MYTH OR REALITY? BA AMUJIRI Introduction
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment. -
2023 Presidency
الجزير نيجيريا ةالجزير نيجيريا ER OVEMB ة ...first in breaking the news www.aljazirahnews.com Vol. 2 No. 159 N NIGERIA N200 30 – Dec. 6, 2020 2023 PRESIDENCY Umahi, el’Rufai Posters Litter Ebonyi, Kaduna PAGES 9 – 10 Ex-NIA Boss Was Fired How Maina PIB: Hosts Demand Impact Of NIPP For Refusing To Part Stole N14bn Ownership,Control Projects In Using Fictitious With $2M ‘Handshake’ Of Trust Funds Transforming PAGE 6 PAGE To Kingibe PAGE 2 Accounts – EFCC PAGE 6 Power Sector 14 PAGE How Military Is Overwhelming Boko Haram 11 PAGE EDITORIAL Revisiting Reopening Of The Nation’s Borders n October 2019, the Federal Government ordered the would-be rice importers, making imported rice more expensive. complete closure of the nation’s borders, placing a ban on But that has not deterred the availability of foreign rice in the both legitimate and illegitimate movement of goods in and Nigerian markets; neither has the measure forced down the out of the country. price of both local and imported varieties of the item. It is The increased rice smuggling, chiefly from Benin therefore, imperative to review the present regime. IRepublic, likely stems from a long-running effort by President In the case of Nigeria, while there are formal border crossings Buhari to increase domestic Nigerian food production and with customs services’ along the main roads, there are literally support local farmers. In June 2015, weeks after taking office, hundreds of others along footpaths and minor roads that are the Buhari government in effect restricted the import of rice unregulated. in order to encourage Nigerian rice production. -
SERAP Petition to AG Over Double Emoluments for Ex-Govs Now
14 July 2017 Mr. Abubakar Malami (SAN) Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Federal Ministry of Justice, Shehu Shagari Way, Abuja Dear Mr. Abubakar Malami (SAN), Re: Request to challenge the legality of states’ laws granting former governors and now serving senators and ministers double pay, life pensions and seek recovery of over N40bn of public funds Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) is writing to request you to use your good offices as a defender of public interest, and exercise your powers under Section 174(1) of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), to urgently institute appropriate legal actions to challenge the legality of states’ laws permitting former governors, who are now senators and ministers to enjoy governors’ emoluments while drawing normal salaries and allowances in their new political offices; and to seek full recovery of public funds from those involved. This request is entirely consistent with Nigeria’s international anticorruption obligations under the UN Convention against Corruption, to which the country is a state party. We request that you take this step within 7 days of the receipt and/or publication of this letter, failing which SERAP will institute legal proceedings to compel the discharge of constitutional duty and full compliance with Nigeria’s international obligations and commitments. SERAP is a non-governmental organization dedicated to strengthening the socio-economic welfare of Nigerians by combatting corruption and promoting transparency and accountability. SERAP received the Wole Soyinka Anti-Corruption Defender Award in 2014. It has also been nominated for the UN Civil Society Award and Ford Foundation’s Jubilee Transparency Award. -
Global Journal of Human Social Science
Online ISSN : 2249-460X Print ISSN : 0975-587X DOI : 10.17406/GJHSS The Politics of Labeling An Appraisal of Voters National Election of Ethiopia Implications on Nigeria Democracy VOLUME 17 ISSUE 1 VERSION 1.0 Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science Volume 17 Issue 1 (Ver. 1.0) Open Association of Research Society Global Journals Inc. *OREDO-RXUQDORI+XPDQ (A Delaware USA Incorporation with “Good Standing”; Reg. Number: 0423089) Sponsors:Open Association of Research Society Social Sciences. 2017. Open Scientific Standards $OOULJKWVUHVHUYHG 7KLVLVDVSHFLDOLVVXHSXEOLVKHGLQYHUVLRQ Publisher’s Headquarters office RI³*OREDO-RXUQDORI+XPDQ6RFLDO ® 6FLHQFHV´%\*OREDO-RXUQDOV,QF Global Journals Headquarters $OODUWLFOHVDUHRSHQDFFHVVDUWLFOHVGLVWULEXWHG 945th Concord Streets, XQGHU³*OREDO-RXUQDORI+XPDQ6RFLDO Framingham Massachusetts Pin: 01701, 6FLHQFHV´ 5HDGLQJ/LFHQVHZKLFKSHUPLWVUHVWULFWHGXVH United States of America (QWLUHFRQWHQWVDUHFRS\ULJKWE\RI³*OREDO USA Toll Free: +001-888-839-7392 -RXUQDORI+XPDQ6RFLDO6FLHQFHV´XQOHVV USA Toll Free Fax: +001-888-839-7392 RWKHUZLVHQRWHGRQVSHFLILFDUWLFOHV 1RSDUWRIWKLVSXEOLFDWLRQPD\EHUHSURGXFHG Offset Typesetting RUWUDQVPLWWHGLQDQ\IRUPRUE\DQ\PHDQV HOHFWURQLFRUPHFKDQLFDOLQFOXGLQJ G lobal Journals Incorporated SKRWRFRS\UHFRUGLQJRUDQ\LQIRUPDWLRQ 2nd, Lansdowne, Lansdowne Rd., Croydon-Surrey, VWRUDJHDQGUHWULHYDOV\VWHPZLWKRXWZULWWHQ SHUPLVVLRQ Pin: CR9 2ER, United Kingdom 7KHRSLQLRQVDQGVWDWHPHQWVPDGHLQWKLV ERRNDUHWKRVHRIWKHDXWKRUVFRQFHUQHG -
