way of formally controlling society (formal social control) which stem from the state and the economy, and using systems of rewards and penalty, they aim to the adaptation of a conventional behavior, through organizational structures and standardization (Soss et.al, 2008: 537). Developing practices for citizenship education. Psychological and philosophical prerequisites As is mentioned by Homana et.al (2006: 2) , the modern concept of education concerning citizenship concerns the provision of the right opportunities by the school so that the students become involved in learning processes and experiences that are meaningful for their life- such as role-playing games, debates and consultations, class councils- and the usage of a multitude of strategies that benefit active learning as well as the development of political and social responsibility of the individuals. Providing such circumstances requires the creation of a school climate that will offer authentic learning conditions and the ability for students to present their views, placing them under negotiation, a fact that will lead them to increased knowledge and the acquisition of political skills. Research conducted on citizenship education and the acquisition of political skill on behalf of the students, have shown that the use of teaching policies that encourage the active participation of the students have achieved considerable results as far as political knowledge and the acquisition of abilities, skills and commitments is concerned, thus transforming the whole teacher-student relationship from a ‘monologue’ to a ‘discourse’ (Sleeter & Montecinos 1999:118). Fragmented, superficial knowledge offers few opportunities for students to evaluate and respond to social issues which both they and their families are faced with. 807
Opposing this ‘everyday practice’ as a consequence of and dominant ideology, we propose the need to conceive of an education in its entirety, both in terms of context and of the concept of negotiating and redefining a new situated knowledge. With the term ‘situated knowledge’ we refer to the ‘higher’ level of knowledge, according to which the subject controls both the kind of knowledge provided or possessed, and constitutes the crucial, critical stage, from which any decisions will be taken regarding further action to be taken or not, in addition to forming the right attitudes and behaviours. According to Bloom’s taxonomy, situated knowledge is mainly found at the level of evaluation. Taking in consideration that citizenship training should correspond to the increasingly in flux modern social and political environments, we maintain that it should have a context based on human rights, the respect of diversity and the development of critical thought. Citizenship training offers all those conceptual terms: freedom, democracy, justice, solidarity, dignity; concepts and prerequisites necessary for peace and social justice. As is pointed out by Starkey, each of these terms needs to be empowered so that the systems of human rights ‘will not collapse’ (Starkey 1992:126-127). Such an education aims at gaining knowledge, abilities and skills that build up and are build up, from and towards actions that have value for the students, aim at procedural and situational knowledge and emphasise cooperative forms of learning. (Lyseight, 1992:141;Aronowitz & Giroux 1986:213). The development of programs for citizenship training stems from and evaluates the concepts of justice and social empathy. The notion of justice, is in its purest form, a motive which affects and regulates the live of people. (Lerner 2003:388). The justice motive refers to the degree to which people are willing to act in order to promote a fair treatment of others and not just from the estimation of their own interests: moral empathy and not a set of moral values which are based on the application of conventional rules. The latter ones seem to be what drives the decisions and attitude of individuals. In cases in particular where they are faced with issues that may have serious consequences, their feelings and knowledge on what they consider fair in its heuristic form, i.e. through automatic processes, and tend to dominate their attempt to restore justice (Lerner 2003:397-398). The notion of procedural justice has a primary role in the development of citizenship training. Procedural justice concerns the way in which individuals not only enjoy the compensations and benefits of a fair transaction, but also the way in which they are 808 determined, so that the decisions regarding them are taken (Leventhal 1976, Jost & Kay 2010:1126, Blader& Tyler 2003:748). Procedural justice, which aims at ‘voices’ being heard, increases the willingness of individuals to accept the decisions that are being taken, therefore improving the relationship of individuals among themselves and with the authorities (Prooijen et.al 2006:686; Blader & Tyler 2009:446; Tyler 2006, p.308), the sustenance of a positive social identity. It is therefore a strong motive that promotes commitment to the success of the whole group (Blader & Tyler 2009:447; Tyler 2006:309). Bladder & Tyler (2003) suggest a model of procedural justice based on four points which seems to concern the way in which the concept of procedural justice is being perceived by people. These concern a) the evaluation of official rules and policies concerning the decision-making process (formal decision taking), b) the evaluation of rules that concern how a person is treated (formal quality of treatment), c) the evaluation of these cases where decisions are taken when formal rules cannot be applied (informal decision making) and finally, d) how particular groups are treated by authorizes when there is is no provision made in the formal rules (Blader & Tyler 2003:749). The second guideline in developing citizenship training programs pertains as to the concept of social empathy. As social empathy is defined the ability and capability of an individual-person to perceive others as socially active, historically defined beings, examining the conditions of their existence and action, and understanding them as t such, in order to be able to contribute to the change of the conditions that might limit them. Grasping the notion of social empathy has to do with its promotion of personal responsibility, understood as such that the person/individual has towards society as a whole. Personal responsibility concerns the self-awareness that the individual, as a social being, had against social issues that relate to its existence. At a level of interpersonal communication, personal responsibility concerns the active respect towards the contrasts and differences that make up the essential elements of a political organization of society and not just the “understanding of legal power” (Giannaras 2006[1998]:198-203), while at the same time, at a level of political organization of society, it refers to the development of actions that reduce inequality and reinforce justice and democracy.