Ethnicity and Bureaucracy in Nigerian
www.idosr.org Egwu International Digital Organization for Scientific Research ISSN: 2579-0765 IDOSR JOURNAL OF CURRENT ISSUES IN SOCIAL SCIENCES 4(1): 160-175, 2018. Ethnicity and Bureaucracy in Nigeria: Impact on Politics and Governance Egwu Joy Ucha Department of Political Science Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki. Nigeria. ABSTRACT Recruitments into Nigerian Public Organisations are influenced by ethnicity which according to Blunt (1986) is a lubricant which enhances bureaucratic development rather than an irritant to organizations. The paper studied two universities Ebonyi State University and University of Nigeria, Nsukka as formal organizations to determine if ethnicity influenced recruitment also. Methodologically, EBSU and UNN were used as case studies. The study employed qualitative technique of data analysis because of the nature of the study. Two hypotheses were tested, (1) Ethnicity influences recruitment into Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki and the university of Nigeria, Nsukka (2) Ethnic factors promote bureaucratic effectiveness in EBSU and UNN. Findings are, Ethnicity influences recruitment in EBSU and UNN. There is allegiance of staff to the Chief Executive and the organizations. It also enhances efficiency and effectiveness in the universities. Finally, ethnicity is a lubricant not an irritant to bureaucracy. Recommendation, is that rather than throwing away the concept of ethnic group relations we should carefully examine the positive roles it plays in Nigerian bureaucracy. As a matter of policy Chief Executive officer should be recruited in rotational order. Key Words: Recruitment, Ethnicity, Bureaucracy, Effectiveness, Lubricant and Irritant. INTRODUCTION In the pre-colonial era, Africa was one hand those who argue that characterized by communal life, a bureaucracy devoid of ethnic group traditional society based on ethnic conflicts, tensions and tendencies as relations. -
Thursday, 2Nd November, 2017
8TH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THIRD SESSION NO. 49 169 SENATE OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA ORDER PAPER Thursday, 2nd November, 2017 1. Prayers 2. Approval of the Votes and Proceedings 3. Oaths 4. Announcements (if any) 5. Petitions PRESENTATION OF REPORTS 1. Report of the Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters Sen. David Umaru (Niger East) -That the Senate do receive the reports of the Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters on: a. The Emergency Powers (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill, 2017 (SB. 182); and b. The Revised Edition (Laws of the Federation of Nigeria) Bill, 2017 (SB. 391) - To be Laid ORDERS OF THE DAY CONSIDERATION OF BILLS 1. A Bill for an Act to establish the National Tea and Coffee Development Council and for other connected matters, 2017 (SB. 462) - Second Reading Sen. Yusuf Abubakar Yusuf (Taraba Central). 2. A Bill for an Act to provide for Legal, fiscal and regulatory framework for sustainable energy development in Nigeria with the overall objective of providing clean, affordable, adequate and reliable energy and for other related matters, 2017 (SB. 431) - Second Reading Sen. Ibrahim Gobir (Sokoto East). 3. A Bill for an Act to amend the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Act CAP F6 LFN 2004 and for other matters connected therewith, 2017 (SB. 115) – Second Reading Sen. David Umaru (Niger East) . 4. A Bill for an Act to establish the Nigerian Bank of Industry charged with the responsibility of providing capital to indigenous entrepreneurs, corporate bodies and persons for medium and long term investment for industrialization and for related matters , 2017 (SB. -
Governance and Insecurity in South East Nigeria.Pmd
GOVERNANCE AND INSECURITYYY IN SOUTH EAST NIGERIA Edited by: Ukoha Ukiwo and Innocent Chukwuma CLEEN Foundation First published in 2012 by: CLEEN Foundation Lagos Office: 21, Akinsanya Street Taiwo Bus-Stop Ojodu Ikeja, 100281 Ikeja, Lagos, Nigeria Tel: 234-1-7612479, 7395498 Abuja Office: 26, Bamenda Street, off Abidjan Street Wuse Zone 3, Abuja, Nigeria Tel: 234-9-7817025, 8708379 Owerri Office: Plot 10, Area M Road 3 World Bank Housing Estate Owerri, Imo State Tel: 083-823104, 08128002962, 08130278469 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.cleen.org ISBN: 978-978-51062-2-0 © Whole or part of this publication may be republished, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted through electronic, photocopying, mechanical, recording or otheriwe, with proper acknowledgement of the publishers. Typesetting: Blessing Aniche-Nwokolo Cover concept: Gabriel Akinremi The mission of CLEEN Foundation is to promote public safety, security and accessible justice through empirical research, legislative advocacy, demonstration programmes and publications, in partnership with government and civil society. Table of Content List of tables v Acknowledgement vi Preface viii Chapters: 1. Framework for Improving Security and Governance in the Southeast by Ukoha Ukiwo 1 2. Governance and Security in Abia State by Ukoha Ukiwo and Magdalene O Emole 24 3. Governance and Security in Anambra State by Chijoke K. Iwuamadi 58 4. Governance and Security in Ebonyi State by Smart E. Otu 83 5. Governance and Security in Enugu State by Nkwachukwu Orji 114 6. Governance and Security -
It Is Common to Interpret African Politics in Tribal Or Ethnic Terms. In
Adewale Yagboyaju-Ethnic POlitics, Political Corruption ETHNIC POLITICS, POLITICAL CORRUPTION AND POVERTY: PERSPECTIVES ON CONTENDING ISSUES AND NIGERIA'S DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS Dewale Adewale Yagboyaju Obafemi Awolowo University, Nigeria Introduction It is common to interpret African politics in tribal or ethnic terms. In the case of Nigeria, the dominant political behaviour can be defined, on the one hand, in terms of "incessant pressures on the state and the consequent fragmentation or prebendalizing of state-power" (Joseph, 1991 :5). On the other hand, such practices can also be related to "a certain articulation of the factors of class and ethnicity" (ibid). For a better understanding of the essentials of Nigerian politics and its dynamics, it is necessary to develop a clearer perspective on the relationship between the two social categories mentioned above and their effects on such issues as political corruption and poverty. In order to do the necessary formulation that we pointed out in the foregoing, we need to know a bit about the history of Nigeria's birth. Designed by alien occupiers, through the amalgamation of diverse ethnic nationalities in 1914, Nigeria, as it is, cannot be 131 Ethnic Studies Review Volume 32.1 called a nation-state. Although Nigerians are often encouraged to think of the country before their diverse ethnic origins, this seems to be an unattainable desire. Such a desire, if accomplished, will make Nigeria a unique African nation. However, behind the fa<;:ade of ethnic politics in Nigeria, there are such other vested interests as class and personal considerations. Undoubtedly, all these combine to undermine the autonomy and functionality of the state in Nigeria. -
From Direct Capture to Mandate Protection: Experiences from the 2011 Nigerian Elections
FROM DIRECT CAPTURE TO MANDATE PROTECTION: EXPERIENCES FROM THE 2011 NIGERIAN ELECTIONS 1 2 Contents Chapter 1 ................................................................................................................................................. 7 Introduction: 2011 and the Protection of the People’s Mandate – the CDD Experience ............................ 7 Brief History of Nigeria’s Elections ..................................................................................................... 7 Elections and Mandate Protection in Nigeria ........................................................................................ 8 CDD, Elections Mandate Protection and Deepening Democracy .......................................................... 9 Outline of Chapters ............................................................................................................................ 10 References ......................................................................................................................................... 11 Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................................... 11 An Assessment of the Legal Framework for the 2011 General Elections ................................................ 11 The 2007 General Elections and Aftermath ........................................................................................ 12 The Electoral Reform Committee and the Amendment of Electoral Laws in Nigeria ......................... -
Standing Committees of the 9Th Senate (2019-2023) (Chairmen and Vice Chairmen)