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Utilizing activities for citizenship education in practice. In developing programs for the education of a critical multi-cultural citizen we must start off at the principles of multicultural education and critical pedagogy. Considering the current bind on the concept of citizenship in the modern multi- cultural era provides the conditions of growth for such interventions, the question posed here is what kind of citizen is education called upon to create. Critical educators are obliged to act as social beings, exploring the kind of relationships that are formed inside and outside the classroom and provide their student the opportunity to develop the critical ability to take stance- and revalue that stance- as regards crucial social issues that might trouble them. Faced with such a challenge, critical educators must take into consideration that the concept of critic has little to offer when it is limited to argumentation, which only points out the problems and the “evils of the system”. “The world does not have a complaint box” (Savater 1997[2004]: 22), and that is something that should be taken into serious consideration by critical educators. In direct correlation to the above, critical educators should develop such practices that can reveal the distortion of democracy, values and the corrosion of society that is attempted by neo- liberalism in the name of a blissful utopia which is, in its sum, quite abstract despite its rhetoric. Critical educators are expected to premise a vision for education and society. Through the reformation and enrichment of the curriculum they are called to launch the development of a constructive discourse, with distinct goals and standpoints. Being aware of the restrictions that the curriculum itself imposes with the fragmentation of knowledge and the large amount of the offered syllabus, which offers little opportunity for the development of critical thought, active pedagogy teachers should promote in action the concepts of democracy, equality and social empathy. On the basis of these goals, special emphasis should be given both on typical and a- typical forms of teaching. Class organisation is a part of the a-typical forms of teaching. It is important to see class organisation as a way to organised the framework in which many collaborative activities will be developed. For this purpose, we propose the organisation of teaching on the basis of group collaboration practices. The groups, as a key organisational element of the classroom have a double purpose: taking initiative so that projects assigned or undertaken are better arranged, and most
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important of all, ensuring that every member of the group participates actively and contributes to the success of the group. Both at the level of this basic cass organisation as well as at the level of the whole classroom, the members of the groups recognise the contribution of every member to the achievement of their goals and suggest solutions for better organisation and problem solving. The group collaboration method expresses the political organisation of the classroom and aims at a climate of collaboration, mutual respect and personal accountability. Moreover, the fact that the rules are established by the students themselves helps them internalise these rules. It should be noted here that these rules should only be of a positive nature. The perception of the students that rules are restrictive is therefore an item of negotiation, so that they might recognise the importance of rules in personal and collective life. Developing interventions in favour of citizenship training is based on two pillars: awareness of reality and taking action and secondly, adopting attitudes and behaviours that might change this reality. Teachers are called upon to develop a kind of deliberative democracy. 6 The concept of deliberation gives ‘differentiality’ its needed niche in the development of different views and ideas , thus promoting self-respect and cooperation. Furthermore, the concept of deliberation, as a political practice, promotes the concept of community and critical thinking: the students recognize that their own community is characterized by a multitude of different approaches towards issues of learning, lifestyle, and world- view (Benhabib 1996, Gutmann 1996). It offers the basis on which students make their arguments, debate and decide. At the same time, it offers the students the possibility to think and reflect upon their own views and the views of others, understanding and forming a common identity ( shared identity ) with the members of the group they belong to.
6 For a critique on deliberating democracy, read Dryzek J. (2005) Deliberative democracy in divided societies. Alternatives to Agonism and Anagelsia. Political Theory. Vol 33. N.2 pp 218-242. Kymlicka’s observation is worth noting here: the concept of consultation has offered minority groups the ability to express their opinions and achieve considerable benefits; the notion of consultation is put forward by both liberals and followers of multiculturalism as a priority in today’s democracy. The ‘turn to consultation’ as a model of democratic theory has also brought on a new view on the concept of citizen. The question is whether and to what to extend can consultative processes lead to a new ‘unified public will’ or to a simple realisation of the chasms and conflicts that divide the various groups” (βλ . Kymlicka 2002[2005], p.409-412)
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Simultaneously, students practice the critical analysis of the offered knowledge. They are called to analyse data (what, who, when), to critically examine (how, why) and to compose different/alternative solutions (what could have). They recognize the complexity of the world, the positives and negatives, and they position and reposition themselves on issues that might arise in favour of citizenship training Both the methodological approach to knowledge and the framework in which it is produced, can develop the students’ critical ability, as well as motivate them. Within this framework, which also requires a change in the class culture, the teacher is called upon to enrich the syllabus of the curriculum. This enrichment, as regards citizenship training, pertains the negotiation of socio-political issues. Planning an intervention in favour of citizenship training should take under consideration Freire’s view on education: it should start at personal understanding, continue at social understanding and end at social reform. On the basis of that view there should be given emphasis to empowering students, the understanding of their personal contribution to the better operation of the basic social group to which they belong (school, family) as well as their own personal responsibility for the course and progress of that team and society as a whole. Social issues such as unemployment, poverty, inequality and racism are issues that interest the students whether or not they themselves or the members of their wider social group have felt their consequences. The negotiation of such issues promotes the role of education, connecting it to society, while at the same time it develops the social empathy of the students as citizens. On the other hand, the negotiation of such issues should have as a goal to restore justice for the people that suffer such inequality. This means that the students realise that ‘individual’ success is closely related to social structures, and that inequality of any kind is socially defined on the basis of political choices. While developing the activities, we have taken into consideration both the curriculum, attempting their connection to its cognitive goals, and the particularities of the school classroom. Other than the teachers’ observation, the use of a sociogram allowed us to note the relationships between students and to focus on them. At the same time, open- end discussions offered us the framework on which the interventions will be build. The ‘labelling’ of students as ‘weak’, ‘naughty’, ‘filthy’, their views on ‘immigrants’: ‘they take our jobs’, ‘that’s why there is unemployment’, ‘they are dangerous’, have led us develop interventions aimed at negotiating these views and changing them. 812
The intervention was structured on the basis of modular activities that started at the individual, their inter-personal relationships on a first level and went on to deal with social relationships with the immediate environment of the students on a second level. Finally, the activities ended with dealing with their relationships at a wider social level. My opinion counts With this activity (which was one of the first ones introduced) it was intended for students to comprehend their role in the formation of a spirit of collaboration in class as well as the respect on the part of the teacher in regards to their interests. The students developed their opinions and after the decoding of their answers, the framework of the work and collaboration that would form the basis for the activities in the classroom was configured. My family The students presented their family tree in class: their maternal and paternal ancestry, their parents’ interests, the values of their family. The origin countries and areas of the members of their family were pointed out on a map. The students discovered the similarities and differences as concerns place or origin and family values that their fellow-students’ families consider the most important. They observed the changes in the lifestyle of their parents and compared it to their own. During this activity, they were called to find information on the history of their family (time-space) and accessed the different forms of family structure (patriarchic- matriarchic, single-parental) on the basis of historic and economic conditions. They identified the role of each member in the hormonal coexistence and smooth operation of this primary social group. PowerPoint presentation on the topic “Family in Art” with works of great artists. Critical assessment of the works with focus on family values as presented through them (love and affection, common pursuits, etc.). A generalization of the values that should characterize wider social structures. Getting informed- Participating- Offering solutions- taking action This activity’s basic goal was to allow students to identify problems that might exist in their own lives and to help them attempt to solve them. Many of these issues demand the participation of the whole in order to be solved. One of the ‘issues’ that we had to face during this activity was that of the size of the classroom. The students measured the area of their classroom as well as that of the 813 school yard during a corresponding Math lesson. They were informed of the standards that are in force concerning school classrooms and yards and compared them to their own findings. They identified the problem they are faced with (a small classroom, no access to people with special needs, etc) and suggested immediate solutions in order to overcome the negative aspects that were caused by this problem. They produced letters that point out this problem. This activity can be done on conjunction with the subject areas of Greek Language, Math, and Social and Political Science. Recognising Violence This activity was held with the opportunity of the World Day Against Violence. The students identified