Standing Committees of the 9th Senate (2019-2023) (Chairmen and Vice Chairmen) S/N COMMITTEES CHAIRMAN VICE CHAIRMAN 1. Agriculture and Productivity Sen. Abdullahi Adamu Sen. Bima Mohammed Enagi 2. Air Force Sen Bala Ibn Na’allah Sen. Michael Ama Nnachi 3. Army Sen.Mohammed Ali Ndume Sen. Abba Patrick Moro 4. Anti-Corruption and Sen. Suleiman Kwari Sen. Aliyu Wamakko Financial Crimes 5. Appropriations Sen. Jibrin Barau Sen. Stella Oduah 6. Aviation Sen. Dino Melaye Sen. Bala Ibn Na’allah 7. Banking Insurance and Other Sen. Uba Sani Sen. Uzor Orji Kalu Financial Institutions 8. Capital Market Sen. Ibikunle Amosun Sen. Binos Dauda Yaroe 9. Communications Sen. Oluremi Tinubu Sen. Ibrahim Mohammed Bomai 10. Cooperation and integration Sen. Chimaroke Nnamani Sen. Yusuf Abubukar Yusuf in Africa and NEPAD 11. Culture and Tourism Sen. Rochas Okorocha Sen. Ignatius Datong Longjan 12. Customs, Excise and Tariff Sen. Francis Alimikhena Sen. Francis Fadahunsi 13. Defence Sen. Aliyu Wamakko Sen. Istifanus Dung Gyang 14. Diapsora and NGOs Sen. Surajudeen Ajibola Sen. Ibrahim Yahaya Basiru Oloriegbe 15. Downstream Petroleum Sen. Sabo Mohammed Sen. Philip Aduda Nakudu 16. Drugs and Narcotics Sen. Hezekiah Dimka Sen. Chimaroke Nnamani 17. Ecology and Climate Change Sen. Mohammed Hassan Sen. Olunbunmi Adetunmbi Gusau 18. Education (Basic and Sen. Ibrahim Geidam Sen. Akon Etim Eyakenyi Secondary) 19. Employment, Labour and Sen. Benjamin Uwajumogu Sen. Abdullahi Kabir Productivity Barkiya 20. Environment Sen. Ike Ekweremadu Sen. Hassan Ibrahim Hadeija 21. Establishment and Public Sen. Ibrahim Shekarau Sen. Mpigi Barinada Service 22. Ethics and Privileges Sen. Ayo Patrick Akinyelure Sen. Ahmed Baba Kaita 23. -
Boko Haram – an Overview
FFI-rapport 2013/01680 Boko Haram – an overview Emilie Oftedal Forsvarets forskningsinstitutt FFINorwegian Defence Research Establishment FFI-rapport 2013/01680 Boko Haram – an overview Emilie Oftedal Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI) 31 May 2013 FFI-rapport 2013/01680 1275 P: ISBN 978-82-464-2266-4 E: ISBN 978-82-464-2267-1 Keywords Boko Haram Z Vest-Afrika Islamisme Terrorisme Opprørsbevegelser Approved by Espen Berg-Knutsen Project Manager Espen Skjelland Director 2 FFI-rapport 2013/01680 English Summary This report is a study of the militant Islamist group Jama`at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da`wa wa al-Jihad, popularly known as Boko Haram. The report provides an overview of the emergence, ideology, and organization of Boko Haram, its key members and major attacks, as well as relevant literature on the group. Boko Haram has been operating in Nigeria since the late 1990s or early 2000s, becoming increasingly active and violent since 2010. The group’s main declared goals are to overthrow the Nigerian government and institute Islamic law (Sharia). Boko Haram also wants to free imprisoned members and avenge the death of its former leader, Mohammed Yusuf, who was killed by Nigerian police in 2009. The majority of Boko Haram’s attacks target official figures and symbols, especially the police and security forces. Since mid-2011 there has also been an increase in attacks on Christian targets. There have been speculations concerning Boko Haram forging alliances with foreign militant movements, including al-Shabaab in Somalia, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and Ansar Dine in Mali. -
NIGERIAN ELECTIONS SINCE 1999 What Does Democracy Mean?
Page numbering! 108 JOUR N AL OF AFRICA N ELECTIO N S NIGERIAN ELECTIONS SINCE 1999 What does Democracy Mean? Sam Egwu, David K Leonard and Khabele Matlosa Sam Egwu is Professor of Political Science at the University of Jos, Nigeria Khabele Matlosa is the senior advisor-research at EISA ABSTRACT The Nigerian elections of April 2007 were neither credible nor well managed. The prospects of ‘free and fair’ elections determining the leaders of Nigeria in the future are also poor. Nonetheless, elections are a secure and consequential feature of the country’s governance structure. This article analyses the institutionalised aspects of Nigeria’s government, economy and society which produced this result and considers the prospects for positive reform in the near future. INTRODUCTION: NIGERIA AND THE FOURTH REPUBLIC ELECTIONS The elections In April 2007 Nigeria held its third successive election since returning to electoral democracy in May 1999 (the start of what is widely regarded as the Fourth Republic). These elections fell short of the standards for credible, free and fair elections contained in international conventions to which Nigeria is a signatory.1 Many observers and commentators confirmed that the elections were ‘marred by extra-ordinary displays of rigging and intimidation of voters in many areas throughout Nigeria’ (Rawlence & Albin-Lackey 2007). Elections lie at the heart of representative democracy and constitute a mirror of the people’s understanding and appreciation of democratic norms. Not only is the democratic character of a regime measured by the extent to which those who govern are chosen by means of free and fair elections, both the quality of voting rights and the sanctity of votes are strong measures of democracy (Danjibo & Oladeji 2007; Ibeanu 2007).