the meaning of violence through the use of appropriate questions and created a text in which the notion of violence was presented. This material was also published on the class blog. At the same time, they expounded their own views on a better world through poetry. Discriminations- Prejudice Screening of the documentary ‘The Eye of the Storm’. Discussion on the issue of discrimination based on racial differences (skin colour), sex differences, etc. The students identify the impact of such discrimination of the psyche of individuals (being led to failure), their relationships with others (conflict, feelings of superiority and inferiority) as well as how these discriminations are socially structured (who is it that discriminates, what is the impact, what is achieved). Screening of the documentary ‘Dirty Greeks’ by the show Reporting Without Frontiers. The students are called to identify the causes of modern immigration, to locate the discrimination that Greek immigrants were forced to endure in America, the jobs they performed as well as the reasons of this discrimination (economic reasons, cultural and lifestyle differences). They then moved on to connecting those with the attitude against immigrants in our own country (empathy), finding similarities and differences. Elaboration Questions: Who were those that immigrated? Why? What kind of difficulties did they face on their journey? Which dangers did they face? What was their treatment in the country that received them? Which kind of jobs did they undertake and what difficulties did they face? Why were Greeks called “Filthy Greeks” and by whom? Which was their evolution and did they eventually contribute to the development of their adopted country? What is the analogy with what is happening in our country? 814
The students read the ‘poem’ “First they came...”. They analyse the poem, identifying the social groups that experience racism and racial violence. They are called to mention words that are related to racist phenomena: mock, hunt, divide, kill, curse, force out, pursue. They identify groups that might become target of racial violence: the poor, women, men, people of different ethnicities, people with different appearance, etc. Getting informed-Discussing- Deciding The students are called to study and discuss various perspectives of a real problem (The case of Skouries). They discover the complexity of the issues a society might be faced with, the arguments of all sides involved, as well as the ways in which these are presented (critical analysis: who is talking, what is their argument, what are their persuasion tactics, where do they target, emotion or logic, etc). The students identify the pros and cons of the conflicting opinions and propose solutions. Role play: the students, acting as journalists, record and present their opinions in class. Their articles are judged in terms of the argumentation they develop and the clarity of their views. School in the community This action was materialised in order to connect the school environment with the community. It is closely related to the publication of a school newspaper in order for the students to be able to communicate their views, opinions and interests beyond the classroom.. At the same time, it aims to familiarise them with their own community through interviews, presentations and chronicling any problems that concern the wider community in which they live. One additional basic goal is for them to actively contribute through their creative work, both to their families and to their wider community and to develop active feeling of solidarity, offering, mutual assistance and humanity towards their fellow human beings. Instead of an epilogue- Conclusions, Suggestions In awareness of the basic restrictions that are posed in the scope of the Greek educational reality, our goal is the quality enrichment of the curriculum, and the critical approach of the topic sections that stem from it. Our goal is to intervene both at the level of a-typical education as well as at the level of the critical exploration of its offered context. Furthering multicultural sensitivity, cultivating a critical spirit and elevating dialogue in favour of rights and obligations should infuse whatever practices
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and policies so that they might instil the principles of democracy, justice and responsibility. The first conclusive findings that have stemmed from the pilot application as well as from interventions in schools of the western district of Thessaloniki are encouraging for the further promotion of such programs. These kind of practices have contributed to the students acquiring an energetic role during the learning process, to reconstruct prejudices and stereotypes against certain social groups and to work collectively towards a common goal. They have recognized the importance of dialogue in solving problems and practised on the critical processing of information. On the other hand they have also recognized the complexity of current issues and problems and realised that “all of us should have a perspective on the issues that concern human kind and will concern us in the future as well”. They have recognised that, every time, special circumstances affect the perspectives and ideas of individuals, and that the socioeconomic position one holds might force them to accept policies that would not otherwise tolerate. .(see. the case of Skouries). Our intention is to cooperate with education specialists to create a network of critical and multicultural citizen training. At the same time the development of a research instrument offers the capability to access our work and make corrective interventions. We firmly believe that such actions will lead to the formation of a critical citizen, whose ideas and social principles are not fragmented and disjointed, within which lurks the element of a soothing abandonment (Adorno 2000[1951], 172). Rather, they trigger an energetic participation towards a better world in which individual perfection itself finds its completion.
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Authors’ details Konstantinos N. Vasileiadis Teacher in primary public education. PhD candidate in School of Early Childhood Education, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [email protected] Konstantinos A. Tsioumis Professor in School of Early Childhood Education, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [email protected]
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IV INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CRITICAL EDUCATION Critical Education in the Era of Crisis
Conference’s Proceedings Editors: George Grollios, Anastasios (Tassos) Liambas, Periklis Pavlidis ISBN(SET): 978-960-243-696-7 ISBN: 978-960-243-698-1